CANADA'S DEFENCE
On February 3rd, 1812, the House of Assembly at York was opened with
all due state and ceremony, and a brilliant suite attended the acting
governor. In his speech General Brock deplored the treatment of
England by the United States, from whose harbours English vessels
were interdicted, while they were open to those of her foes.
Although he still hoped that war would be averted, he recommended
measures that would defeat the aggressions of the enemy and secure
internal peace. He appealed to the sons of those who had stood by
England in the past, not that he thought it was necessary to animate
their patriotism, but in order to dispel any apprehension in the
country of the possibility of England deserting them. On February
12th General Brock wrote to Colonel Baynes: "The assurance which I
gave in my speech at the opening of the legislature, of England
co-operating in the defence of this province, has infused the utmost
confidence, and I have reason at this moment to look for the
acquiescence of the two Houses to every measure I may think necessary
to recommend for the peace and defence of the country."
General Brock's hopeful anticipation of help from {184} England was
not realized during 1812. The preparations for defence were woefully
hampered by the instructions which Sir George Prevost undoubtedly
received from the home government to avoid expenditure. He was
limited as to expenses, and repeatedly cautioned not to provoke
hostilities. Consent had been given to the completion of the
defences of Quebec, but while millions were given to help Spain, and
Austria, and Russia, and Prussia against Napoleon, Canada was left
without money or soldiers. There was neither money to meet the cost
of a war, nor troops to carry it through with any chance of success.
Nor was it in a quarrel of her own that Canada was engaged, but the
quarrel was forced upon her because she was the most vulnerable part
of the British empire.
The measures that General Brock hoped to carry through the House
were: (1) A militia supplementary act; (2) the suspension of the
habeas corpus; (3) an alien law, and the offer of a reward for the
apprehension of deserters. He knew well that there were traitors
even in the House of Assembly and among the militia, men who had
recently come from the United States and whose sympathies were with
the latter country. He was convinced that it was advisable to
require every one to take an oath of allegiance abjuring all foreign
powers. He wrote: "If I succeed in all this I shall claim some
praise, but I am not without my fears."
The administrator was doomed to be disappointed {185} in securing the
support of the two Houses of the legislature to the measures he had
thought necessary to recommend. The bill to introduce the oath of
abjuration was lost by the casting vote of the chairman. The bill
for the suspension of the habeas corpus was lost by a small majority,
partly because the members did not see its necessity, not believing
that war would take place. General Brock thought that the reason for
the acts not passing was the great influence the numerous settlers
from the United States possessed over the decision of the Lower
House. He thought this influence was alarming, and could be remedied
only by encouraging "real subjects" to settle in the province. He
recommended that grants of Crown lands should be given to any Scotch
emigrants who should enlist in the Glengarry Fencibles. He wrote to
Colonel Baynes at Quebec concerning the disappointment he felt at the
failure of the assembly to pass the bills he wanted. In reply,
Baynes said: "Sir George, who is well versed in the fickle and
intractable disposition of public assemblies, feels more regret than
disappointment. He has a very delicate card to play himself with his
House of Assembly here, who would fain keep up the farce of being
highly charmed with his amiable disposition and affable manners."
[Sidenote: The President's message]
In March, 1812, congress met, and the president's message was
decidedly hostile. It began by charging that British cruisers had
been in the continued {186} practice of violating the American flag
on the great highway of nations, and of seizing and carrying off
persons sailing under it. This was the first time the government of
the United States had alleged impressment as its chief grievance, or
had announced its intention to claim redress.
[Sidenote: Henry's letters]
There was another grievance that the president brought forward in his
message. It will be remembered that in 1808 one John Henry went to
the United States from Canada on a secret mission, and entered into a
correspondence with Mr. Ryland, the secretary of Sir James Craig,
relative to the feeling in the United States at that time as to war
with England. Henry wrote fourteen letters in all, none of which
were important or incriminating to the government of Canada. They
were merely what an ordinary journalist might write on public
affairs. Nevertheless he seems to have placed a high value on his
services, and not receiving from Sir James Craig as much as he
expected, he went to England in 1811 and claimed a reward from the
government there. This was refused, and he was told to apply to the
successor of Sir James Craig as better able to appreciate the ability
and success with which his mission had been executed. Enraged by
this refusal, Henry determined to sell his documents to the United
States. On his way back to America for this purpose he had as a
fellow-passenger a young Frenchman, Count Edward de Crillon, who
represented himself as belonging to a noble {187} French family. To
this man Henry confided his woes and grievances, and met with much
sympathy. The count agreed to accompany him to Washington and assist
him in selling his papers to the government there. He also persuaded
Henry to purchase from him his family estate of "Castle St. Martine,"
to which he might retire and renew the health and strength which had
been shattered by anxiety and the ingratitude of his country. All
the payment the count would ask was the money from the American
government which Henry would receive by his assistance from the
authorities at Washington. Henry joyfully agreed. De Crillon, who
had most engaging manners, was welcomed by the best society at the
capital, who lavished on him all the attentions that his rank
demanded. The memory of Lafayette still lingered in the United
States, and the count touched the right chord in the national heart.
By his clever persuasion, Secretary Monroe paid over the sum of fifty
thousand dollars for the papers, which were made use of by the
president to fan the flame of war.
Madison in his address informed congress that while the Americans
were at peace with the British, the governor of Canada had employed
an emissary to traverse the states of the union, and especially
Massachusetts, in order to excite the people to revolt. A thousand
copies of the letters were ordered to be printed and distributed.
The English government was charged in the press with fomenting {188}
disaffection, intriguing with the disaffected to destroy the union,
and draw the eastern states into an alliance with Great Britain.[1]
Sir George Prevost wrote on the subject to Lord Liverpool: "Before
your Lordship receives this letter you will probably be in possession
of all the circumstances relative to Henry's treachery. From Mr.
Henry's residence in this country and his religion, from his thorough
acquaintance with the Canadian character and language, and, above
all, from his deep resentment against the government, Bonaparte may
be inclined to give him a favourable reception in France, with a view
to his keeping his talents in reserve to suit the exigencies of the
government of the United States, in event of an alliance being formed
between these countries against England."
The sequel of the story, which was not known until long afterwards,
was that de Crillon was an impostor. When the money was paid over to
him he disappeared, leaving with Henry the worthless title deeds to
an imaginary estate. Even in this small affair one can trace the
hand of the astute master of Europe, for the so-called Count de
Crillon turned out to be an agent of Napoleon's secret police!
{189}
[Sidenote: Brock's activity]
The hostile address of the president, and the preparations for war
that were being made throughout the United States, inspired Brock to
fresh exertions for the defence of his province, which would
undoubtedly be the part of Canada to be first attacked. No possible
precaution was omitted, there was no weak spot that was not
strengthened to the best of his ability. He spared himself no
fatigue. One day at York, engaged in the duties of his office, the
next day he would be at Fort George superintending the defences of
that frontier, reviewing and animating the militia, giving the word
of praise where it was needed, cheering the timid, awing the
disloyal. Even the Indians were not forgotten, and a visit was paid
to the Grand River, where were settled the Six Nation Indians, with
whom he was extremely popular.[2]
The boasts in congress of the easy conquest of Canada, and the
insolence of the press in the United States, had roused an intense
national feeling among both the French and English inhabitants. In
Quebec the corps known as "The Voltigeurs" had been raised and placed
under the command of Major de Salaberry. We read in the papers of
the day that it was completed with a despatch "worthy of the ancient
warlike spirit of the country."
{190}
In Lower Canada, by the militia law, the province was divided into
fifty-two divisions. All males from sixteen to sixty were required
to enrol their names with a captain of companies mustered to serve a
year. This was the sedentary militia, consisting of about fifty
thousand men. The incorporated militia, by an act passed May 19th,
1812, was fixed at two thousand men, but was increased afterwards.
This body was chosen by ballot from unmarried men in the sedentary
militia, the term of service to be two years, which was afterwards
increased to three years. No substitutes were permitted to serve.
In the Upper Province, with some trifling modifications, the same
system prevailed, but on account of the more scanty population the
force was proportionately less.
[Sidenote: War imminent]
The commander-in-chief still preached caution and forbearance. In
his letter to General Brock, of March 31st, 1812, he says: "I have
carefully examined Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell's report on the
American fort at Detroit, written at your desire from information he
had received during a residence of a few days in the vicinity.
Whatever temptations may offer to induce you to depart from a system
strictly defensive, I must pointedly request that under the existing
circumstances of our relation with the government of the United
States, you must not allow them to lead you into any measure bearing
the character of offence, even should a declaration of war be laid on
the table of {191} congress by the president's influence, because I
am informed by our minister at Washington there prevails throughout
the United States a great unwillingness to enter upon hostilities,
and also because the apparent neglect at Detroit might be but a bait
to tempt us to an act of aggression, in its effects uniting parties,
strengthening the power of the government of that country, and
affording that assistance to the raising of men for the augmentation
of the American army, without which their ability to raise an
additional regiment is now questioned. You are nevertheless to
persevere in your preparations for defence."
Three weeks later, in a letter to Lord Liverpool, Sir George
Prevost's tone had changed, and he was inclined to think war was more
imminent. He writes: "The recent passing of an embargo act in
congress, the orders issued for the march of sixteen hundred men to
reinforce the American positions on Lakes Erie and Ontario and the
river St. Lawrence, indicate an inevitable disposition for
hostilities, which have induced me to accept the services of five
hundred Canadian youths, to be formed into a corps of light infantry,
or voltigeurs." On the same date, the minister at Washington, Mr.
Foster, wrote to Lord Castlereagh, who had succeeded the Marquis of
Wellesley as secretary of war: "The militia in the northern, and
particularly the eastern states, are well trained and armed. The
general who has been lately appointed commander-in-chief {192}
(Dearborn) is a heavy, unwieldy looking man, who was a major in the
American revolutionary war, and was a prisoner in Canada. He has
apparently accepted his appointment with great reluctance. There is
a cannon foundry near here from which a hundred cannon have been
lately sent to New York, many of them cast iron. They have fifty
more now on hand. Considerable supplies are daily sending to Albany,
the contractors having shipped for that place every barrel of beef
and pork in the market."
On April 14th, the president of the United States placed an embargo
on all American vessels for ninety days, so as to limit the number on
the high seas, and also to enable them to man their ships of war and
privateers. Their fastest merchant vessels were made into cruisers.
The anti-war party in the United States, however, still hoped that
the orders-in-council would be repealed or at least some friendly
message sent from the English government. But no friendly message
came.
In England at this time there was an interregnum of confusion. It
was on May 8th, 1812, that Spencer Perceval, the prime minister, was
assassinated. A letter of that date says: "Never has the British
government been in the situation it now is, Mr. Perceval dead, and
all public offices in confusion, and the great men caballing one
against the other. If they repeal the orders-in-council, the
American trade will flourish beyond all former periods. They {193}
will then have the whole commerce of the continent in their hands,
and the British, though blockading with powerful armaments the
hostile ports of Europe, will behold fleets of American merchantmen
enter in safety the harbours of the enemy, and carry on a brisk and
lucrative trade, whilst the English, who command the ocean and are
sole masters of the deep, must quietly suffer two-thirds of their
shipping to be dismantled, and to lie snug and useless in little
rivers or alongside huge but empty warehouses. Their sailors, in
order to earn a little salt junk and flinty biscuit, must spread
themselves like vagabonds over the face of the earth, and enter the
service of any nation. If, on the contrary, they continue to enforce
their orders, trade will still remain in its present deplorable
state. An American war will follow, and poor Canada will be obliged
to bear the whole brunt of American vengeance."[3]
[Sidenote: Repeal of orders-in-council]
On April 21st, 1812, the Regent had agreed to revoke the
orders-in-council if the Berlin and Milan decrees should be repealed.
It was June 15th, however, when Mr. Brougham, in the House of
Commons, moved for their repeal. They were revoked on June 23rd, a
few days after the actual declaration of war by the United States.
In May the English government did not apprehend war. So little did
they think it was coming that both the 41st and 49th Regiments were
ordered {194} back for service in Portugal. In July even Lord
Liverpool, the new prime minister, wrote that he hoped there would be
no occasion for the sacrifices that the people of Lower Canada were
willing to make for the defence of their country, and that the repeal
of the orders-in-council would bring about a better feeling between
the two countries. He directed that preparations for defense should
be delayed, and that the proposed raising of the Glengarry Regiment
should be given up. When that letter arrived at its destination, war
was in progress. It was well for Canada that by the foresight of one
man in command there, preparations had been made to meet it.
In April news came from Washington that five hundred militia from the
state of New York were to be sent to Niagara, five hundred to Black
Rock, opposite Fort Erie, and six hundred to Lake Champlain. It was
thought that this measure would provoke hostilities, as it looked as
if the Americans were determined to pick a quarrel. Again and again
Sir George Prevost cautioned Brock to use every effort to prevent a
collision. He was evidently afraid that his energetic colleague
would precipitate hostilities.
[Sidenote: A forecast]
In spite of his conviction that the sooner events came to a climax
the better for Canada, General Brock writes in obedience to the
orders of his commanding officer: "I entreat you to believe that no
act within my control shall afford the government {195} of the United
States a legitimate pretext to add to the clamour so artfully raised
against England." Brock's keen military instinct had divined what
the enemy would first attempt, and he had urged upon Sir George
Prevost the importance of striking the first blow. Sir George
apparently agreed with Brock, yet held back, seemingly in doubt as to
the line he should pursue. He was, no doubt, hampered by his
instructions from England. In a letter to Colonel Baynes, Brock
repeats: "I declare my full conviction that unless Detroit and
Michilimackinac be both in our possession at the commencement of
hostilities, not only the district of Amherstburg, but most probably
the whole country as far as Kingston must be evacuated." As to arms
for the militia, he urged that they should be sent to Upper Canada
with all speed. He says: "I have not a musket more than will suffice
to arm the active part of the militia from Kingston westwards. I
have to request, therefore, that the number of arms may be sent
according to enclosed requisition to place on the communication
between Glengarry and Kingston. Every man capable of carrying a
musket along the whole of that line ought to be prepared to act." He
wanted to find an enterprising, intelligent commander for that
district, and afterwards selected Major-General Shaw, in whom he had
much confidence. As for himself, he intended to give his attention
to Amherstburg and Niagara. He hoped that both the 41st and the 49th
{196} would be placed at his disposal. If so, he would send the
former to Amherstburg. He thought it was impossible to send a force
from the latter place to reduce Michilimackinac, for no vessel could
pass the river St. Clair unless the British occupied both banks of
the river. He then suggested a plan which had been contemplated some
years before by Sir James Craig and himself, namely, that of
transporting a small force by the Ottawa. He advocated sending forty
or fifty of the 49th Light Company, and a detachment of artillery by
canoe from Montreal. The North-West Company had, in 1808, promised
them transport.
With the attention to detail for which Brock was remarkable, he
ordered the purchase at Amherstburg of two thousand bushels of corn.
It had to be purchased on the American side, and was absolutely
necessary in case of war. He also ordered the purchase of horses for
the car brigade, as this was a service, he said, which required
infinite trouble and practice to bring to any degree of perfection.
This car brigade was a volunteer artillery company of farmers' sons
who had offered their services to Brock, together with their draught
horses, free of expense. The company was completed in July, fully
equipped, and placed under Captain Holcroft of the Royal Artillery.
General Brock also ordered a minute survey of stores to be made at
Amherstburg and other posts. One effect of the embargo had been to
keep forty thousand barrels of flour, {197} the product of the
southern shores of Lake Ontario, from the Montreal market. Most
rigorous measures were being used by the United States officials to
prevent the least infringement of the embargo on the Niagara River.
Armed men in civilians' clothing were constantly patrolling the
shore. An idle boy was said to have wantonly fired with ball from
the Canadian side of the river at the guard opposite Queenston. The
Americans were guilty of a similar outrage by firing at night into a
room where a woman was sitting.
So the winter and spring passed in constant anxiety and preparation.
In May Brock wrote that nothing but the public voice was restraining
the United States from commencing hostilities. He thought it
probable they would seize some island in the channel. It was
reported that six companies of Ohio militia were on their way to
Detroit. Fort Niagara had been reinforced, and barracks were
building at Black Rock, opposite Fort Erie.
[Sidenote: The Indians]
The Indians were now actively engaged against the Americans on the
frontier, and Brock thought the neutral policy pursued towards them
by the government of Canada was not wise. Each day that the officers
of the department were restrained from interfering in their concerns,
each time that they advised peace, and withheld the accustomed supply
of ammunition, their influence diminished. He thought the British
would lose the interest of the Indians if they remained inactive. "I
have always {198} considered," he says, "that the reduction of
Detroit would be a signal for a cordial coöperation on the part of
the Indians, and if we be not in sufficient force to effect this
object, no reliance ought to be placed on them."
The inspection of the king's stores showed they were at a very low
ebb. There were in them scarcely any articles of use or comfort.
Blankets, hammocks, kettles ought to be purchased. Tents were
urgently needed. In a letter to Colonel Baynes, General Brock says
that he thought the disposition of the people throughout the country
was very good. The flank companies had been instantly completed with
volunteers, and he hoped to extend the system, but he ends with, "My
means are very limited."
[Sidenote: A paper currency]
There was great inconvenience for want of specie in Upper Canada, an
evil which was increased by the embargo. In case of war there would
be none to defray ordinary expenses. General Brock had to consider
the best means of meeting this difficulty, and consulted some of the
leading merchants of the country as to the possibility of a paper
currency. He thought it would be generally approved of throughout
the province, and that the circulation of ten or fifteen thousand
pounds would meet present emergencies. His representations resulted
in a number of gentlemen of credit forming themselves into what was
called the Niagara and Queenston Association, and several thousand
pounds were issued in the shape of bank notes, which were currently
{199} received throughout the country, and afterwards redeemed with
army bills. So little by little the resourceful commander met every
difficulty, and prepared himself for the inevitable conflict.
[1] _Henry's letter to H. W. Ryland, April 14th, 1808_.--"From all I
have been able to collect I can with confidence infer that in case of
a war the states on our borders may be detached from the union, and,
like the Germanic body, each state consult its own safety and
interest."
[2] The Iroquois, after being driven by the Americans from their
territory south of Lake Ontario, received a grant of land from Sir
Frederick Haldimand in 1784 on the Grand River between Lakes Erie and
Ontario. Some also settled on the Thames, which falls into Lake St.
Clair.
[3] Thos. G. Ridout, in "Ten Years of Upper Canada," p. 114.
{200}
[Illustration: Operations on the Niagara frontier 1812-1814]
{201}