There is no real distinction in the Washo mind between a doctor and a
sorcerer or witch. Particularly powerful doctors were able to kill their
enemies. One of the most feared bits of paraphernalia was an obsidian
point found by a doctor. These large points were not made by Washo and are
apparently remnants of some previous cultural occupation in the area. If a
Washo finds one point up he carefully knocks it over with a long stick
before touching it. These points are called mankillers, but I was unable
to learn exactly how they were used. They are still viewed with a certain
amount of awe, and the finding of a large point in a sandpit in Smith
Valley was known in Woodfords, fifty miles away.
Sorcery was used to explain the abandonment of an ancient campsite at
Dangberg’s Hot Springs. This site is a trove of grinding stones, points,
and other Washo artifacts. Formerly there were numerous skeletons in the
area, according to both Indian and white informants. However, the site has
not been occupied in historic times because of the following incident.
“One winter there was a lot of Washos camped around the hot
springs. My old aunt was camped there. There was this northern
Washo [from Sierra Valley] came into the camp. Nobody know’d him
and nobody would feed him. But my old aunt fed him. But he was mad
at them people so he went to Markleville and made a lot of
medicine. [Why he went to Markleville is unclear. This is the site
of another hot springs, a fact which may figure in the magic
used.] After he made medicine for a while he kind of spit on his
fingers and pointed at Dangberg Hot Springs. Right where he
pointed all the grass got brown; you can still see that line of
brown if you know where to look, and a lot of Indians died. Nobody
ever went back there. My old aunt she didn’t die.”
Only one Washo disputed this story. She, a very progressive old woman and
sometime Christian, attributed the deaths to an epidemic and “didn’t
think” the doctor was responsible.
Witchcraft and sorcery among the present-day Washo is a difficult subject
to investigate. Even among themselves it is treated with extreme
indirection and veiled hints. In discussing the problem with d’Azevedo I
found that we were in agreement that a number of killings reported among
these people could probably be attributed to revenge for, or prevention
of, antisocial use of power.
One woman, now dead, was described as probably a witch. The wife of the
diviner mentioned earlier was considered a powerful and dangerous woman.
She was useful to the community because she knew prayers and songs for the
pine-nut celebration, but dangerous, particularly if she met you at night.
One informant describes the attitude of the rest of the community toward
her.
“She used to come around at night and knock on your door and say
she was lost. She came here one night and pounded on the door with
her cane but we wouldn’t let her in. After she went away my
husband rolled up a newspaper and set it on fire and ran it along
the inside of the door where she had knocked. I don’t know why he
did that except we was afraid of her.”
Stewart also reports this attitude toward the same woman (1941, p. 444;
2562).
The woman who told me this story is herself under the shadow of indictment
for witchcraft. Curiously enough the same phrase, “I am afraid of her,”
serves as an accusation. She and her sister-in-law quarreled over the
disposal of her husband’s body two years ago. Since that time they have
not spoken, and the sister-in-law has been proclaiming her fear.