CHAPTER XXIV

_Collisions of the Dutch and English in the Eastern Seas—The

English retire from Japan—The Spaniards repelled—Progress of the

Persecution—Japanese Ports, except Hirado and Nagasaki, closed to

Foreigners—Charges in Europe against the Jesuits—Fathers Sotelo and

Collado—Torment of the Fosse—Apostasies—The Portuguese confined to

Deshima—Rebellion of Shimabara—The Portuguese excluded—Ambassadors put

to Death—A. D. 1621-1640._

Already the relation of the Dutch and English in the East had assumed

the character of open hostility. A letter from Cocks, of March 10,

1620,[105] complains that the Hollanders, having seven ships, great and

small, in the harbor of Hirado, had, with sound of trumpet, proclaimed

open war against the English, both by sea and land, to take their

ships and goods, and kill their persons as mortal enemies; that they

had seized his boat, fired at his barks, and had beset the door of his

factory,—a hundred Dutchmen to one Englishman,—and would have entered

and cut all their throats but for the interference of the Japanese: all

because Cocks had refused to give up six Englishmen who had escaped

from two English ships[106] which the Dutch had captured, and whom

they claimed to have back, representing them to the Japanese as their

“slaves.”

To sustain the English interest in the eastern seas, the English East

India Company, by great efforts, had fitted out, in 1617, the largest

expedition yet sent from England to the East Indies. It consisted of

the “Royal James,” of one thousand tons; the “Royal Anne,” of nine

hundred; the “Gift,” of eight hundred; the “Bull,” of four hundred; and

the “Bee,” of one hundred and fifty tons; and sailed from London under

the command of Martin Pring, who, twelve years before, following up the

discoveries of Gosnold, had entered and explored—the first Englishman

to do so—Penobscot bay and river, on the coast of what had since begun

to be known as New England. Pring sailed first for Surat, where the

Company had a factory, and where he assisted the native prince against

the Portuguese, with whom he was at war. On the 17th of June, 1618, he

arrived at Bantam, whence he proceeded, in September, to Jacatra, a

city of the natives, the site of the present Batavia. There he received

news that the Dutch in the Moluccas, not content with driving out the

Spaniards, had attacked the English also, making prisoners of the

merchants, whom they had treated with great harshness. News had also

reached England of these Dutch outrages, and to make head against them,

the Company, not long after Pring’s departure, despatched Sir Thomas

Dale—also well known to readers of American history as high-marshal of

the colony of Virginia, one of its first legislators, and for three or

four years its deputy governor—with a fleet of six large ships, with

five of which he joined Pring in November, 1618, in the Bay of Bantam,

assuming the command of the whole, including others which he found

there.

Both fleets were in a very leaky condition, and after some skirmishing

with the Dutch, and the capture of a richly laden Dutch ship from

Japan, the English sailed for the coast of Coromandel, to refit and

to obtain provision, which could not be had on the coast of Java.

Having arrived at Musilapatam, Dale died there August 9, 1619. Toward

the end of the year, Pring, who succeeded in the command, returned

again towards the Straits of Sunda, and on the 25th of January, 1620,

met, off the coast of Sumatra, three English ships of a new fleet,

from which he learned that four others of the squadron to which they

belonged had been surprised while at anchor off the coast of Java, and

taken by the Dutch; that another had been wrecked in the Straits of

Sunda; and that the Dutch were in pursuit of two others, with every

prospect of taking them.

As the Dutch at Jacatra were three times as strong as the three

squadrons now united under Pring, and as three of his largest ships

were very leaky, and the whole fleet short of provisions, it was

resolved to send part of the vessels to a place at the north end of

Sumatra, in hopes to meet with the Company’s ships on their way with

rice from Surat, while Pring himself, with his leaky vessels, should

proceed to Japan,—reported to be a good place for repairs as well as

for obtaining provisions. Just at this time the happy news arrived,

brought by two vessels despatched for that purpose from Europe, of an

arrangement of the pending dispute, and of the union of the Dutch and

English East India Companies into one body.

Shortly after this welcome information, Pring sailed for Japan with

two of his leaky vessels, having made an arrangement to be followed in

a month by a united fleet of five English and five Dutch ships. These

ships were intended partly, indeed, for trade, but their principal

object appears to have been attacks upon Manila and Macao.

All these vessels, the “Unicorn” excepted, arrived safely at Hirado.

She was stranded on the coast of China, and her crew were the first

Englishmen known to have landed there. A joint embassy was sent to

the emperor with presents, which, notwithstanding the privileges of

trade, were expected from every vessel that came. Having completed his

repairs, and leaving the other vessels behind him, Pring sailed on the

7th of December, 1620, in the “Royal James,” for Jacatra, carrying with

him the news of the death of Adams, who, having remained in the service

of the Company, had never again visited England.[107]

The arrangement with the Dutch was but of short duration. Fresh

quarrels broke out. In 1623 occurred the famous massacre of Amboyna,

followed by the expulsion of the English from the Spice Islands; and

about the same time the Company abandoned the trade to Japan, after

having lost forty thousand pounds in the adventure.[108] This massacre

of Amboyna consisted in the execution, by the Dutch, of ten or twelve

factors of the English East India Company, on the charge of having

conspired with some thirty Japanese residents to seize the Dutch fort.

One of these Japanese having put some questions to a Dutch sentinel

about the strength of the fort, he and others of his countrymen were

arrested on suspicion, and by torture were compelled to accuse the

English, who were then tortured in their turn into accusing each other.

The residence of these Japanese at Amboyna is a proof, in addition to

those already mentioned, of the adventurous spirit of the Japanese of

that day, who had indeed a reputation for desperate daring, such as

might give some color to the suspicions of the Dutch.[109]

Meanwhile the persecution continued as violently as ever. In the year

1622 fourteen Jesuits were burnt at the stake, including Spinola, a

missionary of illustrious birth, who had been twenty years in Japan.

Two friars were also burnt, who had been found on board a Japanese

vessel from the Philippines, captured in 1620, by one of the English

ships, the Elizabeth, employed in the blockade of Macao, and by her

commander carried to Hirado. The master and crew of the Japanese vessel

and many other native converts were executed at the same time. The

Spaniards were suspected of smuggling in missionaries, and were wholly

forbidden the islands. As a greater security against this danger, by an

edict, issued in 1624,[110]—shortly previous to which there had been

a very severe inquisition in Yedo and its neighborhood for concealed

priests,—all the ports of Japan were closed against foreigners, except

Hirado and Nagasaki, of which Hirado remained open to the Dutch and

English, Nagasaki to the Portuguese, and both to the Chinese. At the

same time was introduced the custom of requiring an exact muster roll,

and making a strict inspection of the crews of all foreign vessels.

By the same edict all the subjects of the Catholic king, whether

Portuguese or Spaniards, were banished the country, however long they

might have been settled there, and even though they might have families

by Japanese wives.

What aggravated the misfortunes of the Japanese church, and greatly

diminished the dignity of its fall, was the still hot jealousy and

mutual hatred of the Jesuits and of the friars, inflamed rather than

quenched by all this common danger and suffering. The bishop of Japan

having died (it was said of grief, at the peril of his flock) just

as the persecution broke out, a most unseemly quarrel arose, which

was carried on for several years with great virulence, as to the

administration of the bishopric. It was claimed, on the one hand, by

Father Corvailho, the provincial of the Jesuits, under an authority

from the Pope; and, on the other, by Father Pierre Baptiste, a

Franciscan, as vicar-general of the archbishop of Manila, to whose

jurisdiction it was pretended the bishopric of Japan appertained. This

quarrel about the administration of the bishopric was finally settled

by the Pope in favor of the Jesuits.

[Illustration: FACSIMILE OF AN ANTI-CHRISTIAN EDICT]

The Jesuit seminaries in Japan being broken up, they had organized one

at Macao for the education of Japanese ecclesiastics; but the severe

penalties denounced against all priests coming into Japan, and against

all, whether natives or foreigners, who should shelter them after

their arrival, made the existence of the church and the celebration of

divine service every day more precarious. From year to year it grew

more and more difficult for new missionaries to get landed, great as

was the zeal for that service. Of those who did land, the greater part

were immediately seized and put to death. Large rewards were offered to

any person who would betray or take a missionary. Those already in the

country lived in hourly danger of arrest, forced to conceal themselves

in cellars, holes and caverns and the huts of lepers, exposing to

tortures and death all who might bring them food, or in any way assist

in concealing them. The greatness of their sufferings does not depend

merely upon the testimony of their own letters. Roger Gysbert, a Dutch

Protestant and a resident in Japan, between the years 1622 and 1629,

wrote an affecting narrative of it, and the general fact is strongly

stated in Caron’s account of Japan, written a few years later.

Gysbert, in his narrative[111], relates the martyrdom of more than

five hundred persons; but there was a still larger amount of suffering

which terminated not in martyrdom, but in recantation. The Japanese

officers seldom exhibited any personal malice against the Catholics.

Their sole object was the extinction of that faith. They made it a

study to deny the crown of martyrdom so enthusiastically sought,

and by a series of protracted and ingenious tortures to force a

renunciation. For this purpose the prisoners were sprinkled with water

from the boiling sulphur springs, not far from Nagasaki, and exposed to

breathe their stifling odor. The modesty of the women was barbarously

assailed, and numerous means of protracted torture were resorted to,

such as in general proved sooner or later successful. Other means

were employed still more efficacious. All natives engaged in foreign

trade were required to give in an exact statement of their property,

which, unless the proprietors would conform to the national faith,

was declared forfeited. It was even forbidden that European merchants

should lodge in the houses of any who were or had been Catholics. At

Hirado and Nagasaki all heads of families were obliged to swear, in

the presence of an idol, that there were no Catholics in their houses,

and, according to the Japanese usage, to sign this declaration with

their blood. From Melchior Santvoort, an old Dutchman, one of the

companions of Adams in the first Dutch voyage to Japan, and a resident

at Nagasaki, the authorities were indeed satisfied to take instead a

declaration that he was a Hollander,—a circumstance which gave occasion

to the scandal at which Kämpfer is so indignant, that the Hollanders

were accustomed to report themselves to the Japanese authorities as not

Christians, but Dutchmen. All who refused to conform to the national

worship were deprived of their employments, and driven out to live as

they could among the barren mountains. The seafaring people had been

mostly Catholics, but no Catholic was henceforth to be permitted to

sail on board any ship. So successful were these means, that although

when Gysbert first visited Nagasaki, in 1626, it was said to contain

forty thousand native Christians, when he left it, in 1629, there was

not one who admitted himself to be such.

In the midst of these martyrdoms the Jesuits were called upon to suffer

still severer torments, in new attacks upon their policy and conduct in

Japan, published throughout Europe. Father Collado, a Dominican, for

some time resident at Nagasaki, who returned to Europe in 1622, was

known to have gone home charged with accusations against the Jesuits;

by way of answer to which a memorial was transmitted, prepared by the

provincial Father Pacheco, who, four years after, himself suffered

martyrdom at the stake. Nor was Collado their only assailant. Among

those arrested in 1622 was Father Sotelo, that same enterprising

Franciscan of whom already we have had occasion to make mention.

Insisting upon his character of legate from the Pope, he had disobeyed

the orders of his superiors, had sailed from New Spain to Manila,

and had contrived to get a passage thence to Nagasaki, in a Chinese

vessel, under the character of a merchant. But the captain detected and

betrayed him; he was immediately arrested and thrown into prison, and

in 1624 was put to death.

In 1628 there was published at Madrid what purported to be a letter

from Sotelo to Pope Urban VIII, written in Latin, dated just before his

martyrdom, and containing, under the form of a narrative of his own

proceedings, a violent attack upon the Jesuits, and their conduct in

Japan. Not liking to be thus attacked as it were by a martyr from his

grave, they denied its authenticity. A memorial of Collado, printed

in 1633, reiterated the same charges, to most of which it must be

admitted that the replies made on behalf of the Jesuits are entirely

satisfactory[112].

Finding that the means as yet employed had little effect upon the

missionaries and their native assistants, a new and more effectual,

because more protracted, torture was resorted to, known in the

relations of the missionaries as the _Torment of the Fosse_. A hole was

dug in the ground, over which a gallows was erected. From this gallows

the sufferer, swathed in bandages, was suspended by his feet, being

lowered for half his length, head downward, into the hole, which was

then closed by two boards which fitted together around the victim so

as to exclude the light and air. One hand was bound behind the back,

the other was left loose, with which to make the prescribed signal of

recantation and renunciation of the foreign creed; in which case the

sufferer was at once released.

This was a most terrible trial, indeed. The victim suffered under a

continual sense of suffocation, the blood burst from the mouth, nose

and ears, with a twitching of the nerves and muscles, attended by the

most intolerable pains. Yet the sufferer, it was said, lived sometimes

for nine or ten days. The year 1633, in which this punishment was first

introduced, the second year of a new emperor, son of Shōgun Sama[113],

proved more fatal than any previous one to the new religion. In the

month of August of that year forty-two persons were burnt alive in

various parts of Japan, eleven decapitated, and sixteen suspended in

the fosse. The Dutchman Hagenaar, who was at Hirado in 1634, states,

in his printed voyages, that during the time of his visit thirty-seven

persons lost their lives at that place on the charge of being

Catholics. Five of these perished by the torment of the fosse, others

were beheaded, others cut to pieces, and others burnt.

What at last struck the deepest horror to the souls of the few

surviving Jesuits, and was greatly improved in Europe to the damage of

the Company, by its enemies, was the apostasy of Father Christopher

Ferreyra, a Portuguese, an old missionary, the provincial of the

order, and the administrator of the bishopric. He was taken in 1633

at Nagasaki, and being suspended in the fosse, after five hours he

gave the fatal signal of renunciation. After having been kept some

time in prison, and given what information he could for the detection

of those of his late brethren still concealed in Japan, he was set

at liberty; and, having assumed the Japanese dress and a Japanese

name, he lived for several years at Nagasaki. He had been compelled

to marry a Japanese woman, who was very rich, being the widow of a

Chinese goldsmith, who had been executed for some offence; but the

Jesuits comforted themselves with the idea that the marriage was never

consummated; and they even got up a report that in his old age this

renegade brother recovered his courage, and having, on his death-bed,

confessed himself a Christian, was immediately hurried off to perish a

martyr by that very torment of the fosse, the terror of which had first

made and had so long kept him an apostate. But for this fine story

there seems to have been no foundation except the wishes and hopes of

those who circulated it.

As a further security against the surreptitious introduction of

missionaries, the policy was adopted, in 1635, of confining the

Portuguese sailors and merchants to the little artificial island of

Deshima, in the harbor of Nagasaki, a spot but just large enough to

hold the necessary residences and warehouses. Shortly after the issue

of this edict, the people of the kingdom of Arima, all of them still

Catholic except the king and the nobility, seeing no other hope,

broke out into open revolt. They were headed by a descendant of their

ancient kings, and mustering, it is said, to the number of thirty-seven

thousand, took possession of the fortress of Shimabara, situated about

due east from Nagasaki, on the gulf of the same name. Here they were

besieged; and the place being taken in 1638, those who held it were cut

off to a man.

The Portuguese were accused of having encouraged this revolt; in

consequence of which an edict was issued, in 1638, not only banishing

all the Portuguese, but forbidding also any Japanese to go out of the

country. That edict, as given by Kämpfer, was as follows:

“No Japanese ship or boat whatever, nor any native of Japan, shall

presume to go out of the country: who acts contrary to this shall die,

and the ship with the crew and goods aboard shall be sequestered till

further order.

“All Japanese who return from abroad shall be put to death.

“Whoever discovers a priest shall have a reward of 400 to 500 _shuets_

of silver, and for every Christian in proportion[114].

“All persons who propagate the doctrine of the Christians, or bear

this scandalous name, shall be imprisoned in the _Ombra_, or common

jail of the town.

“The whole race of the Portuguese, with their mothers, nurses, and

whatever belongs to them, shall be banished to Macao.

“Whoever presumes to bring a letter from abroad, or to return after

he hath been banished, shall die with all his family; also whoever

presumes to intercede for them shall be put to death.

“No nobleman nor any soldier shall be suffered to purchase anything of

a foreigner.”

The Portuguese ships of 1639 were sent back with a copy of this edict,

without being suffered to discharge their cargoes. The corporation

of the city of Macao, greatly alarmed at the loss of a lucrative

traffic, on which their prosperity mainly depended, sent deputies

to solicit some modification of this edict. But the only reply made

by the emperor was to cause these deputies themselves, with their

attendants, to the number of sixty-one persons, to be seized and put

to death, as violators of the very edict against which they had been

sent to remonstrate. Thirteen only, of the lowest rank, were sent

back to Macao, August, 1640, with this account of the fate of their

company[115].

Hildreth's "Japan as It Was and Is": A Handbook of Old Japan, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 24 / 32 章