CHAPTER XII

_Recapitulation—Extent of the Japanese Empire—Valignani arrives

at Nagasaki—Progress hitherto of the Catholic Faith—The Emperor’s

Projects against China—Valignani’s Visit to the Emperor at

Miyako—Ukondono—The returned Japanese Ambassadors—Audience given

to Valignani—The Viceroy’s Letter—The Interpreter Rodriguez—A. D.

1588-1593._

The Japanese islands had been found by Xavier and his successors

divided into numerous principalities, which, though they acknowledged

a nominal subordination to one imperial head, were substantially

independent, and engaged in perpetual wars with each other. The

superior abilities of two successive military usurpers,—Nobunaga,

who ruled from 1567 to 1582, and Hashiba Hideyoshi, who took first

the title of Kwambacudono, and subsequently that of Taikō-Sama—had

consolidated these numerous states into a real empire, embracing then

as now the three principal islands of Nippon, Shimo (or Kiūshiū), and

Shikoku, with many smaller ones, and some claims also of authority over

parts, at least, of the large northerly island of Matsumaye, or Yezo,

the latter the aboriginal name.

Among the dependencies, at present, of the Japanese empire, are

reckoned at the north, besides this island, the southern half of the

large island or peninsula of Sakhalin, called by the Japanese Oku Yezo

(upper Jeso), or, as Siebold says, Karafuto, and the three smaller

Kurile islands, Kunajiri, Etoropu, and Uruppu, numbered on the Russian

charts as the 20th, 19th, and 18th Kurile islands, and the two latter

called by the Dutch _State’s Island_ and _Company’s Island_. On the

south, the Lew Chew Islands form, or did form (for the Japanese seem

lately to have renounced their claim of sovereignty), a dependency

of the kingdom of Satsuma. But all these are of comparatively recent

acquisition, subsequent to the accession of Hashiba. It is said,

indeed, on Japanese authority, that Yezo was first invaded in 1443 by

the Japanese family of Matsumae; but it is apparent from missionary

letters that in 1620 it was a recent settlement. The Japanese annals

date the conquest of the Lew Chew Islands from the year 1610; and,

according to Golownin, the Japanese settlements on Sakhalin have been

subsequent to the voyage of La Perouse in 1782.

Of Nippon, at least equal in extent to Great Britain, and with a

population nearer, it would seem, to that of Great Britain now

than to what that island could boast in the reign of Elizabeth,

the missionaries were as yet acquainted only with the southwestern

part—their establishments being confined to the kingdom of Nagato, at

its western extremity, where it is separated from Shimo by a narrow

strait, and to the great cities of Miyako, Ōsaka, and Sakai, situated

towards the middle of the southern coast. Many princes, nobles, and

large landed proprietors had fallen under the influence of the Jesuits,

and had professed the new faith; but it does not appear that either in

Nippon or in the adjoining island of Shikoku (about equal in extent

to Sicily) any considerable progress had been made in converting the

rural population. It was in the island of Shimo, the westernmost in

situation and the second in size (two-thirds as large as Ireland), that

the new religion had taken the firmest root. The kingdom of Bungo,

indeed almost the whole of the eastern portion of that island, was

thoroughly indoctrinated with the new faith; and such was still more

the case with the kingdom of Arima and the principality of Ōmura,

embracing that great southwestern peninsula itself, divided into three

smaller peninsulas by two deep bays, one opening to the south and the

other to the west, at the head of the latter of which is situated the

city of Nagasaki.

[Illustration: PAINTING OF TAIKŌ SAMA]

Founded in 1579 by converts to the new faith, and made the centre of

the Portuguese trade to Japan, as well as of the Jesuit missions,

Nagasaki had grown up with great rapidity; nor was any other worship

practised in it except that of the new religion. It had become the

largest and most important town in Shimo; and, since the recent

subjection of that island to the imperial authority, according to the

new policy of weakening the local princes, the emperor had assumed the

appointment of its governor,—Nagasaki being placed, along with Miyako,

Ōsaka, and Sakai in the list of imperial towns.

At the date of the edict, so unexpectedly issued in 1587, for the

banishment of the Jesuits, there were in Japan three hundred members

of the company, a novitiate, a college, two preparatory seminaries for

the education of young nobles designed for the church, two hundred

and fifty churches, and a number of converts, amounting, probably, to

between two and three hundred thousand, though the estimate of the

Jesuits was much larger. Notwithstanding the apostasy of Yoshimune,

the young king of Bungo (whose father, Civan, had died just before the

emperor’s edict had appeared), the numerous converts in that kingdom

remained firm in the faith. That zealous Catholic, the prince of

Ōmura, had also lately deceased; but the young prince, his only son

and successor, who had been educated by the Jesuits, was hardly less

zealous than his father had been. The king of Arima also continued

steady in the faith. It was this king who, along with the deceased king

of Bungo and the deceased prince of Ōmura, had sent the ambassadors

to the Pope, of whose visit to Europe an account has been given in a

preceding chapter, and whom the last chapter left at Macao, on their

return to Japan, in company with Father Valignani, who had been deputed

by the viceroy of Goa as his ambassador to the emperor.

It was at Macao that Valignani and his companions learned the news of

the edict for the banishment of the Jesuits. It was said at Macao that

the emperor was a good deal mollified, and seemed inclined to wink

at the general disregard of his edict; yet as Valignani was himself

a Jesuit, and had once already visited Japan in that character, he

did not judge it best to proceed to Japan till he had first obtained

express permission to do so. On the representations of the Christian

princes, who put forward Valignani’s character as ambassdor, the

emperor readily consented to receive him; and, accompanied by the

returning Japanese envoys and some twenty Jesuits, he landed at

Nagasaki, in June, 1590, where he was received with great affection

by the converted princes of Shimo, and by Father Gomez, who, on the

death of Cuello, had succeeded to the post of vice-provincial. The

emperor, in the late redistribution of the kingdoms of that island,

had liberally provided for Konishi Settsu-no-kami, the grand admiral,

and for Kodera, his general of horse, both of whom, notwithstanding

their continued adhesion to the new faith, still retained his favor.

To Konishi he had given the kingdom of Higo, and to Kodera that of

Buzen, so that almost the whole of the island of Shimo was now ruled

by converted princes. Even the changeable Yoshimune, not finding his

apostasy so advantageous as he had expected, soon sought and presently

obtained a reconciliation to the church. The king of Hirado was not

friendly, but he was kept in check by the number of converts among

his subjects, especially by a very zealous converted wife, a sister

of the prince of Ōmura—whom he complained of as having more influence

over his kingdom than himself,—and also by his fear of driving off the

Portuguese merchants, who still occasionally visited his island.

Notwithstanding the emperor’s edict of expulsion, there still remained

in Japan a hundred and forty Jesuits, including those lately brought

by Valignani. The seminary of nobles at Ōsaka had been broken up, most

of the pupils retiring with their teachers; but the other seminary

in the kingdom of Arima was still maintained, being, for greater

security, removed to a retired spot surrounded with wood. The college

and novitiate, for similar reasons, were transferred to the island

of Amakusa. Besides these, the Jesuits had twenty other houses of

residence. Those districts in which the missionaries had no settled

establishments they supplied by frequent journeys, which they made

secretly, and generally in disguise, being assisted also by a great

number of adroit and zealous native catechists, who not only maintained

the fervor of the old converts, but daily added new ones to the number.

This employment of catechist was held in great honor in the church of

Japan. None were admitted into it except persons of approved virtue,

generally young men of family and promise, devoted by their parents

from their infancy to a service upon which they entered for life,

being ordained with much ceremony, and wearing a garb similar to that

of the missionaries with whom they lived in community, observing the

same rules. Conversions still continued to be made among the upper

as well as among the lower classes, and the numerous adherents to

the new faith, or favorers of it, in the court and household of the

emperor, including even the empress, carefully watched and reported

to the missionaries every word or hint dropped by him, from which his

disposition and intentions might be conjectured.

At this moment the emperor’s thoughts seemed a good deal withdrawn from

domestic affairs, being engrossed by a war, which he had determined to

commence by invading Corea, a dependency of the Chinese empire, and the

part of the continent of Asia nearest to Japan. For this purpose he was

constructing a fleet at a port of Shimo, on the strait of Corea. Not

long after Valignani’s arrival at Nagasaki, leave was obtained for him

to visit the emperor’s court at Miyako; but his friends there advised

that, instead of ecclesiastics, his retinue should be composed as much

as possible of Portuguese merchants. The merchants at Nagasaki entered

zealously into the affair, and not less than twenty-seven of them

accompanied Valignani, in the style of great lords, sparing no expense

to give magnificence to the ambassador’s train. He took with him also

four priests, some young Japanese Jesuits not yet ordained, and the

four returned youthful ambassadors. These ambassadors had learned to

sing in the European style, and chanted church music tolerably well.

They also had with them a great show of maps, globes, clocks, watches,

and other European curiosities, which attracted much attention. Their

description of what they had seen and heard made a deep impression

upon the princes and nobles, who flocked from all quarters to see them.

And there was ample leisure for this, as the approach of the ambassador

to Miyako was delayed for more than two months by the death of the

emperor’s only son.

In this interval Valignani had the pleasure of a visit from the

disgraced Ukondono, whose face he was rejoiced to see lighted up with

an air of content rarely seen among those on whom the favors of fortune

are most prodigally showered. He protested that the happiest day in

his life was that on which he had lost everything for Jesus Christ. He

communicated to Father Valignani a design he had formed of quitting

the world altogether, and consecrating himself entirety to the service

of God; but besides that he had a wife and a numerous family, whom his

retreat would have left without resource, the father considered that

he was much younger than the emperor; that if reëstablished in his

offices and his possessions, he might render much greater services to

the church by remaining in the world than by quitting it, and on that

ground he advised Ukondono not to withdraw from that station in life in

which Providence had placed him.

At last the emperor consented to admit Valignani to an audience, but

only on condition that he should say nothing about religion or the

revocation of the edict against the Jesuits. Through the care of

Kodera, to whom that business had been entrusted, the embassy was

received at Miyako with all honor, and was able to make a display

which strongly impressed the inhabitants, and even the emperor in its

favor. On the day of audience, Gon-dainagon Hidetsugu, the emperor’s

nephew and presumptive heir, attended by a great number of lords,

met the ambassador, and conducted him to the hall of audience. This

hall, which opened upon a magnificent balcony, before which spread a

parterre of great beauty, consisted of five several divisions, rising,

like steps, one above the other. The first served as an antechamber, or

hall of waiting, for the gentlemen in attendance. In the two next were

assembled the lords of the court and the great officers of the empire,

arranged in order, according to their rank. In the fourth, there were

only two persons, a priest who held the first dignity in the household

of the Dairi, and the chief counsellor of that same dignitary; by the

side of whom Gon-dainagon also took his place, after introducing the

ambassador to the fifth and highest apartment, in which the emperor was

seated alone, on his heels, in the Japanese fashion upon an elevated

throne, approached by steps on all sides. Father Valignani was preceded

by one of the Portuguese gentlemen of his suite, bearing the letter of

the Indies, written in gilded letters upon fine vellum, with a golden

seal attached to it, the whole enclosed in a little box beautifully

wrought. That letter was as follows:

LETTER OF THE VICEROY OF GOA TO THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN.

“MOST SERENE EMPEROR: Though the great space that separates us has

not hitherto allowed me much communication with your majesty, yet

fame and the religious men who labor in your empire to make known

the law of the true God to your subjects, have informed me of the

great deeds done by you, and of the victories which have made you

the greatest monarch who has reigned in Japan for ages; and I have

therefore thought it my duty to congratulate your majesty on the happy

successes with which the God of heaven has favored you. The same

religious men, who are, for the most part, natural-born subjects of

the great prince whom the Indies obey, and who go through the earth

with a truly heroical courage to teach men to know and to adore the

Author of nature, have also informed me of the distinguished favors

with which your majesty has uniformly honored them, and have begged me

to convey to you their thanks, which I willingly do, conjointly with

my own; and that, indeed, is the particular object of this embassy,

with which I have charged the Father Alexander Valignani, who has the

honor to be already known to you. After rendering to your majesty

his humblest thanks for your past favors, he will supplicate you, in

my name, to vouchsafe to continue them; and I dare to assure your

majesty that subjects for your favors cannot be found who will merit

them better. Favors to them I shall esteem as favors to me, and shall

take every opportunity to acknowledge them as such. I have charged my

ambassador to present you with two Arabian genets, with their housings

and harness, two swords, and two guns of a new fashion, two webs of

tapestry embroidered with gold, and two complete suits of wrought

steel armor, a dagger, which serves also as a pistol, and a tent for

country excursions.

“At Goa, this year of Redemption, 1587.

DOM EDWARD DE MENESEZ.”[51]

The presents seemed greatly to please the emperor, by whom they were

carefully examined. A signal being given, Valignani was led up the

steps of the throne to the emperor’s feet, whom, on bended knee, he

saluted, after the European fashion, by kissing his hand,—a privilege

to which all the members of his suite were admitted in succession, the

ambassador being meanwhile seated in the third compartment among the

grandees of the court. Tea was then served to the emperor in a gilded

cup, which, after sipping from it a little, he sent to the ambassador,

who, at the same time, received, by way of present, a hundred silver

platters and four silk dresses. Presents were also distributed among

the members of his suite. The emperor then retired, first directing his

nephew to entertain the ambassador at dinner, which he did, but with

more of ceremony than good cheer. The guests consisted of three members

of the imperial family and eight other great lords, all eating, each

from his own little table or salver, in profound silence, many persons

of inferior rank standing about them. The ambassador’s suite were

entertained at the same time in a separate apartment.

After dinner the emperor again made his appearance in undress, and,

seating himself beside Father Valignani, conversed with him for some

time. He also conversed freely with the four returned Japanese, and

seemed much pleased at hearing them sing and play in the European

fashion. He made great offers to one of them; but they had all made up

their minds to enter the company of the Jesuits, which, in spite of a

good deal of opposition on the part of their friends and relations,

they presently did.[52] Passing into the hall where the ambassador’s

suite had dined, the emperor addressed them with great familiarity,

and they improved the opportunity to complain of some oppressions, on

the part of the collector of the port of Nagasaki, which he promised

should be redressed.[53] In the evening, Rodriguez, a young Portuguese

Jesuit, who acted as one of Valignani’s interpreters, was sent for

to show the emperor how to wind up a clock which the ambassador had

presented to him. The emperor seemed much pleased with Rodriguez’s

conversation, detaining him till late at night. On dismissing him he

bade him say to Father Valignani that he was at liberty to remain at

Miyako or wherever he pleased, till an answer to the viceroy’s letter

was prepared, but that he must take care that the ecclesiastics who

accompanied him comported themselves with discretion, so as not to

drive him into striking disagreeable blows. Not long after Rodriguez

was selected as the emperor’s interpreter, in which capacity he became

attached to the court, and, by his access to the emperor and influence

with him, had opportunities of rendering essential service to his

order.

Hildreth's "Japan as It Was and Is": A Handbook of Old Japan, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 12 / 32 章