Departure of the French
Meanwhile the French were making active preparations for their return to
France. On the sixteenth of January, 1867, a letter arrived from
Napoleon Third, revoking the extraordinary powers granted to Bazaine as
commander-in-chief of the Expedition Corps and declaring the corps
itself disbanded. The embarkation of the first division of troops on the
_Empress Eugénie_ had then already begun. This was in accordance with
the secret articles already mentioned, and met with no objection on the
part of Maximilian. The recall of the foreign legion, however, included
in the order, was a direct violation of the Treaty of Miramar, which
guaranteed their remaining in the country for several years yet, if
needed.
In February the French marched out of the capital. Before leaving they
burned as many of the army effects as could not profitably be taken with
them. A large quantity of powder was poured into the water, and
projectiles were rendered useless by being filled with sand, so that the
Mexicans should not profit by their possession. It is hard to believe
that Bazaine’s personal feeling could have gone to such lengths, but
there seems no reason to doubt the truth of these statements. During the
Russian retreat before the French, in 1812, stores of all kinds were
destroyed to prevent their falling into the enemy’s hands. Maximilian
was not yet an enemy; on the contrary, he was supposed to be an ally,
yet for days huge columns of fire and smoke testified to the friendship
of the French.
Nor was this all. On the occasion of the Marshal’s marriage to his
Mexican wife, Maximilian had presented him with a palace, which in case
of his recall was to be redeemed by the government for 150,000 piastres
($100,000). Now that he was about to leave the country forever he
demanded the promised sum, though well aware of the state of Mexican
finances, and, finding it impossible to obtain the money from an empty
exchequer, sold enough French arms and ammunition to the revolutionists
at insignificant prices to make up the amount.
When Bazaine, some months before, had begun the reorganization of the
Mexican army which was to replace the French, he had ordered that all
commanders must be Frenchmen, other officers and privates either French
or Mexicans; pay, equipment, etc., to be the same as in the French army,
and those of his own troops who chose were to be free to remain in the
service of the Emperor. Yet in spite of this, before the departure of
the last of the troops in February, 1867, he issued an order declaring
that all French soldiers, officers or privates, who did not return to
their own banner immediately would be regarded as deserters and forfeit
all rights as citizens. Owing to the wide area of country involved and
the difficulty of communication it was, of course, impossible for this
order to reach all the French soldiers in Mexico—a fact which was taken
advantage of later by Juarez, for all the Frenchmen serving under
Maximilian, who were unfortunate enough to be taken prisoners, were shot
as deserters. Before leaving, however, the Marshal was kind enough to
send a message to Maximilian, offering to wait for him in case he should
decide to leave the country—an offer which, needless to say, was
declined.
With the French troops, thanks to Bazaine’s powers of persuasion, went
the greater part of the Austrian and Belgian volunteers, who had done
distinguished service under the command of Count Thun, only a few of the
Austrians remaining with their Prince. The first step now to be taken
was the formation of the new national army, a task already begun by
Bazaine. Maximilian divided it, roughly speaking, into three corps,
commanded respectively by Generals Miramon, Marquez, and Mejia. As these
three men are henceforth to play an important part in Mexican affairs, a
word concerning them may not be amiss.
Miramon had already enjoyed the honor of occupying the presidential
chair in Mexico, at which time Marquez had served under him. One
incident will suffice to illustrate the character of these two heroes.
After the capture of Tacubaya, in 1859, they made a visit to the
hospital where a corps of seven surgeons were caring for the wounded,
friend and foe alike. That very day Miramon issued an order to Marquez,
requiring all prisoners ranking from subalterns to staff-officers to be
shot under his personal supervision—a list of the same to be delivered
to himself that evening. And Leonardo Marquez, this worthy henchman,
carried out these instructions so faithfully that not only every
prisoner was shot before sunset, but also the surgeons of whom there had
been no mention in the order. Such were the ideas of justice that
animated these two commanders of the Mexican national army, yet Marquez,
in particular, seems to have completely succeeded in concealing his real
character from Maximilian, over whom he unfortunately had great
influence. In marked contrast to these was the Indian Mejia, who, though
still young and of unprepossessing appearance, was brave and honest, a
good soldier, and loyal to the end to his imperial master, whose death
indeed he shared.
Army corps, properly speaking, were out of the question, of course, in
the Mexican army, of which only the few remaining French troops and
foreign volunteers were trained soldiers. For the rest and for the
greater part it was composed of half-hearted Mexicans, impressed into
the service and ready to go over to the enemy at a moment’s notice
whenever it pleased them. Of the volunteers Colonel Kherenhüller had
succeeded in forming a regiment of hussars, and Baron Hammerstein, one
of infantry, while Count Wickenburg had an auxiliary force of
constabulary, and Colonel Masso the _cazadores_ or _chasseurs_, all of
whom did good service. That their blood was shed in vain, that they
never had the honor of fighting near the Emperor or defending him with
their lives, was not the fault of these brave Germans, but of the
traitorous villain Marquez.
Maximilian next divided the country into three great military districts.
Mejia was given command in the east, with headquarters at San Luis
Potosi, Miramon was stationed in the west at Querétaro, while Marquez,
controlling the central district, remained in the capital.
The Emperor was determined now to show that he could maintain his
position without the aid of French bayonets—a proof of confidence and
fearlessness which was hailed with acclamations by the imperialists, who
already foresaw the downfall of Juarez and the triumph of the Empire.
Before actual hostilities began, however, Maximilian made one more
effort to avert bloodshed and make peace with his enemies. But it was
all in vain. His overtures were coldly rejected and there was nothing
for it but to let fate take its course.
The first advance was made by Miramon, who succeeded in inflicting a
severe defeat upon the republicans, Juarez and his ministers only
escaping by the swiftness of their horses. But the exultation caused by
this news soon gave place to deepest dejection. Some days later,
Escobedo, commander of the revolutionist army in the north, surprised
the imperialists at San Jacinto and put them to rout, while Miramon,
with the remnants of his scattered forces, took refuge in Querétaro.