LETTER CVIII.

PARIS, Monday, February 21, 1689.

It is certain that we are separated from each other by a grievous

distance: this is enough to make us shudder; but what would it have

been if I had added to it the road from hence to the Rocks or Rennes?

This, however, will not take place so soon. Madame de Chaulnes wishes

to see the termination of several affairs, and I am only afraid that

she will set out too late, considering my intention of returning next

winter, which I must do for several reasons; the first of which is that

I am convinced M. de Grignan will be obliged to return on account of

his knighthood, and you can not take a better opportunity to escape

from your falling, uninhabitable castle, and come and pay your court

a little with the knight of the order, who will not be a knight till

that time. I paid mine the other day at St. Cyr much more agreeably

than I expected. We, that is, Madame de Coulanges, Madame de Bagnols,

the Abbé Têtu, and I, went on Saturday. We found our places kept; an

officer told Madame de Coulanges that Madame de Maintenon had ordered

a place for her next herself; you see what honor is paid her. “You,

madam,” said he, “may choose.” I placed myself with Madame de Bagnols

in the second row behind the duchesses. Marshal de Bellefond came,

and placed himself by choice at my right hand, and before us were

the Duchesses d’Auvergne, De Coislin, and De Sully. The marshal and

I listened to the tragedy with an attention that was remarked, and

bestowed some praises in a low voice that were very well placed. I can

not tell you the extreme beauty of this piece: it is a performance not

easy to represent, and is inimitable: it is the union of music, poetry,

singing, and character, so perfect and complete that there is nothing

we wish to alter. The young ladies who represent kings and great

personages seem to be made on purpose. It commands attention, and the

only unpleasant circumstance attending it is, that so fine a production

should at last end. Every thing in it is simple and innocent, sublime

and affecting: the sacred history is so faithfully adhered to as to

create respect; all the airs corresponding with the words, which are

taken from the Psalms or Ecclesiastes, and interwoven with the subject,

are singularly beautiful; the taste and attention of the audience are

the criterions of the merit of the piece. I was delighted with it, and

so was the marshal, who left his place to inform the king how much he

was gratified, that he was seated next to a lady who was very worthy of

seeing Esther. The king approached our seat, and having turned round,

addressed himself to me: “I am told, madam,” said he, “that the piece

has given you satisfaction.” I replied, with perfect self-possession,

“Sire, I am delighted; what I feel is beyond the power of words to

describe.” The king continued, “Racine has great talents.” I replied,

“Sire, he has indeed; and so have these young people: they enter into

the subject as if it had been their sole employment.” “Ah! that is

very true,” he rejoined. And then he retired, leaving me the object of

universal envy. As I was almost the only new spectator, the king took

pleasure in observing my genuine admiration, which was without noise

or parade.[248] The prince and princess came and spoke a word to me;

Madame de Maintenon flashed upon me like lightning, and then retired to

the king. I answered every one, being in one of my happiest moods. We

returned at night with flambeaux. I supped at Madame de Coulanges’, to

whom the king had also spoken with an air of affability that made him

appear fascinating. I saw the chevalier at night. I related to him very

naturally my little good fortune, being unwilling to conceal it without

a reason, as some people do. He was pleased, and here I conclude upon

this head. I am sure he did not afterward find in me any ridiculous

vanity, or the transports of a vulgar country bumpkin. Ask him. M. de

Meaux talked to me a good deal about you, and so did the prince. I

pitied you for not being present; but how was it possible? one can not

be every where. You were at the opera at Marseilles. As Atys is not

only too happy, but too charming, it is impossible you could have been

tired with it. Paulina must have been surprised at such a spectacle;

she has no right to wish for a more perfect one. I have so pleasing an

idea of Marseilles, that I am persuaded you are amused there; and I

will back the dissipations of that place against those of Aix.

[248] By mentioning the circumstance to which she believed she

was indebted for this little favor of the king, she proves

sufficiently that she was not so much elated with it as has been

pretended.

But on that very Saturday, after the representation of Esther, the king

was informed of the death of the young Queen of Spain,[249] who was

carried off in two days by a violent vomiting: this has very much the

air of foul play. The king informed monsieur of it next day, which was

yesterday; great was the grief upon the occasion; madame wept bitterly,

and the king retired in a flood of tears.

[249] Maria-Louisa of Orléans, daughter of monsieur, and of

Henrietta-Anne of England, his first wife.

Madame de la Fayette says in her Memoirs, that the Queen of Spain

was poisoned by a cup of chocolate. Dangeau affirms that it was

by an eel pie. Madame, in her _Lettres Originales_, maintains

that the poison was communicated by raw oysters.

Voltaire has denied this poisoning, as well as several others.

It was a system of the historian. But he only confutes Dangeau’s

account, who had said that three of the queen’s women had died in

consequence of eating of the same dish. Against this detail he

brings forward respectable authority.

Madame de la Fayette, who, in the life of Madame (Henrietta of

England), had not dared to confirm the opinion of her having died

by poison, joined with Voltaire in that of the Queen of Spain,

daughter of this princess.

The evidence of Madame (De Bavière) would be stronger if she were

not so partial, and did not show herself so ready to give credit

to every crime. What she adds, that it was two of the queen’s

French waiting women who poisoned her, is very improbable.

She says, however, that it was the Earl of Mansfield who procured

the poison, a circumstance which agrees with the common report of

that period.

In fact, all the letters and memoirs of cotemporary writers agree

in saying that the Council of Spain, devoted to the emperor and

the Prince of Orange, and resolved to enter into the league

against France, wished to remove a queen who was too good a

Frenchwoman, and who, governing her husband, was too great an

obstacle to the projects of war that had been formed.

It is true that such a report, at the moment of the breaking out

of hostilities, can not pass for an historical proof; but it must

be owned that it very nearly resembles truth.

It is said there is good news from England; not only the Prince of

Orange is not elected king or protector, but he is given to understand

that he and his troops have nothing to do but return: this shortens

our solicitude. If this news should gain ground, our Brittany will

be in less agitation, and my son will not have the mortification of

commanding the nobility of the viscounty of Rennes, and the barony of

Vitré. They have chosen him, against his will, to be at their head. Any

one else would be greatly elated with this honor, but he is vexed at

it, not liking, under any title whatever, to take the field in that way.

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