all these years by your everlasting compromises? If you were really in
earnest to solve the liquor problem, and the social evil, as you call
it, and all the other abuses which exist in civilized and uncivilized
society, you would certainly have been able to do more than you have.
You have had free scope; we haven’t been consulted; we have stood
aside and let you have your innings; now we merely wish to see what
we can do. We shall make mistakes I dare say; even one or two of us
may be torn to pieces or maimed for life; but the modern woman feels
that she has the courage of her convictions and that she does not
intend to let herself be thwarted or cajoled by masculine theories.
That accounts largely for our apparent sniffiness. I say ‘apparent,’
because we are not really at bottom so contemptuous as we seem--even
the worst of us. I suppose you are right in declaring that the proud,
superior, and beautiful young person of the present day is a little
disdainful. But even she is less severe than she looks. She is simply
a nineteenth-century Joan of Arc protesting against the man of the
world and his works, asking to be allowed to lead her life without
molestation from him in a shrine of her own tasteful yet simple
construction--rooms or a room where she can practise her calling,
follow her tastes, ambitions, or hobbies, pursue her charities, and
amuse herself without being accountable to him. She wishes him to
understand that, though she is attractive, she does not mean to be
seduced or to be worried into matrimony against her will, and that she
intends to use her earnings and her property to pay her own bills
and provide for her own gratification, instead of to defray the debts
of her vicious or easy-going male relations or admirers. There is
really a long back account to settle, so it is not surprising that the
pendulum should swing a little too far the other way. Of course she
is wrong; woman can no more live wholly independent of man than he of
her--and you know what a helpless being he would be without her--and
the modern woman is bound to recognize, sooner or later, that the
sympathetic companionship of women with men is the only basis of true
social progress. Sexual affinity is stronger than the constitutions
of all the women’s clubs combined, as eight out of ten young modern
women discover to their cost, or rather to their happiness, sooner or
later. Some brute of a man breaks into the shrine, and before she knows
it she is wheeling a baby carriage. Even the novelist, with his or
her fertile invention, has failed to discover any really satisfactory
ending for the independent, disdainful heroine but marriage or the
grave. Spinsterhood, even when illumined by a career, is a worthy and
respectable lot, but not alluring.”
It was something to be assured by my wife that the modern woman does
not purpose to abolish either maternity or men, and that, so to speak,
her bark is worse than her bite. Barbara belongs to a woman’s club, so
she must know. We men are in such a nervous state, as a result of what
Barbara calls the revolution, that very likely we are unduly sensitive
and suspicious, and allow our imaginations to fly off at a tangent.
Very likely, too, we are disposed to be a trifle irritable, for when
one has been accustomed for long to sit on or club a person (literally
or metaphorically, according to one’s social status) when she happens
to express sentiments or opinions contrary to ours, it must needs take
time to get used to the idea that she is really an equal, and to adjust
one’s ratiocinations to suit. But even accepting as true the assurance
that the forbidding air of the modern woman does not mean much, and
that she loves us still though she has ceased to worship us, we have
Barbara’s word for it, too, that the modern woman thinks we have made
a mess of it and that man is a failure fundamentally. Love without
respect! Sorrow rather than anger! It sobers one; it saddens one. For
we must admit that man has had free scope and a long period in which
to make the most of himself; and woman has not, which precludes us
from answering back, as it were, which is always more or less of a
consolation when one is brought to bay.
A tendency to compromise is certainly one of man’s characteristics.
Barbara has referred to it as a salient fault--a vice, and perhaps it
is, though it is writ large in the annals of civilization as conducted
by man. We must at least agree that it is not woman’s way, and that she
expects to do without it when we are no more or are less than we are
now. Probably we have been and are too easy-going, and no one will deny
that one ought at all times to have the courage of one’s convictions,
even in midsummer and on purely social occasions; nevertheless it would
have been trying to the nervous system and conducive to the continuance
and increase of standing armies, had we favored the policy of shooting
at sight those whose views on the temperance question differed from
ours, or of telling the host at whose house we had passed the evening
that we had been bored to death.
If one runs over in his mind the Madame Tussaud Gallery of masculine
types, he cannot fail to acknowledge that, in our capacity of lords
of creation and viceregents of Providence, we have produced and
perpetuated a number of sorry specimens. First in the list stands the
so-called man of the world, on account of whom in particular, according
to Barbara, the nineteenth-century Joan of Arc looks askance at our
sex. He is an old stager; he dates back very nearly, if not completely,
to the garden of Eden, and he has always been a bugbear to woman.
It is not necessary to describe him; he has ever stood for simply
carnal interests and appetites, whether as a satyr, a voluptuary, a
wine-bibber, a glutton, a miser, an idler, or a mere pleasure-seeker.
If all the human industries which have owed and still owe their
prosperity to his propensities were to be obliterated, there would be
a large array of unemployed in the morning but a healthier world. The
bully, or prevailer by brute force, the snob, the cynic, the parasite,
the trimmer, and the conceited egotist are others prominent in the
category, without regard to criminals and unvarnished offenders against
whose noxious behavior men have protected themselves by positive law.
On the other hand, our gallery of past types has many figures of which
we have a right to be proud. Unfortunately we are barred again from
comparison or answering back by the taunt that woman has never had a
chance; nevertheless we may claim for what it is worth that, in the
realm of intellect or of the spirit, there have been no women who
have soared so high; seers, poets, law-givers, unfolders of nature’s
secrets, administrators of affairs, healers and scholars have been
chiefly or solely men. If some of us have fraternized with Belial,
others have walked, or sought to walk, with God no less genuinely
and fervently than any woman who ever breathed. In the matter of
spirituality, indeed, some of us in the past having been led to
believe that women knew more about the affairs of the other world
than men, sought to cultivate the spindle-legged, thin-chested, pale,
anæmic Christian as the type of humanity most acceptable to God and
serviceable to society; but we have gone back to the bishop of sturdy
frame and a reasonably healthy appetite as a more desirable mediator
between ourselves and heaven.
From the standpoint of our present inquiry, what man in his various
types has been in the past is less pertinent than what he is at
present. To begin with, certainly the modern man is not a picturesque
figure. He no longer appeals to the feminine or any eye by virtue of
imposing apparel or accoutrements. Foreign army officers and servants
in livery are almost the only males who have not exchanged plumage for
sober woollens, tweeds, or serges, and the varied resplendent materials
and colors by means of which men used to distinguish themselves from
one another and to negative their evil-doings in the eyes of women have
been discarded. All men but one look alike to any woman, and even that
one is liable to be confounded with the rest of mankind when he is more
than half a block away.
Nor is the homogeneous tendency limited to clothes; it includes
manners, morals, and point of view. The extreme types approximate each
other much more closely than formerly, and apart from criminals and
deliberately evil-minded persons, women have some ground for their
insinuation that we are all pretty much alike. Let it be said that this
effect is in one sense a feather in our caps. The nineteenth-century
Joan of Arc to the contrary notwithstanding, the modern man of the
world is a manifest improvement on his predecessor. He is no longer to
be found under the table after dinner as a social matter of course, and
three-bottles-to-a-guest festivities have ceased to be an aristocratic
function. Though on occasions still he will fumble with the latch-key,
he mounts the stairs very little, if at all, after midnight with the
nonchalance of self-congratulatory sobriety, and all those dire scenes
of woman on the staircase with a lighted candle looking down at her
prostrate lord and master belong to an almost dim past. True it may
be that the man of the world fears God no more than formerly, but he
has learned to have a wholesome dread of Bright’s disease, the insane
asylum, and those varied forms of sudden and premature death which are
included under the reportorial head of heart-failure. Mere brutishness
in its various forms is less apparent. The coarse materialist still
swaggers in public places and impudently puffs a cigar in the face of
modesty, but he serves no longer as a model for envious contemporaries
or an object of hero-worship to the rising generation. Good taste, if
nothing better, has checked man’s tendencies to make a beast of himself
in public or in private.
Similarly, also, the type of man to whom we look up most proudly and
confidently to-day is not altogether the same. The model whom we were
urged, and whom we sought of old to imitate, was he who wrestled with
God on the mountain-top, without a thought of earth’s smoke and din and
wretchedness. Human life and its joys and interests served for him as a
homily on vanity, or was regarded as a degradation in comparison with
the revelations obtained by the priest, poet, or devotee of culture
through the vista of aspiring imagination or zeal. The conservative
man of affairs--vigorous, far-seeing, keenly alive to the joys and
interests of this life, strongly sympathetic on the humanitarian side,
a man of the world withal in a reasonable sense--has impressed his
personality on modern society more successfully than any other type.
The priest who cares not for his fellow-man, the poet whose dreams and
visions include no human interest or passion, the devotee of culture
who refines merely to refine, have been superseded, and in their stead
we have the man of the world who is interested in the world and for the
world.
This change in the avowed aims and aspirations of man has not been
without certain apparently melancholy results and manifestations of
which society is feeling the effect at present, and which if allowed to
prevail too far will undo us. The removal of the gaze of the priest,
poet, and devotee of culture from the stars in contempt of earth, and
the substitution of earth-gazing as a method for understanding the
stars, has seemed to cast a damper on human imagination and has thereby
caused many excellent women and some men to weep. If materialism be
the science of trying to get the most out of this life, this is a
material age; but at the same time it should be remembered that man
in this age has ceased for the first time to be either a hypocrite
or a fool. Undoubtedly the process of becoming both sincere and
sensible, especially as it has substituted concern for the ignorant,
the oppressed, and the vicious of this earth about whom we know next to
nothing, in place of Pre-Raphaelite heavenly choirs, alabaster halls,
and saints in glory about whom we thought we knew everything, has been
a little trying for the rest of us as well as for the priests, poets,
and devotees of culture. But the women must not be discouraged; we
shall grow to the situation in time, and even the poets, who seem to be
most down in the mouth at present, will sooner or later find a fresh
well of inspiration by learning to study the reflection of the stars on
the earth instead of looking directly at them. Let them be patient,
though it be to death, and some day through others, if not through
themselves, the immortal verse will flow and the immortal lyre sound
again.
Undoubtedly the modern man is at present a rather trying person to
woman, for woman would have been glad, now that she is coming into her
kingdom, to have him more of a crusader and less of a philosopher. To
behold him lacking in picturesqueness and a philosopher addicted to
compromise into the bargain is almost irritating to her, and she has
certainly some ground for criticism. The man who sits opposite to her
at the breakfast-table, even after he has overcome conservative fears
of nothing to live on and dawdled into matrimony, is a lovable but not
especially exciting person. He eats, works, and sleeps, does most of
the things which he ought to do and leaves undone a commendable number
of the things which he ought not to do, and is a rather respectable
member of society of the machine-made order. He works very hard to
supply her with money; he is kind to her and the children; he gives her
her head, as he calls it; and he acquiesces pleasantly enough in the
social plans which she entertains for herself and him, and ordinarily
he is sleepy in the evening. Indeed, in moments of most serious
depression she is tempted to think of him as a superior chore-man, a
comparison which haunts her even in church. She would like, with one
fell swoop of her broom, to clear the world of the social evil, the
fruit of the grape, tobacco, and playing cards, to introduce drastic
educational reforms which would, by kindergarten methods, familiarize
every one on earth with art and culture, and to bring to pass within
five, or possibly six years, a golden age of absolute reform inspired
and established by woman. Life for her at present means one vast camp
of committee meetings, varied only by frequent cups of tea; and that
steaming beverage continues prominent in her radiant vision of the
coming millennium. No wonder it disconcerts and annoys her to find so
comparatively little enthusiastic confidence in the immediate success
of her fell swoop, and to have her pathway blocked by grave or lazy
ifs and buts and by cold contradictions of fact. No wonder she abhors
compromise; no wonder she regards the man who goes on using tobacco and
playing cards and drinking things stronger than tea as an inert and
soulless creature.
Yet smile as we may at the dull, sorry place the world would be were
the golden age of her intention to come upon us over night like a cold
wave, is she not justified in regarding the average custom-made man
of the day as a highly respectable, well-to-do chore-man who earns
fair wages and goes to sleep at night contented with a good meal and
a pipe? Is he not machine-made? Sincere and wise as he is, now that
his gaze is fixed on the needs of earth, has he not the philosophy of
hygienic comfort and easy-going conservative materialism so completely
on the brain that he is in danger of becoming ordinary instead of just
a little lower than the angels? Let us consider him from this point of
view more in detail.
The _Case of Man_.
II.
The young man of the present era on his twenty-first birthday is
apt to find himself in a very prudent and conservative atmosphere.
The difficulties of getting on are explained to him; he is properly
assured that, though there is plenty of room on the top benches, the
occupations and professions are crowded, if not overcrowded, and that
he must buckle down if he would succeed. It is obvious to him that the
field of adventure and fortune-seeking in foreign or strange places
is practically exhausted. It is open to him, to be sure, to go to
the North Pole in search of some one already there, or to study in a
cage in the jungles of Africa the linguistic value of the howls and
chatterings of wild animals; but these are manifestly poor pickings
compared with the opportunities of the past when a considerable
portion of the globe was still uninvestigated soil, and a reputation
or treasure-trove was the tolerably frequent reward of leaving the
rut of civilized life. It is plainly pointed out to him, too, that to
be florid is regarded as almost a mental weakness in intellectual or
progressive circles. He sees the lawyer who makes use of metaphor,
bombast, and the other arts of oratory, which used to captivate and
convince, distanced in the race for eminence by him who employs a
succinct, dispassionate, and almost colloquial form of statement.
He recognizes that in every department of human activity, from the
investigation of disease-germs to the management of railroads, steady,
undemonstrative marshallings of fact, and cautious, unemotional
deduction therefrom are considered the scientific and only appropriate
method. He knows that the expression of unusual or erratic ideas will
expose him to the stigma of being a crank, a reputation which, once
acquired, sticks like pitch, and that the betrayal of sentiment will
induce conservative people to put him on the suspected list.
All this is imbibed by him as it should be, in the interest of
sincerity and sense. Under the sobering restraint of it the young man
begins to make his way with enthusiasm and energy, but circumspectly
and deliberately. He mistrusts everything that he cannot pick to
pieces on the spot and analyze, and though he is willing to be amused,
beguiled, or even temporarily inspired by appeals to his imagination
or emotions, he puts his doubts or qualms aside next morning at the
behest of business. He wishes to get on. He is determined not to allow
anything to interfere with that, and he understands that that is to
be accomplished partly by hard work and partly by becoming a good
fellow and showing common-sense. This is excellent reasoning until one
examines too closely what is expected of him as a good fellow, and what
is required of him in the name of common-sense.
There have been good fellows in every age, and some of them have
been tough specimens. Our good fellow is almost highly respectable.
He wishes to live as long as he can, and to let others live as long
as they can. His patron saints are his doctor, his bank account,
prudence, and general toleration. If he were obliged to specify the
vice not covered by the statute law which he most abhors, he would
probably name slopping over. He aims to be genial, sympathetic, and
knowing, but not obtrusively so, and he is becomingly suspicious
and reticent regarding everything which cannot be demonstrated on
a chart like an international yacht-race or a medical operation.
He is quietly and moderately licentious, and justifies himself
satisfactorily but mournfully on hygienic grounds or on the plea of
masculine inevitability. He works hard, if he has to, for he wishes
to live comfortably by the time he is forty, and comfort means, as it
ought to mean, an attractive wife, an attractive establishment, and
an attractive income. An imprudent marriage seems to him one of the
most egregious forms of slopping over. If he hears that two of his
contemporaries are engaged, his first inquiry is, “What have they to
live on?” and if the answer is unsatisfactory, they fall a peg or two
in his estimation, and he is likely, the next time he feels mellow
after dinner, to descant on the impropriety of bringing children into
the world who may be left penniless orphans. If he falls in love
himself before he feels that his pecuniary position warrants it, he
tries to shake out the arrow, and, if that fails, he cuts it out
deliberately under antiseptic treatment to avoid blood-poisoning.
All our large cities are full of young men who have undergone this
operation. To lose one’s vermiform appendix is a perilous yet blessed
experience; but this trifling with the human heart, however scientific
the excision, can scarcely be regarded as beneficial unless we are to
assume that it, like the fashionable sac, has become rudimentary.
We see a great many allusions in our comic and satiric weeklies to
marrying for money, but the good fellow of the best type ordinarily
disdains such a proceeding. His self-respect is not offended but hugely
gratified if the young woman with whom he intends to ally himself
would be able immediately or prospectively to contribute a million or
so to the domestic purse; but he would regard a deliberate sale of
himself for cash as a dirty piece of business. On the other hand, he is
very business-like where his heart is engaged, and is careful not to
let his emotions or fancy get the better of him until he can see his
ship--and a well-freighted one at that--on the near horizon. And what
is to become of the young woman in the meantime? To let concealment,
like a worm in the bud, feed on a damask cheek may be more fatal than
masculine arrow extraction; for woman, less scientific in her methods
than man, is less able to avoid blood-poisoning. She doses herself,
probably, with anti-pyrine, burns her Emerson and her Tennyson, and
after a period of nervous prostration devotes herself to charity toward
the world at large with the exception of all good fellows.
The good fellow after he marries continues to be a good fellow. He
adapts himself to the humanitarian necessities of the situation; he
becomes fond and domestic, almost oppressively so, and he is eager
to indulge the slightest wish or fancy of his mate, provided it be
within the bounds of easy-going rationalism. The conjugal pliability
of the American husband is a well-recognized original feature of
our institutions, nevertheless he is apt to develop kinks unless
he be allowed to be indulgent and companionable in his own way. He
works harder than ever, and she for whose sake he is ostensibly
toiling is encouraged to make herself fetching and him comfortable as
progressively as his income will permit. When the toil of the week
is over he looks for his reward in the form of a Welsh-rarebit with
theatrical celebrities, a little game of poker within his means, or,
if he be musical, a small gathering of friends to sing or play, if
possible in a so-called Bohemian spirit. It irks him to stand very
upright or to converse for long, whether in masculine or feminine
society. He likes to sprawl and to be entertained with the latest bit
of humor, but he is willing, on a pleasant Sunday or holiday, to take
exercise in order to perspire freely, and then to lie at ease under
a tree or a bank, pleasantly refreshed with beer and tobacco, and at
peace with the world. He prefers to have her with him everywhere,
except at the little game of poker, and is conscious of an aching void
if she be not at hand to help him recuperate, philosophize, and admire
the view. But he expects her to do what he likes, and expects her to
like it too.
In no age of the world has the reasoning power of man been in better
working order than at present. With all due respect to the statistics
which show that the female is beginning to outstrip the male in
academic competitive examinations, one has only to keep his ears and
eyes open in the workaday world in order to be convinced that man’s
purely mental processes suggest a razor and woman’s a corkscrew.
The manager of corporate interests, the lawyer, the historian, the
physician, the chemist, and the banker seek to-day to probe to the
bottom that which they touch, and to expose to the acid of truth
every rosy theory and seductive prospectus. This is in the line of
progress; but to be satisfied with this alone would speedily reduce
human society to the status of a highly organized racing stable. If man
is to be merely a jockey, who is to ride as light as he can, there
is nothing to be said; but even on that theory is it not possible to
train too fine? With eloquence tabooed as savoring of insincerity,
with conversation as a fine art starved to death, with melody in
music sniffed at as sensational, and fancy in literature condemned as
unscientific, with the loosening of all the bonds of conventionality
which held civilization to the mark in matters of taste and elegance,
and with a general doing away with color and emotion in all the
practical affairs of life out of regard to the gospel of common-sense
and machine-made utility, the jockey now is riding practically in his
own skin.
One has to go back but a little way in order to encounter among
the moving spirits of society a radically different attitude.
Unquestionably the temper of the present day is the result of a
vigorous reaction against false or maudlin sentiment, florid drivel,
and hypocritical posturing; but certainly a Welsh-rarebit at midnight,
with easy-going companions, is a far remove as a spiritual stimulus
from bread eaten in tears at the same hour. As has been intimated,
this exaggeration of commonplaceness will probably right itself in
time, but man’s lack of susceptibility to influences and impressions
which cannot be weighed, fingered, smelt, looked at, or tasted, seems
to justify at present the strictures of the modern woman, who, with
all her bumptiousness, would fain continue to reverence him. Some in
the van of feminine progress would be glad to see the inspiration and
direction of all matters--spiritual, artistic, and social--apportioned
to woman as her sole rightful prerogative, and consequently to see man
become veritably a superior chore-man. Fortunately the world of men
and women is likely to agree with Barbara that mutual sympathy and
co-operation in these matters between the sexes are indispensable to
the healthy development of human society.
But even assuming that women were ready to accept the responsibility
and men were willing to renounce it, I, for one, fear that civilization
would find itself in a ditch rather speedily. All of us--we men, I
mean--recognize the purifying and deterrent influence of woman as
a Mentor and sweet critic at our elbows. We have learned to depend
upon her to prod us when we lag, and to save us from ourselves when
our brains get the better of our hearts. But, after all, woman is a
clinging creature. She has been used to playing second fiddle; and it
is quite a different affair to lead an orchestra. To point the way to
spiritual or artistic progress needs, first of all, a clear intellect
and a firm purpose, even though they alone are not sufficient. Woman is
essentially yielding and impressionable. At the very moment when the
modern Joan of Arc would be doing her best to make the world a better
place, would not eleven other women out of the dozen be giving way to
the captivating plausibility of some emotional situation?
As an instance of what she is already capable of from a social point
of view, now that she has been given her head, may well be cited the
feverish eagerness with which some of the most highly cultivated
and most subtly evolved American women of our large cities vie with
each other for intimacy with artistic foreign lions of their own sex
known to be unchaste. They seem to regard it as a privilege to play
hostess to, or, at least, to be on familiar terms with, actresses,
opera-singers, and other public characters quietly but notoriously
erotic, the plea in each case being that they are ready to forgive,
to forget, and ignore for the sake of art and the artist. Yes, ignore
or forget, if you choose, so far as seeing the artist act or hearing
her sing in public is concerned, where there are no social ceremonies
or intercourse; but let us please remember at the same time that
even those effete nations who believe that the world would be a dull
place without courtesans, insist on excluding such persons from their
drawing-rooms. Indeed there is reason to believe that some of the
artists in question have become hilarious, when out of sight of our
hospitable shores, over the wonders of American social usages among
the pure and cultivated women. Before our young men will cease to
sow wild oats their female relations must cease to run after other
men’s mistresses. Decidedly, the modern Joan of Arc to the contrary
notwithstanding, man cannot afford to abdicate just yet. But he needs
to mend his hedges and to look after his preserves.
The _Case of Woman_.
I.
A great many men, who are sane and reasonable in other matters, allow
themselves, on the slightest provocation, to be worked up into a fever
over the aspirations of woman. They decline to listen to argument,
grow red in the face, and saw the air with their hands, if they do
not pound on the table, to express their views on the subject--which,
by the way, are as out of date and old-fashioned as a pine-tree
shilling. They remind one of the ostrich in that they seem to imagine,
because they have buried their heads in the sand, nothing has happened
or is happening around them. They confront the problem of woman’s
emancipation as though it were only just being broached instead of in
the throes of delivery.
For instance, my friend, Mr. Julius Cæsar, who though a conservative,
cautious man by nature, is agreeably and commendably liberal in other
matters, seems to be able to see only one side of this question. And
one side seems to be all he wishes to see. “Take my wife,” he said
to me the other day; “as women go she is a very clever and sensible
woman. She was given the best advantages in the way of school-training
open to young ladies of her day; she has accomplishments, domestic
virtues, and fine religious instincts, and I adore her. But what does
she know of politics? She couldn’t tell you the difference between a
senator and an alderman, and her mind is practically a blank on the
tariff or the silver question. I tell you, my dear fellow, that if
woman is allowed to leave the domestic hearth and play ducks and drakes
with the right of suffrage, every political caucus will become a retail
drygoods store. If there is one thing which makes a philosopher despair
of the future of the race, it is to stand in a crowded drygoods store
and watch the jam of women perk and push and sidle and grab and covet
and go well-nigh crazy over things to wear. The average woman knows
about clothes, the next world, children, and her domestic duties. Let
her stick to her sphere. A woman at a caucus? Who would see that my
dinner was properly cooked, eh?”
One would suppose from these remarks that the male American citizen
spends his days chiefly at caucuses; whereas, as we all know when we
reflect, he goes perhaps twice a year, if he be a punctilious patriot
like Julius Cæsar, and if not, probably does not go at all. If the
consciousness that his wife could vote at a caucus would act as a spur
to the masculine political conscience, the male American citizen could
well afford to dine at a restaurant on election-days, or to cook his
own food now and then.
Of course, even a man with views like Julius Cæsar would be sorry to
have his wife the slavish, dollish, or unenlightened individual which
she was apt to be before so-called women’s rights were heard of. As
he himself has proclaimed, he adores his wife, and he is, moreover,
secretly proud of her æsthetic presentability. Without being an
advanced woman, Dolly Cæsar has the interests of the day and hour at
her fingers’ ends, can talk intelligently on any subject, whether
she knows anything about it or not, and is decidedly in the van,
though she is not a leader. Julius does not take into account, when
he anathematizes the sex because of its ambitions, the difference
between her and her great-grandmother. He believes his wife to be a
very charming specimen of what a woman ought to be, and that, barring
a few differences of costume and hair arrangement, she is practically
her great-grandmother over again. Fatuous Julius! There is where he is
desperately in error. Dolly Cæsar’s great-grandmother may have been a
radiant beauty and a famous housekeeper, but her brain never harbored
one-tenth of the ideas and opinions which make her descendant so
attractive.
Those who argue on this matter like Julius Cæsar fail to take into
account the gradual, silent results of time; and this is true of the
results to come as well as those which have accrued. When the suffrage
question is mooted one often hears sober men, more dispassionate men
than Julius--Perkins, for instance, the thin, nervous lawyer and father
of four girls, and a sober man indeed--ask judicially whether it is
possible for female suffrage to be a success when not one woman in a
thousand would know what was expected of her, or how to vote. “I tell
you,” says Perkins, “they are utterly unfitted for it by training and
education. Four-fifths of them wouldn’t vote if they were allowed to,
and every one knows that ninety-nine women out of every hundred are
profoundly ignorant of the matters in regard to which they would cast
their ballots. Take my daughters; fine girls, talented, intelligent
women--one of them a student of history; but what do they know of
parties, and platforms, and political issues in general?”
Perkins is less violently prejudiced than Julius Cæsar. He neither
saws the air nor pounds on the table. Indeed, I have no doubt he
believes that he entertains liberal, unbiassed views on the subject.
I wonder, then, why it never occurs to him that everything which is
new is adopted gradually, and that the world has to get accustomed to
all novel situations. I happened to see Mr. Perkins the first time he
rode a bicycle on the road, and his performance certainly justified
the prediction that he would look like a guy to the end of his days,
and yet he glides past me now with the ease and nonchalance of a
possible “scorcher.” Similarly, if women were given universal suffrage,
there would be a deal of fluttering in the dove-cotes for the first
generation or so. Doubtless four-fifths of womankind would refuse or
neglect to vote at all, and at least a quarter of those who went to the
polls would cast their ballots as tools or blindly. But just so soon as
it was understood that it was no less a woman’s duty to vote than it
was to attend to her back hair, she would be educated from that point
of view, and her present crass ignorance of political matters would be
changed into at least a form of enlightenment. Man prides himself on
his logic, but there is nothing logical in the argument that because a
woman knows nothing about anything now, she can never be taught. If we
have been content to have her remain ignorant for so many centuries,
does it not savor both of despotism and lack of reasonableness to cast
her ignorance in her teeth and to beat her about the head with it now
that she is eager to rise? Decidedly it is high time for the man who
orates tempestuously or argues dogmatically in the name of conservatism
against the cause of woman on such flimsy pleas as these, to cease his
gesticulations and wise saws. The modern woman is a potential reality,
who is bound to develop and improve, in another generation or two, as
far beyond the present interesting type as Mrs. Julius Cæsar is an
advance on her great-grandmother.
On the other hand, why do those who have woman’s cause at heart lay
such formal stress on the right of the ballot as a factor in her
development? There can be no doubt that, if the majority of women
wish to vote on questions involving property or political interests,
they will be enabled to do so sooner or later. It is chiefly now the
conviction in the minds of legislatures that a large number of the
intelligent women of their communities do not desire to exercise the
right of suffrage which keeps the bars down. Doubtless these bodies
will yield one after another to the clamor of even a few, and the
experiment will be tried. It may not come this year or the next, but
many busy people are so certain that its coming is merely a question of
time that they do not allow themselves to be drawn into the fury of the
fray. When it comes, however, it will come as a universal privilege,
and not with a social or property qualification. I mention this
simply for the enlightenment of those amiable members of the sex to
be enfranchised who go about sighing and simpering in the interest of
drawing the line. That question was settled a century ago. The action
taken may have been an error on the part of those who framed the laws,
but it has been settled forever. There would be no more chance of the
passage by the legislature of one of the United States of a statute
giving the right of suffrage to a limited class of women than there
would be of one prescribing that only the good-looking members of that
sex should be allowed to marry.
Many people, who believe that woman should be denied no privilege
enjoyed by man which she really desires to exercise, find much
difficulty in regarding the right of suffrage as the vital end which
it assumes in the minds of its advocates. One would suppose, by the
clamor on the subject, that the ballot would enable her to change her
spots in a twinkling, and to become an absolutely different creation.
Lively imaginations do not hesitate to compare the proposed act of
emancipation with the release of the colored race from bondage. We are
appealed to by glowing rhetoric which celebrates the equity of the case
and the moral significance of the impending victory. But the orators
and triumphants stop short at the passage of the law and fail to tell
us what is to come after. We are assured, indeed, that it will be all
right, and that woman’s course after the Rubicon is crossed will be
one grand march of progress to the music of the spheres; but, barring
a pæan of this sort, we are given no light as to what she intends to
do and become. She has stretched out her hand for the rattle and is
determined to have it, but she does not appear to entertain any very
definite ideas as to what she is going to do with it after she has it.
Unquestionably, the development of the modern woman is one of the most
interesting features of civilization to-day. But is it not true that
the cause of woman is one concern, and the question of woman suffrage
another? And are they not too often confounded, even deliberately
confounded, by those who are willing to have them appear to be
identical? Supposing that to-morrow the trumpet should sound and the
walls of Jericho fall, and every woman be free to cast her individual
ballot without let or hindrance from one confine of the civilized world
to another, what would it amount to after all by way of elucidating
the question of her future evolution? For it must be remembered that,
apart from the question of her development in general, those who are
clamoring for the ballot have been superbly vague so far as to the
precise part which the gentle sex is to play in the political arena
after she gets her rattle. They put their sisters off with the general
assertion that things in the world, politically speaking, will be
better, but neither their sisters nor their brothers are able to get a
distinct notion of the platform on which woman means to stand after she
becomes a voter. Is she going to enter into competition with men for
the prizes and offices, to argue, manipulate, hustle, and do generally
the things which have to be done in the name of political zeal and
activity? Is it within the vista of her ambition to become a member of,
and seek to control, legislative bodies, to be a police commissioner or
a member of Congress? Those in the van decline to answer, or at least
they do not answer. It may be, to be sure, the wisdom of the serpent
which keeps them non-committal, for they stand, as it were, between the
devil and the deep sea in that, though they and their supporters would
perhaps like to declare boldly in favor of competition, or at least
participation, in the duties and honors, they stand in wholesome awe of
the hoarse murmur from the ranks of their sisters, “We don’t wish to be
like men, and we have no intention of competing with them on their own
lines.” Accordingly, the leaders seek refuge in the safe but indefinite
assertion that of course women will never become men, but they have
thus far neglected to tell us what they are to become.
It really seems as though it were time for woman, in general congress
of the women’s clubs assembled, to make a reasonably full and clear
statement of her aims and principles--a declaration of faith which
shall give her own sex and men the opportunity to know precisely
what she is driving at. Her progress for the last hundred years has
been gratifying to the world, with the exception of pig-headed or
narrow-minded men, and civilization has been inestimably benefitted by
the broadening of her intelligence and her interests. But she has now
reached a point where there is a parting of the ways, and the world
would very much like to know which she intends to take. The atmosphere
of the women’s clubs is mysterious but unsuggestive, and consequently
many of us feel inclined to murmur with the poet, “it is clever, but
we don’t know what it means.” Unrepressed nervous mental activity
easily becomes social affectation or tomfoolery, in the absence of a
controlling aim or purpose. To exhaust one’s vitality in papers or
literary teas, merely to express or simulate individual culture or
freedom, may not land one in an insane asylum, but it is about as
valuable to society, as an educating force, as the revolutions of
the handle of a freezer, when the crank is off, are valuable to the
production of ice-cream. For the benefit of such a congress, if haply
it should be called together later, it will not be out of place to
offer a few suggestions as to her future evolution. In this connection
it seems to me imperative to go back to the original poetic conception
of woman as the wife and mother, the domestic helpmate and loving,
self-abnegating companion of man. Unedifying as this formula of
description may seem to the active-minded modern woman, it is obvious
that under existing physiological conditions she must remain the wife
and mother, even though she declines to continue domestic, loving, and
self-abnegating. And side by side with physiological conditions stands
the intangible, ineffable force of sexual love, the poetic, entrancing
ecstasy which no scientist has yet been able to reduce to a myth or to
explode. Schopenhauer, to be sure, would have us believe that it is
merely a delusion by which nature seeks to reproduce herself, but even
on this material basis the women’s clubs find themselves face to face
with an enemy more determined than any Amazon. A maid deluded becomes
the sorriest of club members.
What vision of life is nobler and more exquisite than that of complete
and ideal marital happiness? To find it complete and ideal the modern
woman, with all her charms and abilities, must figure in it, I grant;
the mere domestic drudge; the tame, amiable house-cat; the doting doll,
are no longer pleasing parties of the second part. To admit so much as
this may seem to offer room for the argument that the modern woman of a
hundred years hence will make her of the poet’s dream of to-day appear
no less pitiable; but there we men are ready to take issue. We admit
our past tyranny, we cry “Peccavi,” yet we claim at the same time that,
having taken her to our bosoms as our veritable, loving companion and
helpmate, there is no room left, or very little room left, for more
progress in that particular direction. Her next steps, if taken, will
be on new lines, not by way of making herself an equal. And therefore
it is that we suggest the vision of perfect modern marital happiness
as the leading consideration to be taken into account in dealing with
this question. Even in the past, when woman was made a drudge and
encouraged to remain a fool, the poetry and joy and stimulus of life
for her, as well as for her despot mate, lay in the mystery of love,
its joys and responsibilities. Even then, if her life were robbed of
the opportunity to love and be loved, its savor was gone, however free
she might be from masculine tyranny and coercion. Similarly, after
making due allowance for the hyperbole as to the influence which woman
has on man when he has made up his mind to act to the contrary, there
is no power which works for righteousness upon him comparable to the
influence of woman. There is always the possibility that the woman a
man loves may not be consciously working for righteousness, but the
fact that he believes so is the essential truth, even though he be
the victim of self-delusion. This element of the case is pertinent to
the question whether woman would really try to reform the world, if
she had the chance, rather than to this particular consideration. The
point of the argument is that the dependence of each sex on the other,
and the loving sympathy between them, which is born of dissimilarity,
is the salt of human life. The eternal feminine is what we prize in
woman, and wherever she deflects from this there does her power wane
and her usefulness become impaired. And conversely, the more and the
higher she advances along the lines of her own nature, the better for
the world. Nor does the claim that she has been hampered hitherto, and
consequently been unable to show what her attributes really are, seem
relevant; for it is only when she develops in directions which threaten
to clash with the eternal feminine that she encounters opposition or
serious criticism. And here even the excitability and unreasonableness
of such men as our friend Julius Cæsar find a certain justification.
Their fumes and fury, however unintelligent, proceed from an
instinctive repugnance to the departure or deviation from nature which
they find, or fear to find, in the modern woman. Once let them realize
that there was no danger of anything of the kind, and they would become
gentle as doves, if not all smiles and approval.
There is no more beautiful and refining influence in the world than
that of an attractive and noble woman. Unselfishness, tenderness,
aspiring sentiment, long-suffering devotion, grace, tact, and
quickly divining intelligence are her prerogatives, and she stands
an ever-watchful guardian angel at the shoulder of man. The leading
poetic and elevating associations of life are linked with her name. The
lover’s passion, the husband’s worship, the son’s reverential affection
are inspired by her. The strong man stays his hand and sides with mercy
or honor when his mother speaks within him. In homelier language, she
is the keeper of the hearth and home, the protector and trainer of her
children, the adviser, consoler, and companion of her husband, father,
son, brother, or other masculine associates.
Now, the modern woman, up to this point, has been disposed, on the
whole, to regard this as the part which she is to play in the drama of
life. At least she has not materially deviated from it. Her progress
has been simply in the way of enabling her to play that part more
intelligently and worthily, and not toward usurpation, excepting that
she claims the right to earn her daily bread. Higher education in its
various branches has been the most signal fruit of her struggle for
enlightenment and liberty, and this is certainly in entire keeping with
the eternal feminine, and to-day seems indispensable to her suitable
development. By means of education similar to that lavished upon man
she has been enabled, it is true, to obtain employment of various
kinds hitherto withheld from her, but the positions of professor,
teacher, nurse, artist, and clerk, are amplifications of her natural
aptitudes rather than encroachments. She has, however, finally reached
the stage where she will soon have to decide whether the hearth and
the home or down-town is to be the principal theatre of her activity
and influence. Is she or is she not to participate with man in the
tangible, obvious management of the affairs of the world?
The _Case of Woman_.
II.
The mystic oracles of the women’s clubs do not give a straightforward
answer to this question. Yet there are mutterings, mouthings, and
signs from them which tend to arouse masculine suspicions. To use
a colloquialism, woman fancies herself very much at present, and
she spends considerable time in studying the set of her mind in the
looking-glass. And her serenity is justified. In spite of ridicule,
baiting, and delay for several generations, she has demonstrated her
ability and fitness to do a number of things which we had adjudged her
incapable of doing. She can almost take care of herself in the street
after dark. She has become a most valuable member of committees to
ameliorate the condition of the poor, the sick, and the insane. She has
become the president and professors of colleges founded in her behalf.
The noble and numerous army of teachers, typewriters, salesladies,
nurses, and women doctors (including Christian Scientists), stands as
ample proof of her intention and capacity to strike out for herself.
No wonder, perhaps, that she is a little delirious and mounted in the
head, and that she is tempted to exclaim, “Go to, I will do more than
this. Why should I not practise law, and sell stocks, wheat, corn, and
exchange, control the money markets of the world, administer trusts,
manage corporations, sit in Congress, and be President of the United
States?”
The only things now done by man which the modern woman has not yet
begun to cast sheep’s eyes at are labor requiring much physical
strength and endurance, and military service. She is prepared to admit
that she can never expect to be so muscular and powerful in body as
man. But this has become rather a solace than a source of perplexity
to her. Indeed, the women’s clubs are beginning to whisper under their
breath, “Man is fitted to build and hew and cut and lift, and to do
everything which demands brute force. We are not. We should like to
think, plan, and execute. Let him do the heavy work. If he wishes to
fight he may. Wars are wicked, and we shall vote against them and
refuse to take part in them.”
If woman is going in for this sort of thing, of course she needs
the ballot. If she intends to manage corporations and do business
generally, she ought to have a voice in the framing of the laws
which manifest the policy of the state. But to earn one’s living as
a college professor, nurse, typewriter, saleslady, or clerk, or to
sit on boards of charity, education, or hygiene, is a far remove from
becoming bank presidents, merchants, judges, bankers, or members of
Congress. The one affords the means by which single women can earn a
decent and independent livelihood, or devote their energies to work
useful to society; the other would necessitate an absolute revolution
in the habits, tastes, interests, proclivities, and nature of woman.
The noble army of teachers, typewriters, nurses, and salesladies are in
the heels of their boots hoping to be married some day or other. They
have merely thrown an anchor to windward and taken up a calling which
will enable them to live reasonably happy if the right man does not
appear, or passes by on the other side. Those who sit on boards, and
who are more apt to be middle-aged, are but interpreting and fulfilling
the true mission of the modern woman, which is to supplement and modify
the point of view of man, and to extend the kind of influence which
she exercises at home to the conduct of public interests of a certain
class.
Now, some one must keep house. Some one must cook, wash, dust, sweep,
darn, look after the children, and in general grease the wheels of
domestic activity. If women are to become merchants, and manage
corporations, who will bring up our families and manage the home?
The majority of the noble army referred to are not able to escape
from making their own beds and cooking their own breakfasts. If they
occupied other than comparatively subordinate positions they would
have to call Chinatown to the rescue; for the men would decline with
thanks, relying on their brute force to protect them, and the other
women would toss their heads and say “Make your own beds, you nasty
things. We prefer to go to town too.” In fact the emancipation of
women, so far as it relates to usurpation of the work of man, does
not mean much in actual practice yet, in spite of the brave show and
bustle of the noble army. The salesladies get their meals somehow,
and the domestic hearth is still presided over by the mistress of
the house and her daughters. But this cannot continue to be the case
if women are going to do everything which men do except lift weights
and fight. For we all know that our mothers, wives, and sisters,
according to their own affidavits, have all they can do already to
fulfil the requirements of modern life as mothers, wives, and sisters
in the conventional yet modern sense. Many of them tell us that they
would not have time to vote, to say nothing of qualifying themselves
to vote. Indisputably they cannot become men and yet remain women in
the matter of their daily occupations, unless they discover some new
panacea against nervous prostration. The professions are open; the laws
will allow them to establish banks and control corporate interests; but
what is to become of the eternal feminine in the pow-wow, bustle, and
materializing rush and competition of active business life? Whatever
a few individuals may do, there seems to be no immediate or probably
eventual prospect of a throwing off by woman of domestic ties and
duties. Her physical and moral nature alike are formidable barriers in
the way.
Why, then, if women are not going to usurp or share to any great extent
the occupations of men, and become familiar with the practical workings
of professional, business, and public affairs, are they ever likely to
be able to judge so intelligently as men as to the needs of the state?
To hear many people discuss the subject, one would suppose that all
the laws passed by legislative bodies were limited to questions of
ethics and morality. If all political action were reduced to debates
and ballots on the use of liquor, the social evil, and other moral
or humanitarian topics, the claim that women ought to be allowed and
encouraged to vote would be much stronger--that is, assuming that she
herself preferred to use her influence directly instead of indirectly.
But the advocates of female suffrage seem to forget that three-fifths
of the laws passed relate to matters remotely if at all bearing upon
ethics, and involve considerations of public policy from the point of
view of what is best for the interests of the state and the various
classes of individuals which compose it. We do not always remember
in this age of afternoon teas and literary papers that the state is
after all an artificial body, a form of compact under which human
beings agree to live together for mutual benefit and protection.
Before culture, æstheticism, or even ethics can be maintained there
must be a readiness and ability to fight, if the necessity arises, and
a capacity to do heavy work. Moreover, there must be ploughed fields
and ship-yards and grain-elevators and engines and manufactories, and
all the divers forms and phases of industrial and commercial endeavor
and enterprise by which men earn their daily bread. If woman is going
to participate in the material activities of the community she will
be fit to deal with the questions which relate thereto, but otherwise
she must necessarily remain unable to form a satisfactory judgment as
to the merits of more than one-half the measures upon which she would
be obliged to vote. Nor is it an argument in point that a large body
of men is in the same predicament. Two evils do not make a benefit.
There is a sufficient number of men conversant with every separate
practical question which arises to insure an intelligent examination
of it. The essential consideration is, what would the state gain, if
woman suffrage were adopted, except an enlarged constituency of voters?
What would woman, by means of the ballot, add to the better or smoother
development of the social system under which we live?
Unless the eternal feminine is to be sacrificed or to suffer, it
seems to me that her sole influence would be an ethical or moral one.
There are certainly strong grounds for the assumption that she would
point the way to, or at least champion, the cause of reforms which
man has perpetually dilly-dallied with and failed to do battle for.
To be sure, many of her most virtuous endeavors would be likely to be
focussed on matters where indulgences and weaknesses chiefly masculine
were concerned--such as the liquor problem; but an alliance between
her vote and that of the minority of men would probably be a blessing
to the world, even though she showed herself somewhat a tyrant or a
fanatic. Her advocacy of measures calculated to relieve society of
abuses and curses, which have continued to afflict it because men have
been only moderately in earnest for a change, could scarcely fail to
produce valuable results. Perhaps this is enough in itself to outweigh
the ignorance which she would bring to bear on matters which did not
involve ethical or humanitarian principles; and it is indisputably
the most legitimate argument in favor of woman suffrage. The notion
that women ought to vote simply because men do is childish and born
of vanity. On the other hand, if the state is to be a gainer by her
participation in the perplexities of voting, the case takes on a very
different aspect.
I have been assuming that the influence of woman would be in behalf
of ethics, but my wife Barbara assures me that I am thereby begging
the question. She informs me that I have too exalted an idea of
woman and her aims. She has confided to me that, though there is a
number of noble and forceful women in every community, the general
average, though prolific of moral and religious advice to men by way
of fulfilling a sort of traditional feminine duty, is at heart rather
flighty and less deeply interested in social progress than my sex.
This testimony, taken in connection with the reference of Julius Cæsar
to the disillusioning effect of a crowd of women in a drygoods store,
introduces a new element into the discussion. Frankly, my estimate of
women has always been high, and possibly unduly exalted. It may be
I have been deceived by the moral and religious advice offered into
believing that women are more serious than they really are. Reflection
certainly does cause one to recollect that comparatively few women
like to dwell on or to discuss for more than a few minutes any serious
subject which requires earnest thought. They prefer to skim from one
thing to another like swallows and to avoid dry depths. Those in the
van will doubtless answer that this is due to the unfortunate training
which woman has been subjected to for so many generations. True, in a
measure; but ought she not, before she is allowed to vote, on the plea
of bringing benefit to the state as an ethical adviser, to demonstrate
by more than words her ethical superiority?
We all know that women drink less intoxicating liquor than men, and
are less addicted to fleshly excesses. Yet the whole mental temper
and make-up of each sex ought to be taken into account in comparing
them together; and with all the predisposition of a gallant and
susceptible man to say the complimentary thing, I find myself asking
the question whether the average woman does not prefer to jog along
on a worsted-work-domestic-trusting-religious-advice-giving basis,
rather than to grapple in a serious way with the formidable problems
of living. At any rate I, for one, before the right of suffrage is
bestowed upon her, would like to be convinced that she as a sex is
really earnest-minded. If one stops to think, it is not easy to show
that, excepting where liquor, other women, and rigid attendance at
church are concerned, she has been wont to show any very decided bent
for, or interest in, the great reforms of civilization--that is,
nothing to distinguish her from a well-equipped and thoughtful man. It
is significant, too, that where women in this country have been given
the power to vote in local affairs, they have in several instances
shown themselves to be more solicitous for the triumph of a religious
creed or faction than to promote the public welfare.
It is extremely probable, if not certain, that the laws of all
civilized states will eventually be amended so as to give women the
same voice in the affairs of government as men. But taking all the
factors of the case into consideration, there seems to be no pressing
haste for action. Even admitting for the sake of argument that woman’s
apparent lack of seriousness is due to her past training, and that
she is really the admirably earnest spirit which one is lured into
believing her until he reflects, there can assuredly be no question
that the temper and proclivities of the very large mass of women are
not calculated at present to convict man of a lack of purpose by virtue
of shining superiority in persevering mental and moral aggressiveness.
Not merely the drygoods counter and the milliner’s store with their
engaging seductions, but the ball-room, the fancy-work pattern, the
sensational novel, nervous prostration, the school-girl’s giggle, the
tea-pot without food, and a host of other tell-tale symptoms, suggest
that there is a good deal of the old Eve left in the woman of to-day.
And bless her sweet heart, Adam is in no haste to have it otherwise.
Indeed, the eternal feminine seems to have staying qualities which bid
fair to outlast the ages.
The _Conduct of Life_.
I.
Now that more than a century has elapsed since our independence as
a nation was accomplished, and we are sixty million strong, what do
we stand for in the world? What is meant by the word American, and
what are our salient qualities as a people? What is the contribution
which we have made or are making to the progress of society and the
advancement of civilization?
There certainly used to be, and probably there is, no such egregiously
patriotic individual in the world as an indiscriminately patriotic
American, and there is no more familiar bit of rhetoric extant than
that this is the greatest nation on earth. The type of citizen who
gave obtrusive vent to this sentiment, both at home and abroad, is
less common than formerly; nevertheless his clarion tones are still
invariably to be heard in legislative assemblies when any opportunity
is afforded to draw a comparison between ourselves and other nations.
His extravagant and highfalutin boastings have undoubtedly been the
occasion of a certain amount of seemingly lukewarm patriotism on the
part of the educated and more intelligent portion of the American
public, an attitude which has given foreigners the opportunity to
declare that the best Americans are ashamed of their own institutions.
But that apparent disposition to apologize already belongs to a past
time. No American, unless a fool, denies to-day the force of the
national character, whatever he or she may think of the behavior of
individuals; and on the other hand, is it not true that every State
in the Union has a rising population of young and middle-aged people
who have discovered, Congress and the public schools to the contrary
notwithstanding, that we do not know everything, and that the pathway
of national progress is more full of perplexities than our forests
were of trees when Daniel Boone built his log cabin in the wilds of
Kentucky? In short, the period of unintelligent jubilation on one
side, and carping cynicism on the other, have given place to a soberer
self-satisfaction. We cannot--why should we?--forget that our territory
is enormous, and that we soon shall be, if we are not already, the
richest nation on earth; that the United States is the professed asylum
and Mecca of hope for the despondent and oppressed of other countries;
and that we are the cynosure of the universe, as being the most
important exemplification of popular government which the world has
ever seen. At the same time, the claims put forth by our progenitors,
that American society is vastly superior to any other, and that the
effete world of Europe is put to the blush by the civic virtues of
the land of the free and the home of the brave, are no longer urged
except for the purposes of rodomontade. The average American of fifty
years ago--especially the frontiersman and pioneer, who swung his
axe to clear a homestead, and squirted tobacco-juice while he tilled
the prairie--really believed that our customs, opinions, and manner
of living, whether viewed from the moral, artistic, or intellectual
standpoint, were a vast improvement on those of any other nation.
But though most of us to-day recognize the absurdity of such a view,
we are most of us at the same time conscious of the belief that there
is a difference between us and the European which is not imaginary,
and which is the secret of our national force and originality.
International intercourse has served to open our eyes until they
have become as wide as saucers, with the consequence that, in
hundreds of branches of industry and art, we are studying Old World
methods; moreover, the pioneer strain of blood has been diluted by
hordes of immigrants of the scum of the earth. In spite of both these
circumstances, our faith in our originality and in the value of it
remains unshaken, and we are no less sure at heart that our salient
traits are noble ones, than the American of fifty years ago was sure
that we had the monopoly of all the virtues and all the arts. He really
meant only what we mean, but he had an unfortunate way of expressing
himself. We have learned better taste, and we do not hesitate nowadays
to devote our native humor to hitting hard the head of bunkum, which
used to be as sacred as a Hindoo god, and as rife as apple-blossoms in
this our beloved country.
What is the recipe for Americanism--that condition of the system
and blood, as it were, which even the immigrant without an ideal to
his own soul, seems often to acquire to some extent as soon as he
breathes the air of Castle Garden? It is difficult to define it in
set speech, for it seems almost an illusive and intangible quality
of being when fingered and held up to the light. It seems to me to
be, first of all, a consciousness of unfettered individuality coupled
with a determination to make the most of self. One great force of
the American character is its naturalness, which proceeds from a
total lack of traditional or inherited disposition to crook the knee
to any one. It never occurs to a good American to be obsequious. In
vulgar or ignorant personalities this point of view has sometimes
manifested itself, and continues to manifest itself, in swagger or
insolence, but in the finer form of nature appears as simplicity
of an unassertive yet dignified type. Gracious politeness, without
condescension on the one hand, or fawning on the other, is noticeably
a trait of the best element of American society, both among men and
women. Indeed, so valuable to character and ennobling is this native
freedom from servility, that it has in many cases in the past made odd
and unconventional manner and behavior seem attractive rather than a
blemish. Unconventionality is getting to be a thing of the past in this
country, and the representative American is at a disadvantage now, both
at home and abroad, if he lacks the ways of the best social world; he
can no longer afford to ignore cosmopolitan usages, and to rely solely
on a forceful or imposing personality; the world of London and Paris,
of New York and Washington and Chicago, has ceased to thrill, and is
scarcely amused, if he shows himself merely in the guise of a splendid
intellectual buffalo. But the best Americanism of to-day reveals itself
no less distinctly and unequivocally in simplicity bred of a lack of
self-consciousness and a lack of servility of mind. It seems to carry
with it a birthright of self-respect, which, if fitly worn, ennobles
the humblest citizen.
This national quality of self-respect is apt to be associated with
the desire for self-improvement or success. Indeed, it must engender
it, for it provides hope, and hope is the touchstone of energy. The
great energy of Americans is ascribed by some to the climate, and
it is probably true that the nervous temperaments of our people are
stimulated by the atmospheric conditions which surround us; but is it
not much more true that, just as it never occurs to the good American
to be servile, so he feels that his outlook upon the possibilities
of life is not limited or qualified, and that the world is really
his oyster? To be sure, this faith has been fostered by the almost
Aladdin-like opportunities which this great and rich new country of
ours has afforded. But whatever the reason for our native energy and
self-reliance, it indisputably exists, and is signally typical of the
American character. We are distinctly an ambitious, earnest people,
eager to make the most of ourselves individually, and we have attracted
the attention of the world by force of our independent activity of
thought and action. The extraordinary personality of Abraham Lincoln
is undoubtedly the best apotheosis yet presented of unadulterated
Americanism. In him the native stock was free from the foreign
influences and suggestions which affected, more or less, the people of
the East. His origin was of the humblest sort, and yet he presented
most saliently in his character the naturalness, nobility, and aspiring
energy of the nation. He made the most of himself by virtue of unusual
abilities, yet the key-note of their influence and force was a noble
simplicity and farsighted independence. In him the quintessence of the
Americanism of thirty years ago was summed up and expressed. In many
ways he was a riddle at first to the people of the cities of the East
in that, though their soul was his soul, his ways had almost ceased to
be their ways; but he stands before the world to-day as the foremost
interpreter of American ideas and American temper of thought as they
then existed.
In the thirty years since the death of Abraham Lincoln the country has
been inundated with foreign blood. Irish, Germans, English, Poles, and
Scandinavians, mainly of the pauper or peasant class, have landed in
large numbers, settled in one State or another, and become a part of
the population. The West, at the time of the Civil War, was chiefly
occupied by settlers of New England or Eastern stock--pioneers from the
older cities and towns who had sought fortune and a freer life in the
new territory of prairies and unappropriated domain. The population
of the whole country to-day bears many different strains of blood in
its veins. The original settlers have chiefly prospered. The sons of
those who split rails or followed kindred occupations in the fifties,
and listened to the debates between Lincoln and Douglas, are the
proprietors of Chicago, Denver, Cincinnati, Minneapolis, and Topeka.
Johann Heintz now follows the plough and in turn squirts tobacco-juice
while he tills the prairie; and Louis Levinsky, Paul Petrinoff, and
Michael O’Neil forge the plough-shares, dig in the mine, or work in
the factory side by side with John Smith and any descendant of Paul
Revere who has failed to prosper in life’s battle. But this is not
all. Not merely are the plain people in the dilemma of being unable
to pronounce the names of their neighbors, but the same is getting to
be true of the well-to-do merchants and tradespeople of many of our
cities. The argus-eyed commercial foreigner has marked us for his own,
and his kith and kin are to-day coming into possession of our drygoods
establishments, our restaurants, our cigar stores, our hotels, our
old furniture haunts, our theatres, our jewelry shops, and what not.
One has merely to open a directory in order to find the names in any
leading branch of trade plentifully larded with Adolph Stein, Simon
Levi, Gustave Cohen, or something ending in berger. They sell our
wool; they float our loans; they manufacture our sugar, our whiskey,
and our beer; they influence Congress. They are here for what they can
make, and they do not waste their time in sentiment. They did not come
in time to reap the original harvest, but they have blown across the
ocean to help the free-born American spend his money in the process of
trying to out-civilize Paris and London. As a consequence, the leading
wholesale and retail ornamental industries of New York and of some
of our Western cities are in the grip of individuals whose surnames
have a foreign twang. Of course, they have a right to be here; it is
a free country, and no one can say them nay. But we must take them
and their wives and daughters, their customs and their opinions, into
consideration in making an estimate of who are the Americans of the
present. They have not come here for their health, as the phrase is,
but they have come to stay. We at present, in our social hunger and
thirst, supply the grandest and dearest market of the world for the
disposal of everything beautiful and costly and artistic which the Old
World possesses, and all the shopkeepers of Europe, with the knowledge
of generations on the tips of their tongues and in the corners of their
brains, have come over to coin dowries for their daughters in the land
of the free and the home of the brave. Many of them have already made
large fortunes in the process, and are beginning to con the pages of
the late Ward McAllister’s book on etiquette with a view to social
aggressiveness.
Despite this infusion of foreign blood, the native stock and the
Anglo-Saxon nomenclature are still, of course, predominant in numbers.
There are some portions of the country where the late immigrant is
scarcely to be found. True also is it that these late-comers, like
the immigrants of fifty years ago, have generally been prompt in
appropriating the independent and energetic spirit typical of our
people. But there is a significant distinction to be borne in mind
in this connexion: The independent energy of the Americans of fifty
years ago, whether in the East or among the pioneers of the Western
frontier, was not, however crude its manifestations, mere bombastic
assertiveness, but the expression of a faith and the expression of
strong character. They were often ignorant, conceited, narrow, hard,
and signally inartistic; but they stood for principle and right as they
saw and believed it; they cherished ideals; they were firm as adamant
in their convictions; and God talked with them whether in the store or
workshop, or at the plough. This was essentially true of the rank and
file of the people, no less true and perhaps more true of the humblest
citizens than of the well-to-do and prominent.
There can be little doubt that the foreign element which is now a part
of the American people represents neither a faith nor the expression
of ideals or convictions. The one, and the largest portion of it, is
the overflow and riff-raff of the so-called proletariat of Europe;
the other is the evidence of a hyena-like excursion for the purposes
of plunder. In order to be a good American it is not enough to become
independent and energetic. The desire to make the most of one’s self
is a relative term; it must proceed from principle and be nourished
by worthy, ethical aims; otherwise it satisfies itself with paltry
conditions, or with easy-going florid materialism. The thieving and
venality in municipal political affairs of the Irish-American, the dull
squalor and brutish contentment of the Russian-Pole, and the commercial
obliquity of vision and earthy ambitions of the German Jew, are factors
in our national life which are totally foreign to the Americanism for
which Abraham Lincoln stood. We have opened our gates to a horde of
economic ruffians and malcontents, ethical bankrupts and social thugs,
and we must needs be on our guard lest their aims and point of view be
so engrafted on the public conscience as to sap the vital principles
which are the foundation of our strength as a people. The danger from
this source is all the greater from the fact that the point of view
of the American people has been changed so radically during the last
thirty years as a secondary result of our material prosperity. We have
ceased to be the austere nation we once were, and we have sensibly
let down the bars in the manner of our living; we have recognized the
value of, and we enjoy, many things which our fathers put from them
as inimical to republican virtue and demoralizing to society. Contact
with older civilizations has made us wiser and more appreciative, and
with this growth of perspective and the acquirement of an eye for
color has come a liberality of sentiment which threatens to debauch us
unless we are careful. There are many, especially among the wealthy and
fashionable, who in their ecstasy over our emancipation are disposed
to throw overboard everything which suggests the old _régime_, and to
introduce any custom which will tend to make life more easy-going and
spectacular. And in this they are supported by the immigrant foreigner,
who would be only too glad to see the land of his adoption made to
conform in all its usages to the land of his birth.
The conduct of life here has necessarily and beneficially been affected
by the almost general recognition that we have not a monopoly of all
the virtues, and by the adoption of many customs and points of view
recommended by cosmopolitan experience. The American people still
believe, however, that our civilization is not merely a repetition
of the older ones, and a duplication on new soil of the old social
tread-mill. That it must be so in a measure every one will admit, but
we still insist, and most of us believe, that we are to point the way
to a new dispensation. We believe, but at the same time when we stop to
think we find some difficulty in specifying exactly what we are doing
to justify the faith. It is easy enough to get tangled up in the stars
and stripes and cry “hurrah!” and to thrust the American eagle down the
throats of a weary universe, but it is quite another to command the
admiration of the world by behavior commensurate with our ambition and
self-confidence. Our forefathers could point to their own nakedness
as a proof of their greatness, but there seems to be some danger that
we, now that we have clothed ourselves--and clothed ourselves as
expensively as possible and not always in the best taste--will forget
the ideas and ideals for which those fathers stood, and let ourselves
be seduced by the specious doctrine that human nature is always human
nature, and that all civilizations are alike. To be sure, an American
now is apt to look and act like any other rational mortal, and there is
no denying that the Atlantic cable and ocean greyhound have brought the
nations of the world much closer together than they ever were before;
but this merely proves that we can become just like the others, only
worse, in case we choose to. But we intend to improve upon them.
To those who believe that we are going to improve upon them it must be
rather an edifying spectacle to observe the doings and sayings of that
body of people in the city of New York who figure in the newspapers of
the day as “the four hundred,” “the smart set,” or “the fashionable
world.” After taking into full account the claims of the sensitive
city of Chicago, it may be truthfully stated that the city of New
York is the Paris of America. There are other municipalities which
are doing their best in their several ways to rival her, but it is
toward New York that all the eyes in the country are turned, and from
which they take suggestion as a cat laps milk. The rest of us are in a
measure provincial. Many of us profess not to approve of New York, but,
though we cross ourselves piously, we take or read a New York daily
paper. New York gives the cue alike to the Secretary of the Treasury
and (by way of London) to the social swell. The ablest men in the
country seek New York as a market for their brains, and the wealthiest
people of the country move to New York to spend the patrimony which
their rail-splitting fathers or grandfathers accumulated. Therefore
it is perfectly just to refer to the social life of New York as
representative of that element of the American people which has been
most blessed with brains or fortune, and as representative of our most
highly evolved civilization. It ought to be our best. The men and
women who contribute to its movement and influence ought to be the
pick of the country. But what do we find? We find as the ostensible
leaders of New York society a set of shallow worldlings whose whole
existence is given up to emulating one another in elaborate and
splendid inane social fripperies. They dine and wine and dance and
entertain from January to December. Their houses, whether in town or
at the fashionable watering-places to which they move in summer, are
as sumptuous, if not more so, than those of the French nobility in its
palmiest days, and their energies are devoted to the discovery of new
expensive luxuries and fresh titillating creature comforts. That such
a body of people should exist in this country after little more than
a century of democratic institutions is extraordinary, but much more
extraordinary is the absorbing interest which a large portion of the
American public takes in the doings and sayings of this fashionable
rump. There is the disturbing feature of the case. Whatever these
worldlings do is flashed over the entire country, and is copied into a
thousand newspapers as being of vital concern to the health and home of
the nation. The editors print it because it is demanded; because they
have found that the free-born American citizen is keenly solicitous to
know “what is going on in society,” and that he or she follows with
almost feverish interest and with open-mouthed absorption the spangled
and jewelled annual social circus parade which goes on in the Paris of
America. The public is indifferently conscious that underneath this
frothy upper-crust in New York there is a large number of the ablest
men and women of the country by whose activities the great educational,
philanthropic, and artistic enterprises of the day have been fostered,
promoted, and made successful; but this consciousness pales into
secondary importance in the democratic mind as compared with realistic
details concerning this ball and that dinner-party where thousands
of dollars are poured out in vulgar extravagance, or concerning the
cost of the wedding-presents, the names and toilettes of the guests,
and the number of bottles of champagne opened at the marriage of some
millionaire’s daughter.
No wonder that this aristocracy of ours plumes itself on its
importance, and takes itself seriously when it finds its slightest
doings telegraphed from the Atlantic to the Pacific. It feels itself
called to new efforts, for it understands with native shrewdness that
the American people requires novelty and fresh entertainment, or it
looks elsewhere. Accordingly it is beginning to be unfaithful to its
marriage vows. Until within a recent period the husbands and wives
of this vapid society have, much to the bewilderment of warm-blooded
students of manners and morals, been satisfied to flirt and produce the
appearance of infidelity, and yet only pretend. Now the divorce court
and the whispered or public scandal bear frequent testimony to the fact
that it is not so fashionable or “smart” as it used to be merely to
make believe.
Was there ever a foreign court, when foreign courts were in their
glory, where men and women were content merely to whisper and giggle
behind a rubber-tree in order to appear vicious? It may be said at
least that some of our fashionables have learned to be men and women
instead of mere simpering marionettes. Still there was originality in
being simpering marionettes: Marital infidelity has been the favorite
excitement of every rotten aristocracy which the world has ever seen.
The _Conduct of Life_.
II.
A manner of life of this description can scarcely be the ideal of
the American people. Certainly neither George Washington, when he
delivered his farewell address, nor Abraham Lincoln, on the occasion
of his second inaugural, looked forward to the evolution of any such
aristocracy as the fulfilment of the nation’s hopes. And yet this
coterie of people has its representatives in all the large cities of
the country, and there is no reason to doubt that in a short time the
example set will be imitated to some extent, at least, and that one
portion of the country will vie with another in extravagant social
vanities and prodigal display on the part of a pleasure-seeking leisure
class.
Most of these people go to church, and, indeed, some of them are
ostensibly regardful of church functions and ceremonies, and, as they
do not openly violate any laws so as to subject themselves to terms of
imprisonment, the patriotic American citizen finds himself able merely
to frown by way of showing his dissatisfaction at this form of high
treason against the morals and aims of democracy. To frown and to be
grateful that one is not like certain pleasure-seeking millionaires
is not much of a comfort, especially when it is obvious that the
ignorant and semi-ignorant mass is fascinated by the extravagances and
worldly manifestations of the individuals in question, and has made
them its heroes on account of their unadulterated millions. Indeed,
the self-respecting, patriotic American citizen finds himself to-day
veritably between Scylla and Charybdis in the matter of the conduct
of life. We are no longer the almost homogeneous nation we were fifty
years ago. There are far greater extremes of wealth and poverty. Our
economic conditions, or at least the conditions which exist in our
principal cities, are closely approximating those which exist in the
cities of the Old World. Outside of our cities the people for the most
part live in respectable comfort by the practice of what passes in
America for economy, which may be defined as a high but ignorant moral
purpose negatived by waste and domestic incompetence. It has always
been true of our beloved country that, though the ship of state has
seemed on the point of floundering from time to time, disaster has
invariably been averted at critical junctures by the saving grace of
the common-sense and right-mindedness of the American people. This is
not so complimentary as it sounds. It really means that the average
sense and intelligence of the public is apt to be in the wrong at the
outset, and to be converted to the right only after many days and much
tribulation. In other words, our safety and our progress have been the
result of a slow and often reluctant yielding of opinion by the mass
to the superior judgment of a minority. This is merely another way of
stating that, where every one has a right to individual opinion, and
there are no arbitrary standards of conduct or of anything else outside
the statute law, the mean is likely to fall far short of what is
best. Our salvation in every instance of national perplexity has been
the effectual working on the public conscience of the leaven of the
best Americanism. A comparatively small proportion of the population
have been the pioneers in thought and suggestion of subsequent ardent
espousals by the entire public. This leaven, in the days when we were
more homogeneous, was made up from all the elements of society; or, in
other words, the best Americanism drew its representatives from every
condition of life; the farmer of the Western prairie was just as likely
to tower above his fellows and become a torch-bearer as the merchant or
mechanic of the city.
If we as a nation have needed a leaven in the past, we certainly have
no less need of one to-day, now that we are in the flush of material
prosperity and consciousness of power. Fortunately we have one. The
public-spirited, nobly independent, earnest, conscientious, ambitious
American exists to-day as indisputably and unmistakably as ever, and
he is a finer specimen of humanity than he used to be, for he knows
more and he poses much less. It is safe to assert, too, that he is
still to be found in every walk of our national life. The existence
of an aggravating and frivolous aristocracy on the surface, and an
ignorant, unæsthetic mass underneath should not blind us to the fact
that there is a sound core to our social system. The hope of the United
States to-day lies in that large minority of the people who are really
trying to solve the problems of life from more than a merely selfish
standpoint. One has merely to think a moment in order to realize
what a really numerous and significant body among us is endeavoring
to promote the cause of American civilization by aspiring or decent
behavior. Our clergymen, our lawyers, our doctors, our architects,
our merchants, our teachers, some of our editors, our bankers, our
scientists, our scholars, and our philanthropists, at once stand out as
a generally sane and earnest force of citizens. The great educational,
charitable, artistic, and other undertakings which have been begun and
splendidly completed by individual energy and liberality since the
death of Abraham Lincoln, bespeak eloquently the temper of a certain
portion of the community. If it be true that the so-called aristocracy
of New York City threatens the repute and sincerity of democracy
by its heartlessness and unworthy attempts to ape the vices of a
fifteenth-century European nobility, New York can fairly retort that
it offers in its working force of well-to-do people the most vital,
interesting, sympathetic, and effective force of men and women in the
nation. If the Paris of America contains the most dangerous element
of society, it also contains an element which is equal to the best
elsewhere, and is more attractive than any. The New York man or woman
who is in earnest is sure to accomplish something, for he or she is
not likely to be handicapped by ignorant provincialism of ethics or art
which plays havoc with many of the good intentions of the rest of the
country.
This versatile and interesting leaven of American society finds its
counterpart, to a greater or less extent, in every section of the
United States, but it is nowhere quite so attractive as in the Paris
of America, for the reason that nowhere does the pulse of life move so
keenly as there, and nowhere is the science of living absorbingly so
well understood. The art of living has there reached a more interesting
phase than in any part of America, if zest in life and the facilities
to make the most of it are regarded as the test.
This may sound worldly. The people of the United States used to
consider it worldly to admire pictures or to listen to beautiful music.
Some think so still. Many a citizen of what was lately the prairie
sits down to his dinner in his shirt-sleeves to-day and pretends to
be thankful that he is neither an aristocrat nor a gold-bug. The next
week, perhaps, this same citizen will vote against a national bankrupt
law because he does not wish to pay his debts, or vote for a bill
which will enable him to pay them in depreciated currency. Many a
clergyman who knows better gives his flock consolingly to understand
that to be absorbed in the best human interests of life is unworthy
of the Christian, and that to be ordinary and unattractive is a
legitimate condition of mind and body. Surely the best Americanism is
the Americanism of the man or woman who makes the most of what this
life affords, and throws himself or herself keenly into the thick of
it. The art of living is the science of living nobly and well, and
how can one live either nobly or well by regarding life on the earth
as a mere log-cabin existence? If we in this country who seek to live
wisely are in danger from the extravagant vanities of the very rich,
we are scarcely less menaced by that narrow spirit of ethical teaching
which tries to inculcate that it does not much matter what our material
surroundings are, and that any progress made by society, except in the
direction of sheer morality, is a delusion and a snare.
Character is the basis and the indispensable requisite of the finest
humanity; without it refinement, appreciation, manners, fancy, and
power of expression are like so many boughs on a tree which is dead.
But, on the other hand, what is more uninspiring than an unadorned
soul? That kind of virtue and morality which finds no interest in the
affairs of this life is but a fresh contribution to the sum of human
incompetence, and but serves to retard the progress of civilization.
The true and the chief reason why there is less misery in the world
than formerly is that men understand better how to live. That
straight-laced type of American, who is content to be moral in his own
narrow way, and to exclude from his scheme of life all those interests
which serve to refine and to inspire, bears the same relation to the
ideal man or woman that a chromo bears to a masterpiece of painting.
We have no standards in this country. The individual is free to express
himself here within the law in any way he sees fit, and the conduct
of life comes always at last to an equation of the individual. Each
one of us when we awake in the morning finds the problem of existence
staring him anew in the face, and cannot always spare the time to
remember that he is an American. And yet Americanism is the sum total
of what all of us are. It will be very easy for us simply to imitate
the civilizations of the past, but if our civilization is to stand for
anything vital, and to be a step forward in the progress of humanity,
we must do more than use the old combinations and devices of society in
a new kaleidoscopic form. Our heritage as Americans is independence,
originality, self-reliance, and sympathetic energy animated by a strong
ethical instinct, and these are forces which can produce a higher and
a broader civilization than the world has yet seen if we choose to
have it so. But it is no longer a matter of cutting down forests and
opening mines, of boasting beside the plough and building cities in
a single year, of fabulous fortunes won in a trice, and of favorite
sons in black broadcloth all the year round. It is a matter of a vast,
populous country and a powerful, seething civilization where the same
problems confront us which have taxed the minds and souls of the Old
World for generations of men. It is for our originality to throw new
light upon them, and it is for our independence to face them in the
spirit of a deeper sympathy with humanity, and free from the canker of
that utter selfishness which has made the prosperity and glory of other
great nations culminate so often in a decadence of degrading luxury and
fruitless culture.
No civilization which regards the blessings and comforts of refined
living as unworthy to be striven for and appropriated can hope to
promote the cause of humanity. On the other hand, we Americans must
remember that purely selfish appropriation and appreciation of
these blessings and comforts has worked the ruin of the most famous
civilizations of the past. Marie Antoinette was more elegant than the
most fashionable woman in New York, and yet that did not save her
from the tumbrel and the axe. The best Americanism of to-day and for
the future is that which shall seek to use the fruits of the earth
and the fulness thereof, and to develop all the manifestations of art
and gentle living in the interest of humanity as a whole. But even
heartless elegance is preferable to that self-righteous commonness
of spirit which sits at home in its shirt-sleeves and is graceless,
ascetic, and unimaginative in the name of God.
_THE END_
[Illustration]
_D. B. Updike
The Merrymount Press
104 Chestnut Street
Boston_