jealousy that we maintain that French preponderance in Madagascar would
work disastrously for freedom and humanity in that part of the world. We
are not wholly free from blame ourselves with regard to the treatment of
the coolie population of Mauritius; but it must be remembered that,
although that island is English in government, its inhabitants are
chiefly French in origin, and they retain a great deal of that utter
want of recognition of the rights of coloured people which seems
inherent in the French abroad. So that successive governors have been
constantly thwarted by magistrates and police in their efforts to obtain
justice for the coolie immigrants. A Commission of Inquiry in 1872,
however, forced a number of reforms, and since then there has been
little ground for complaint. But in the neighbouring island of Réunion
the treatment of the Hindu coolies has been so bad that at length the
Indian Government has refused to allow emigration thither any longer.
For some years past French trading vessels have been carrying off from
the north-west Madagascar coast hundreds of people for the Réunion
plantations. Very lately a convention was made with the Portuguese
authorities at Mozambique to supply coloured labourers for Réunion, and,
doubtless, also with a view to sugar estates yet to be made in
Madagascar--a traffic which is the slave-trade in all but the name. The
French flag is sullied by being allowed to be used by slaving dhows--an
iniquity owing to which our brave Captain Brownrigg met his death not
long ago. Is it any exaggeration to say that an increase of French
influence in these seas is one of sad omen for freedom?
And, further, a French protectorate over a part of the island would
certainly work disastrously for the progress of Madagascar itself. It
has been already shown that during the present century the country has
been passing out of the condition of a collection of petty independent
States into that of one strong Kingdom, whose authority is gradually
becoming more and more firmly established over the whole island. And all
hope of progress is bound up in the strengthening and consolidation of
the central Hova Government, with capable governors representing its
authority over the other provinces. But for many years past the French
have depreciated and ridiculed the Hova power; and except M. Guillain,
who, in his "Documents sur la Partie Occidentale de Madagascar," has
written with due appreciation of the civilizing policy of Radàma I.,
there is hardly any French writer but has spoken evil of the central
government, simply because every step taken towards the unification of
the country makes their own projects less feasible. French policy is,
therefore, to stir up the outlying tribes, where the Hova authority is
still weak, to discontent and rebellion, and so cause internecine war,
in which France will come in and offer "protection" to all rebels. Truly
a noble "mission" for a great and enlightened European nation!
After acknowledging again and again the sovereign at Antanànarìvo as
"Queen of Madagascar," the French papers have lately begun to style Her
Majesty "Queen of the Hovas," as if there were not a dozen other tribes
over whom even the French have never disputed her authority; while they
write as if the Sàkalàva formed an independent State, with whom they had
a perfect right to conclude treaties. More than this: after making
treaties with at least two sovereigns of Madagascar, accrediting consuls
to them and receiving consuls appointed by them, a portion of the French
press has just discovered that the Malagasy are "a barbarous people,"
with whom it would be derogatory to France to meet on equal terms.[21]
Let us see what this barbarous Malagasy Government has been doing during
the last few years:--
i. It has put an end to idolatry in the central and other provinces, and
with it a number of cruel and foolish superstitions, together with the
use of the _Tangéna_ poison-ordeal,[22] infanticide, polygamy, and the
unrestricted power of divorce.
ii. It has codified, revised, and printed its laws, abolishing capital
punishment (formerly carried out in many cruel forms), except for the
crimes of treason and murder.
iii. It has set free a large portion of the slave population, indeed
all African slaves brought from beyond the seas, and has passed laws by
which no Malagasy can any longer be reduced to slavery for debt or for
political offences.
iv. It has largely limited the old oppressive feudal system of the
country, and has formed a kind of responsible Ministry, with departments
of foreign affairs, war, justice, revenue, trade, schools, &c.
v. It has passed laws for compulsory education throughout the central
provinces, by which the children in that part of the island are now
being educated.
vi. It has begun to remodel its army, putting it on a basis of short
service, to which all classes are liable, so as to consolidate its power
over the outlying districts, and bring all the island under the action
of the just and humane laws already described.
vii. It has made the planting of the poppy illegal, subjecting the
offender to a very heavy fine.
viii. It has passed several laws forbidding the manufacture and
importation of ardent spirits into Imérina, and is anxious for powers in
the treaties now to be revised to levy a much heavier duty at the ports.
We need not ask if these are the acts of a barbarous nation, or whether
it would be for the interests of humanity and civilization and progress
if the disorderly elements which still remain in the country should be
encouraged by foreign interference to break away from the control they
have so long acknowledged. It is very doubtful whether any European
nation has made similar progress in such a short period as has this Hova
Government of Madagascar.
It may also be remarked that although it has also been the object of the
French to pose as the friends of the Sàkalàva, whom they represent as
down-trodden, it is a simple matter of fact that for many years past
these people have been in peaceable subjection to the Hova authority.
The system of government allows the local chiefs to retain a good deal
of their former influence so long as the suzerainty of the Queen at
Antanànarìvo is acknowledged. And a recent traveller through this
north-west district, the Rev. W. C. Pickersgill, testifies that on
inquiring of every tribe as to whom they paid allegiance, the invariable
reply was, "To Ranavàlo-manjàka, Queen of Madagascar." It is indeed
extremely probable that, in counting upon the support of these
north-westerly tribes against the central government, the French are
reckoning without their host, and will find enemies where they expect
allies.[23] In fact, the incident which was one of the chief pretexts
for the revival of these long-dormant claims--the hoisting of the
Queen's flag at two places--really shows how well disposed the people
are to the Hova Government, and how they look to the Queen for justice.
It will perhaps be asked, Have we any diplomatic standing-ground for
friendly intervention on behalf of the Malagasy? I think there are at
least two considerations which--altogether apart from our commercial and
political interests in the freedom of the country, and what we have done
for it in various ways--give us a right to speak in this question. One
is, that there has for many years past been an understanding between the
Governments of France and England that neither would take action with
regard to Madagascar without previous consultation with each other.[24]
We are then surely entitled to speak if the independence of the island
is threatened. Another reason is, that we are to a great extent pledged
to give the Hova Government some support by the words spoken by our
Special Envoy to the Queen Ranavàlona last year. Vice-Admiral Gore-Jones
then repeated the assurance of the understanding above-mentioned, and
encouraged the Hova Government to consolidate their authority on the
west coast, and, in fact, his language stimulated them to take that
action there which the French have made a pretext for their present
interference.[25]
In taking such a line of action England seeks no selfish ends. We do not
covet a foot of Madagascar territory; we ask no exclusive privileges;
but I do maintain that what we have done for Madagascar, and the part we
have taken in her development and advancement, gives us a claim and
imposes on us an obligation to stand forward on her behalf against those
who would break her unity and consequently her progress. The French will
have no easy task to conquer the country if they persist in their
demands; the Malagasy will not yield except to overwhelming force, and
it will prove a war bringing heavy cost and little honour to France.
May I not appeal to all right-minded and generous Frenchmen that their
influence should also be in the direction of preserving the freedom of
this nation?--one of the few dark peoples who have shown an unusual
receptivity for civilization and Christianity, who have already advanced
themselves so much, and who will still, if left undisturbed, become one
united and enlightened nation.
It will be to the lasting disgrace of France if she stirs up aggressive
war, and so throws back indefinitely all the remarkable progress made by
the Malagasy during the past few years; and it will be hardly less to
our own discredit if we, an insular nation, jealous of the inviolability
of our own island, show no practical sympathy with another insular
people, and do not use every means that can be employed to preserve to
Madagascar its independence and its liberties.
JAMES SIBREE, Jun.
FOOTNOTES:
[11] The single act which led to the revival of these long-forgotten
claims upon the north-west coast, was the hoisting of the Queen's flag
by two native Sàkalàva chieftains in their villages. These were hauled
down, and carried away in a French gun-boat, and the flag-staves cut up.
[12] This last claim must be preferred either in perfect ignorance of
what the 1868 treaty really is, or as an attempt to throw dust in the
eyes of the newspaper-reading public.
[13] It is true that during these seventy years various edicts claiming
the country we issued by Louis XIV.; but as the French during all that
time did not attempt to occupy a single foot of territory in Madagascar,
these grandiloquent proclamations can hardly be considered as of much
value. As has been remarked, French pretensions were greatest when their
actual authority was least.
[14] See "Précis sur les Etablissements Français formés à Madagascar."
Paris, 1836, p.4.
[15] For fuller details as to the character of French settlements in
Madagascar, their gross mismanagement and bad treatment of the people,
see Statement of the Madagascar Committee; and _Souvenirs de
Madagascar_, par M. le Dr. H. Lacaze: Paris, 1881, p. xviii.
[16] The italics are my own.
[17] See also letter of Bishop Ryan, late of Mauritius, _Daily News_,
Dec. 16.
[18] See _Daily News_, Nov. 30 and Dec. 1; _La Liberté_, Nov. 29, and
_Le Parlement_ of same date. Both these French journals speak of an "Act
by which the Tanànarivo Government cancelled the Treaty of 1868" (_Le
Parlement_), and of its being "annulled by Queen Ranavàlona of her own
authority" (_La Liberté_). It is only necessary to say that no such
"Act" ever had any existence, save in the fertile brains of French
journalists, and it is now brought forward apparently with a view to
excite animosity towards the Malagasy in the minds of their readers.
[19] _E.g., The Manchester Guardian_, Dec. 1st., 5th., and 6th.
[20] Almost all Malagasy words for military tactics and rank are of
English origin, so are many of the words used for building operations,
and the influence of England is also shown by the fact that almost all
the words connected with education and literature are from us, such as
school, class, lesson, pen, copybook, pencil, slate, book, gazette,
press, print, proof, capital, period, &c., grammar, geography, addition,
&c.
[21] See _Le Parlement_, Dec. 15, and other French papers.
[22] Among the many unfair statements of the Parisian press is an
article in _Le Rappel_, of Oct. 29, copied by many other papers, in
which this Tangéna ordeal is described as if it was now a practice of
the Malagasy, the intention being, of course, to lead its readers to
look upon them as still barbarous; the fact being that its use has been
obsolete ever since 1865 (Art. XVIII. of English Treaty), and its
practice is a capital offence, as a form of treason. The Malagasy Envoys
are represented as saying that their Supreme Court often condemned
criminals to death by its use!
[23] See Tract No. II. of the Madagascar Committee.
[24] See Lord Granville's speech in reply to the address of the
Madagascar Committee, Nov. 28.
[25] The Admiral, so it is reported on good authority, congratulated the
Queen and her Government on having solved the question of Madagascar by
showing that the Hova could govern it. He also said that France and
England were in perfect accord on this point, and on the wisdom of
recognizing Queen Ranavàlona as sovereign of the whole island. See
_Daily News_, Dec. 14. This will no doubt be confirmed by the
publication of the official report which has been asked for by Mr. G.
Palmer, M.P.
THE RELIGIOUS FUTURE OF THE WORLD.
PART THE FIRST.
I.
I suppose there are few students of man and of society to whom the
present religious condition and apparent religious prospect of the world
can seem very satisfactory. If there is any lesson clear from history it
is this; that, in every age religion has been the main stay both of
private life and of the public order,--"the substance of humanity," as
Quinet well expresses it, "whence issue, as by so many necessary
consequences, political institutions, the arts, poetry, philosophy, and,
up to a certain point, even the sequence of events."[26] The existing
civilization of Europe and America--I use the word civilization in its
highest and widest sense, and mean by it especially the laws,
traditions, beliefs, and habits of thought and action, whereby
individual family and social life is governed--is mainly the work of
Christianity. The races which inhabit the vast Asiatic Continent are
what they are chiefly from the influence of Buddhism and Mohammedanism,
of the Brahminical, Confucian, and Taosean systems. In the fetichism of
the rude tribes of Africa, still in the state of the childhood of
humanity, we have what has been called the _parler enfantin_ of
religion:--it is that rude and unformed speech, as of spiritual babes
and sucklings, which principally makes them to differ from the
anthropoid apes of their tropical forests: "un peuple est compté pour
quelque chose le jour où il s'elève a la pensée de Dieu."[27] But the
spirit of the age is unquestionably hostile to all these creeds from the
highest to the lowest. In Europe there is a movement--of its breadth and
strength I shall say more presently--the irreconcilable hostility of
which to "all religion and all religiosity," to use the words of the
late M. Louis Blanc, is written on its front. Thought is the most
contagious thing in the world, and in these days pain unchanged, but
with no firm ground of faith, no "hope both sure and stedfast, and which
entereth into that within the vail," no worthy object of desire whereby
man may erect himself above himself, whence he may derive an
indefectible rule of conduct, a constraining incentive to
self-sacrifice, an adequate motive for patient endurance,--such is the
vision of the coming time, as it presents itself to many of the most
thoughtful and competent observers.
II.
In these circumstances it is natural that so thoughtful and competent an
observer as the author of "Ecce Homo" should take up his parable. And
assuredly few who have read that beautiful book, so full of lofty
musing, and so rich in pregnant suggestion, however superficial and
inconsequent, will have opened the volume which he has recently given to
the world without high expectation. It will be remembered that in his
preface to his former work, he tells us that he was dissatisfied with
the current conceptions of Christ, and unable to rest content without a
definite opinion regarding Him, and so was led to trace His biography
from point to point, with a view of accepting those conclusions about
Him which the facts themselves, weighed critically, appeared to warrant.
And now, after the lapse of well-nigh two decades, the author of "Ecce
Homo" comes forward to consider the religious outlook of the world.
Surely a task for which he is in many respects peculiarly well-fitted.
Wide knowledge of the modern mind, broad sympathies, keen and delicate
perceptions, freedom from party and personal ends, and a power of
graceful and winning statement must, upon all hands, be conceded to him.
What such a man thinks on such a subject, is certain to be interesting;
and, whether we agree with it or not, is as certain to be suggestive. I
propose, therefore, first of all to consider what may be learnt about
the topic with which I am concerned, from this new book on "Natural
Religion," and I shall then proceed to deal with it in my own way.
The author of "Natural Religion" starts with the broad assumption that
"supernaturalism" is discredited by modern "science." I may perhaps, in
passing, venture to express my regret that in an inquiry demanding, from
its nature and importance, the utmost precision of which human speech is
capable, the author has in so few cases clearly and rigidly limited the
sense of the terms which he employs. "Supernaturalism," for example, is
a word which may bear many different meanings; which, as a matter of
fact, does bear, I think, for me a very different meaning from that
which it bears for the author of "Natural Religion." So, again,
"science" in this book, is tacitly assumed to denote physical science
only: and what an assumption, as though there were no other sciences
than the physical! This in passing. I shall have to touch again upon
these points hereafter. For the present let us regard the scope and aim
of this discourse of Natural Religion, as the author states it. He finds
that the supernatural portion of Christianity, as of all religions, is
widely considered to be discredited by physical science. "Two opposite
theories of the Universe" (p. 26) are before men. The one propounded by
Christianity "is summed up," as he deems, "in the three propositions,
that a Personal Will is the cause of the Universe, that that Will is
perfectly benevolent, that that Will has sometimes interfered by
miracles with the order of the Universe" (p. 13). The other he states as
follows:--"Science opposes to God Nature. When it denies God it denies
the existence of any power beyond or superior to Nature; and it may deny
at the same time anything like a _cause_ of Nature. It believes in
certain laws of co-existence and sequence in phenomena, and in denying
God it means to deny that anything further can be known" (p. 17). "For
what is God--so the argument runs--but a hypothesis, which religious men
have mistaken for a demonstrated reality? And is it not precisely
against such premature hypotheses that science most strenuously
protests? That a Personal Will is the cause of the Universe--this might
stand very well as a hypothesis to work with, until facts should either
confirm it, or force it to give way to another, either different or at
least modified. That this Personal Will is benevolent, and is shown to
be so by the facts of the Universe, which evince a providential care for
man and other animals--this is just one of those plausibilities which
passed muster before scientific method was understood, but modern
science rejects it as unproved. Modern science holds that there may be
design in the Universe, but that to penetrate the design is, and
probably always will be, beyond the power of the human understanding.
That this Personal Will has on particular occasions revealed itself by
breaking through the customary order of the Universe, and performing
what are called miracles--this, it is said, is one of those legends o£
which histories were full, until a stricter view of evidence was
introduced, and the modern critical spirit sifted thoroughly the annals
of the world" (p. 11). These, in our author's words, are the two
opposite theories of the Universe before the world: two "mortally
hostile" (p. 13) theories; the one "the greatest of all affirmations;"
"the other the most fatal of all negations," (p. 26) and the latter, as
he discerns, is everywhere making startling progress. "The extension of
the _methods_ of physical science to the whole domain of human
knowledge," he notes as the most important "change of system in the
intellectual world" (p. 7). "No one," he continues, "needs to be told
what havoc this physical method is making with received systems, and it
produces a sceptical disposition of mind towards primary principles
which have been of steam locomotion and electric telegraphs, of cheap
literature and ubiquitous journalism, ideas travel with the speed of
light, and the influences which are warring against the theologies of
Europe are certainly acting as powerful solvents upon the religious
systems of the rest of the world. But apart from the loud and fierce
negation of the creed of Christendom which is so striking a feature of
the present day, there is among those who nominally adhere to it a vast
amount of unaggressive doubt. Between the party which avowedly aims at
the destruction of "all religion and all religiosity," at the delivery
of man from what it calls the "nightmare" or "the intellectual whoredom"
of spiritualism, and those who cling with undimmed faith to the religion
of their fathers, there is an exceeding great multitude who are properly
described as sceptics. It is even more an age of doubt than of denial.
As Chateaubriand noted, when the century was yet young, "we are no
longer living in times when it avails to say 'Believe and do not
examine:' people will examine whether we like it or not." And since
these words were written, people have been busily examining in every
department of human thought, and especially in the domain of religion.
In particular Christianity has been made the subject of the most
searching scrutiny. How indeed could we expect that it should escape?
The greatest fact in the annals of the modern world, it naturally
invites the researches of the historian. The basis of the system of
ethics still current amongst us, it peremptorily claims the attention of
the sociologist. The fount of the metaphysical conceptions accepted in
Europe, until in the last century, before the "uncreating word" of
Lockian sensism,
"Philosophy that leaned on Heaven before
Sinks to her second cause, and is no more,"