Poverty And Character Of Charles Stuart--War With
Spain--Parliament--Exclusion Of Members--Punishment Of Naylor--Proposal
To Make Cromwell King--His Hesitation And Refusal--New
Constitution--Sindercomb--Sexby--Alliance With France--Parliament Of
Two Houses--Opposition In The Commons--Dissolution--Reduction Of
Dunkirk--Sickness Of The Protector--His Death And Character.
The reader is aware that the young king of Scots, after his escape from
Worcester, had returned to Paris, defeated but not disgraced. The spirit
and courage which he had displayed were taken as an earnest of future
and more successful efforts; and the perilous adventures which he had
encountered threw a romantic interest round the character of the royal
exile. But in Paris he found himself without money or credit, followed by a
crowd of faithful dependants, whose indigence condemned them to suffer the
most painful privations. His mother, Henrietta, herself in no very opulent
circumstances, received him into her house and to her table; after the
lapse of six months, the French king settled on him a monthly allowance
of six thousand francs;[1] and to this were added the casual supplies
furnished by the loyalty of his adherents in England, and his share of the
prizes made by the cruisers under his flag.[2] Yet, with all these aids, he
[Footnote 1: Clar. iii. 441. Thirteen francs were equivalent to an English
pound.]
[Footnote 2: His claim was one-fifteenth, that of the duke of York, as
admiral, one-tenth. See a collection of letters, almost exclusively on that
subject, between Sir Edward Hyde and Sir Richard Browne.--Evelyn's Mem. v.
241, et seq.]
was scarcely able to satisfy the more importunate of his creditors, and to
dole out an occasional pittance to his more immediate followers. From their
private correspondence it appears that the most favoured among them were at
a loss to procure food and clothing.[1]
Yet, poor as he was, Charles had been advised to keep up the name and
appearance of a court. He had his lord-keeper, his chancellor of the
exchequer, his privy councillors, and most of the officers allotted to
a royal establishment; and the eagerness of pursuit, the competition of
intrigue with which these nominal dignities were sought by the exiles,
furnish scenes which cannot fail to excite the smile or the pity of an
indifferent spectator. But we should remember that they were the only
objects left open to the ambition of these men; that they offered scanty,
yet desirable, salaries to their poverty; and that they held out the
promise of more substantial benefits on the restoration of the king, an
event which, however distant it might seem to the apprehension of others,
was always near in the belief of the more ardent royalists.[2]
Among these competitors for place were two, who soon acquired, and long
retained, the royal confidence,
[Footnote 1: Clarendon Pap. iii. 120, 124. "I do not know that any man is
yet dead for want of bread; which really I wonder at. I am sure the king
owes for all he hath eaten since April: and I am not acquainted with one
servant of his who hath a pistole in his pocket. Five or six of us eat
together one meal a day for a pistole a week; but all of us owe for God
knows how many weeks to the poor woman that feeds us."--Clarendon Papers,
iii. 174. June 27, 1653. "I want shoes and shirts, and the marquess
of Ormond is in no better condition. What help then can we give our
friends?"--Ibid. 229, April 3, 1654. See also Carte's Letters, ii. 461.]
[Footnote 2: Clarendon Pap. iii. 83, 99, 106, 136, 162, 179, 187, et
passim. Clarendon, History, iii. 434, 435, 453.]
the marquess of Ormond and Sir Edward Hyde. Ormond owed the distinction to
the lustre of his family, the princely fortune which he had lost in the
royal cause, his long though unsuccessful services in Ireland, and the high
estimation in which he had been held by the late monarch. In talent and
application Hyde was superior to any of his colleagues. Charles I. had
appointed him chancellor of the exchequer, and counsellor to the young
prince; and the son afterwards confirmed by his own choice the judgment of
his father. Hyde had many enemies; whether it was that by his hasty and
imperious temper he gave cause of offence, or that unsuccessful suitors,
aware of his influence with the king, attributed to his counsels the
failure of their petitions. But he was not wanting in his own defences; the
intrigues set on foot to remove him from the royal ear were defeated by his
address; and the charges brought against him of disaffection and treachery
were so victoriously refuted, as to overwhelm the accuser with confusion
and disgrace.[1]
The expectations, however, which Charles had raised by his conduct in
England were soon disappointed. He seemed to lose sight of his three
kingdoms amidst the gaieties of Paris. His pleasures and amusements
engrossed his attention; it was with difficulty that he could be drawn to
the consideration of business; and, if he promised to devote a few hours on
each Friday to the writing of letters and the signature of despatches, he
often discovered sufficient reasons to free himself from the burthen.[2]
But that which chiefly distressed
[Footnote 1: Clarendon, iii. 138, 510, 515-520. Lansdowne's Works, ii.
236-241, quoted by Harris, iv. 153. Clarendon Papers, iii. 84, 92 138, 188,
200, 229.]
[Footnote 2: Clarendon Papers, iii. 159, 170.]
his advisers was the number and publicity of his amours; and, in
particular, the utter worthlessness of one woman, who by her arts had won
his affection, and by her impudence exercised the control over his easy
temper. This was Lucy Walters, or Barlow, the mother of a child, afterwards
the celebrated duke of Monmouth, of whom Charles believed himself to be
the father.[1] Ormond and Hyde laboured to dissolve this disgraceful
connection. They represented to the king the injury which it did to the
royal cause in England, where the appearances at least of morality were so
highly respected; and, after several temporary separations, they prevailed
on Walters to accept[a] an annuity of four hundred pounds, and to repair
with her child to her native country. But Cromwell sent her back to France;
and she returned[b] to Paris, where by her lewdness she forfeited the royal
favour, and shortened her own days. Her son was taken from her by the Lord
Crofts, and placed under the care of the Oratoriens in Paris.[2]
But if Charles was incorrigible in the pursuit of pleasure, he proved a
docile pupil on the subject of
[Footnote 1: She was previously the mistress of Colonel Robert Sydney; and
her son bore so great a resemblance to that officer, that the duke of York
always looked upon Sydney as the father.--Life of James, i. 491. James
in his instructions to his son, says, "All the knowing world, as well as
myself, had many convincing reasons to think he was not the king's son,
but Robert Sydney's."--Macpherson's Papers, i. 77. Evelyn calls Barlow "a
browne, beautiful, bold, but insipid creature."--Diary, ii. 11.]
[Footnote 2: James, i. 492; Clarendon's Own Life, 205. Clarendon Papers,
iii. 180. Thurloe, v. 169, 178; vii. 325. Charles, in the time of his
exile, had also children by Catherine Peg and Elizabeth Killigrew.--See
Sanford, 646, 647. In the account of Barlow's discharge from the Tower,
by Whitelock, we are told that she called herself the wife of Charles
(Whitelock, 649); in the Mercurius Politicus, she is styled "his wife or
mistress."--Ellis, new series, iii. 352.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1656. Jan. 21.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1656. July 16.]
religion. On one hand, the Catholics, on the other, the Presbyterians,
urged him by letters and messages to embrace their respective modes of
worship. The former maintained that he could recover the crown only through
the aid of the Catholic sovereigns, and had no reason to expect such aid
while he professed himself a member of that church which had so long
persecuted the English Catholics.[1] The others represented themselves as
holding the destiny of the king in their hands; they were royalists at
heart, but how could they declare in favour of a prince who had apostatized
from the covenant which he had taken in Scotland, and whose restoration
would probably re-establish the tyranny of the bishops?[2] The king's
advisers repelled these attempts with warmth and indignation. They observed
to him that, to become a Catholic was to arm all his Protestant subjects
against him; to become a Presbyterian, was to alienate all who had been
faithful to his father, both Protestants of the
[Footnote 1: Yet he made application in 1654 to the pope, through Goswin
Nickel, general of the order of Jesuits, for a large sum of money, which
might enable him to contend for his kingdom at the head of an army of Irish
Catholics; promising, in case of success, to grant the free exercise of the
Catholic religion, and every other indulgence which could be reasonably
asked. The reason alleged for this application was that the power of
Cromwell was drawing to a close, and the most tempting offers had been made
to Charles by the Presbyterians: but the Presbyterians were the most cruel
enemies of the Catholics, and he would not owe his restoration to them,
till he had sought and been refused the aid of the Catholic powers. From
the original, dated at Cologne, 17th Nov. 1654, N.S., and subscribed by
Peter Talbot, afterwards Catholic archbishop of Dublin, ex mandato expresso
Regis Britanniarum. It was plainly a scheme on the part of Charles to
procure money; and probably failed of success.]
[Footnote 2: Both these parties were equally desirous of having the young
duke of Gloucester of their religion.--Clar. Pap. iii. 153, 155. The queen
mother placed him under the care of Montague, her almoner at Pontoise; but
Charles sent Ormond, who brought him away to Cologne.--Clar. Hist. iii.
545: Papers, iii. 256-260. Evelyn, v. 205, 208.]
church of England and Catholics. He faithfully followed their advice; to
both parties he promised, indeed, every indulgence in point of religion
which they could reasonably desire; but avowed, at the same time, his
determination to live and die a member of that church in defence of which
his father had fought and suffered. It is not, however, improbable that
these applications, with the arguments by which they were supported, had
a baneful influence on the mind of the king. They created in him an
indifference to religious truth, a persuasion that men always model their
belief according to their interest.[1]
As soon as Cardinal Mazarin began to negotiate with the protector, the
friends of Charles persuaded him to quit the French territory. By the
French minister the proposal was gratefully received; he promised the
royal fugitive the continuation of his pension, ordered the arrears to be
immediately discharged, and paid him for the next half-year in advance.[2]
Charles fixed[a] his residence at Cologne, where he remained for almost two
years, till the rupture between England and Spain called him again into
activity.[3] After some previous negotiation, he repaired
[Footnote 1: Clarendon Papers, iii. 163, 164, 256, 281, 298, 316; Hist.
iii. 443]
[Footnote 2: Seven thousand two hundred pistoles for twelve months'
arrears, and three thousand six hundred for six in advance.--Clar. Pap.
iii. 293.]
[Footnote 3: While Charles was at Cologne, he was surrounded by spies, who
supplied Cromwell with copious information, though it is probable that they
knew little more than the public reports in the town. On one occasion the
letters were opened at the post-office, and a despatch was found from a
person named Manning to Thurloe. Being questioned before Charles, Manning
confessed that he received an ample maintenance from the protector, but
defended himself on the ground that he was careful to communicate nothing
but what was false. That this plea was true, appeared from his despatch,
which was filled with a detailed account of a fictitious debate in the
council: but the falsehoods which he had sent to England had occasioned the
arrest and imprisonment of several royalists, and Manning was shot as a
traitor at Duynwald, in the territory of the duke of Neuburg.--Clar. iii.
563-569. Whitelock, 633. Thurloe, iv. 293.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1656. March 12.]
to the neighbourhood of Brussels, and offered himself as a valuable ally to
the Spanish monarch. He had it in his power to call the English and Irish
regiments in the French service to his own standard; he possessed numerous
adherents in the English navy; and, with the aid of money and ships, he
should be able to contend once more for the crown of his fathers, and to
meet the usurper on equal terms on English ground. By the Spanish ministers
the proposal was entertained, but with their accustomed slowness. They had
to consult the cabinet at Madrid; they were unwilling to commit themselves
so far as to cut off all hope of reconciliation with the protector; and
they had already accepted the offers of another enemy to Cromwell, whose
aid, in the opinion of Don Alonzo, the late ambassador, was preferable to
that of the exiled king.[1]
This enemy was Colonel Sexby. He had risen from the ranks to the office of
adjutant-general in the parliamentary army; and his contempt of danger
and enthusiasm for liberty had so far recommended him to the notice of
Cromwell, that the adjutant was occasionally honoured with a place in
the councils, and a share in the bed, of the lord-general. But Sexby had
attached himself to the cause, not to the man; and his admiration, as soon
as Cromwell apostatized from his former principles, was converted into the
most deadly hatred. On the expulsion of the long parliament, he joined
Wildman and the Levellers: Wildman was apprehended; but Sexby eluded the
vigilance of the
[Footnote 1: Clar. Pap. iii. 275, 279, 286.]
pursuivants, and traversed the country in disguise, everywhere distributing
pamphlets, and raising up enemies to the protector. In the month of May,
1655, he repaired to the court at Brussels. To the archduke and the count
of Fuensaldagna, he revealed[a] the real object of the secret expedition
under Venables and Penn; and offered the aid of the English Levellers for
the destruction of a man, the common enemy of the liberties of his country
and of the rights of Spain. They were a numerous and determined band of
patriots; they asked no other aid than money and the co-operation of the
English and Irish troops in the Spanish service; and they were ready, for
security, to deliver a strong maritime fortress into the hands of their
allies. Fuensaldagna hesitated to give a positive answer before an actual
rupture had taken place; and at his recommendation Sexby proceeded
to Madrid. At first he was received with coldness; but the news from
Hispaniola established his credit; the value of his information was now
acknowledged; he obtained the sum of forty thousand crowns for the use of
his party, and an assurance was given that, as soon as they should be in
possession of the port which he had named, six thousand men should sail[b]
from Flanders to their assistance. Sexby returned to Antwerp, transmitted
several large sums to his adherents, and, though Cromwell at length
obtained information of the intrigue, though the last remittance of eight
hundred pounds had been seized, the intrepid Leveller crossed over[c] to
England, made his arrangements with his associates, and returned[d] in
safety to the continent.[1]
[Footnote 1: Clarend. Pap. iii. 271, 272, 274, 277, 281, 285. Thurloe, iv.
698; v. 37, 100, 319, 349; vi. 829-833. Carte's Letters, ii. 85, 103.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1655. June.]
[Sidenote b: A.D. 1656. Jan.]
[Sidenote c: A.D. 1656. June.]
[Sidenote d: A.D. 1656. August.]
It now became the object of the Spanish ministers, who had, at last,
accepted[a] the offer of Charles, to effect an union between him and Sexby,
that, by the co-operation of the Levellers with the royalists, the common
enemy might more easily be subdued. Sexby declared[b] that he had no
objection to a limited monarchy, provided it were settled by a free
parliament. He believed that his friends would have none; but he advised
that, at the commencement of the attempt, the royalists should make no
mention of the king, but put forth as their object the destruction of the
usurper and the restoration of public liberty. Charles, on the other hand,
was willing to make use of the services of Sexby; but he did not believe
that his means were equal to his professions, and he saw reason to infer,
from the advice which he had given, that his associates were enemies to
royalty.[1]
The negotiation between the king and the Spanish ministers began to alarm
both Cromwell and Mazarin. The cardinal anticipated the defection of the
British and Irish regiments in the French service; the protector foresaw
that they would probably be employed in a descent upon England. It was
resolved to place the duke of York in opposition to his brother. That
young prince had served with his regiment during four campaigns, under
the Marshal Turenne; his pay as colonel, and his pension of six thousand
pistoles, amply provided for his wants; and his bravery in the field had
gained him the esteem of the general, and rendered him the idol of his
countrymen. Instead of banishing him, according to the secret article,
from France, Mazarin, with the concurrence of Cromwell, offered him the
appointment of captain-general in the
[Footnote 1: Clar. Pap. iii. 303, 311, 313, 315-317.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1656. July 27.]
[Sidenote b: A.D. 1656. Dec. 14.]
army of Italy. By James it was accepted with gratitude and enthusiasm; but
Charles commanded him to resign the office, and to repair immediately to
Bruges. He obeyed; his departure[a] was followed by the resignation of
most of the British and Irish officers in the French army; and, in many
instances, the men followed the example of their leaders. Defeated in this
instance, Cromwell and Mazarin had recourse to another intrigue, of which
the secret springs are concealed from our sight. It was insinuated by some
pretended friend to Don Juan, the new governor of the Netherlands, that
little reliance was to be placed on James, who was sincerely attached to
France, and governed by Sir John Berkeley, the secret agent of the French
court, and the known enemy of Hyde and his party. In consequence, the real
command of the royal forces was given to Marsin, a foreigner; an oath of
fidelity to Spain was, with the consent of Charles, exacted[b] from the
officers and soldiers; and in a few days James was first requested and then
commanded[c] by his brother to dismiss Berkeley. The young prince did not
refuse; but he immediately followed[d] Berkeley into Holland with the
intention of passing through Germany into France. His departure was hailed
with joy by Cromwell, who wrote a congratulatory letter to Mazarin on the
success of this intrigue; it was an object of dismay to Charles, who by
messengers entreated and commanded[e] James to return. At Breda, the prince
appeared to hesitate. He soon afterwards retraced his steps to Bruges, on
a promise that the past should be forgotten; Berkeley followed; and the
triumph of the fugitives was completed by the elevation of the obnoxious
favourite to the peerage.[1]
[Footnote 1: Of the flight of James, Clarendon makes no mention in his
History. He even seeks to persuade his reader that the duke was compelled
to leave France in consequence of the secret article (iii. 610, 614;
Papers, iii. Supplement, lxxix), though it is plain from the Memoirs of
James, that he left unwillingly, in obedience to the absolute command of
his brother.--James, i. 270. Clarendon makes the enmity between himself and
Berkeley arise from his opposition to Berkeley's claim to the mastership
of the Court of Wards (Hist. 440; Papers, Ibid.); James, from Clarendon's
advice to Lady Morton to reject Berkeley's proposal of marriage.--James, i.
273. That the removal of Berkeley originated with Mazarin and was required
by Fuensaldagna, who employed Lord Bristol and Bennet for that purpose,
appears from Cromwell's letter to the cardinal (Thurloe, v. 736); Bristol's
letter to the king (Clar. Papers, iii. 318), and Clarendon's account of
Berkeley (ibid. Supplement, lxxix). See also ibid. 317-324; and the Memoirs
of James, i. 366-293.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1656. Sept. 1.]
[Sidenote b: A.D. 1656. Dec. 5.]
[Sidenote c: A.D. 1656. Dec. 13.]
[Sidenote d: A.D. 1656. Dec. 16.]
[Sidenote e: A.D. 1657. Jan. 13.]
We may now return to England, where the Spanish war had excited general
discontent. By the friends of the commonwealth Spain was considered as
their most ancient and faithful ally; the merchants complained that the
trade with that country, one of the most lucrative branches of British
commerce, was taken out of their hands and given to their rivals in
Holland; and the saints believed that the failure of the expedition to
Hispaniola was a sufficient proof that Heaven condemned this breach of the
amity between the two states. It was to little purpose that Cromwell, to
vindicate his conduct, published a manifesto, in which, having enumerated
many real or pretended injuries and barbarities inflicted on Englishmen by
the Spaniards in the West Indies, he contended that the war was just, and
honourable, and necessary. His enemies, royalists, Levellers, Anabaptists,
and republicans, of every description, did not suffer the clamour against
him to subside; and, to his surprise, a request was made[a] by some of the
captains of another fleet collected at Portsmouth, to be informed of
the object of the expedition. If it were destined against Spain, their
consciences would compel them to decline the
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. March 2.]
service. Spain was not the offending party; for the instances of aggression
enumerated in the manifesto[a] were well known to have been no more than
acts of self-defence against the depredations and encroachments of English
adventurers.[1] To suppress this dangerous spirit, Desborough hastened to
Portsmouth: some of the officers resigned their commissions, others were
superseded, and the fleet at length sailed[b] under the joint command
of Blake and Montague, of whom the latter possessed the protector's
confidence, and was probably employed as a spy on the conduct of his
colleague. Their destination in the first place was Cadiz, to destroy the
shipping in the harbour, and to make an attempt on that city, or the rock
of Gibraltar. On their arrival,[c] they called a council of war; but no
pilot could be found hardy or confident enough to guide the fleet through
the winding channel of the Caraccas; and the defences of both Cadiz and
Gibraltar presented too formidable an aspect to allow a hope of success
without the co-operation of a military force.[2] Abandoning the attempt,
the two admirals proceeded[d] to Lisbon, and extorted from the king
of Portugal the ratification of the treaty formerly concluded by his
ambassador, with the payment of the stipulated sum of fifty thousand
pounds. Thence they returned[e] to Cadiz, passed the straits, insulted the
Spaniards in Malaga, the Moors in Sallee, and after a fruitless cruise
of more than two mouths, anchored[f] a second time in the Tagus.[3] It
happened, that just after their arrival Captain Stayner, with a squadron of
frigates, fell in[g] with a Spanish fleet of eight sail from America. Of
[Footnote 1: Thurloe, iv. 571. See also 582, 589, 594. Carte's Letters, ii.
87, 90, 92, 95.]
[Footnote 2: Thurloe, v. 67, 133.]
[Footnote 3: Ibid. i. 726-730; v. 68, 113, 257, 286. Vaughan, i. 446.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. March 5.]
[Sidenote b: A.D. 1657. March 15.]
[Sidenote c: A.D. 1657. April 15.]
[Sidenote d: A.D. 1657. May 29.]
[Sidenote e: A.D. 1657. June 10.]
[Sidenote f: A.D. 1657. July 10.]
[Sidenote g: A.D. 1657. Sept. 10.]
these he destroyed four, and captured two, one of which was laden, with
treasure. Montague, who came home with the prize, valued it in his despatch
at two hundred thousand pounds; the public prints at two millions of
ducats; and the friends of Cromwell hailed the event "as a renewed
testimony of God's presence, and some witness of his acceptance of the
engagement against Spain."[1]
The equipment of this fleet had exhausted the treasury, and the protector
dared not impose additional taxes on the country at a time when his right
to levy the ordinary revenue was disputed in the courts of law. On the
ground that the parliamentary grants were expired, Sir Peter Wentworth had
refused to pay the assessment in the country, and Coney, a merchant,
the duties on imports in London. The commissioners imposed fines, and
distrained; the aggrieved brought actions against the collectors. Cromwell,
indeed, was able to suppress these proceedings by imprisoning the counsel
and intimidating their clients; but the example was dangerous; the want of
money daily increased; and, by the advice of the council, he consented to
call a parliament to meet on the 17th of September.[2]
[Footnote 1: Thurloe, 399, 433, 509, 524. Carte's Letters, ii. 114. It
appears from a letter of Colonel White, that the silver in pigs weighed
something more than forty thousand pounds, to which were to be added some
chests of wrought plate.--Thurloe, 542. Thurloe himself says all was
plundered to about two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, or three hundred
thousand pounds sterling (557). The ducat was worth nine shillings.]
[Footnote 2: Carte's Letters, ii. 96, 103, 109. Ludlow, ii. 80-82. Clar.
Hist. iii. 649. See also A Narrative of the Proceedings in the case of
Mr. G. Coney, by S. Selwood, gent., 1655. The Jews had offered Cromwell
a considerable sum for permission to settle and trade in England.
Commissioners were appointed to confer with their agent Manasseh Ben
Israel, and a council of divines was consulted respecting the lawfulness of
the project. The opposition of the merchants and theologians induced him to
pause; but Mr. Ellis has shown that he afterwards took them silently under
his protection.--Council Book, 14th Nov., 1655. Thurloe, iv. 321, 388.
Bates, 371. Ellis, iv. 2. Marten had made an ineffectual attempt in their
favour at the commencement of the commonwealth.--Wood's Athen. Ox. iii.
1239.]
The result of the elections revealed to him the alarming secret, that the
antipathy to his government was more deeply rooted, and more widely spread,
than he had previously imagined. In Scotland and Ireland, indeed, the
electors obsequiously chose the members recommended by the council;
but these were conquered countries, bending under the yoke of military
despotism. In England, the whole nation was in a ferment; pamphlets were
clandestinely circulated,[a] calling on the electors to make a last
struggle in defence of their liberties; and though Vane, Ludlow, and Rich
were taken into custody;[1] though other republican leaders were excluded
by criminal prosecutions, though the Cavaliers, the Catholics, and all who
had neglected to aid the cause of the parliament, were disqualified from
voting by "the instrument;" though a military force was employed in London
to overawe the proceedings, and the whole influence of the government and
of the army was openly exerted in the country, yet in several counties
the court candidates were wholly, and in most, partially, rejected.
But Cromwell was aware of the error which he had committed in the last
parliament. He resolved that none of his avowed opponents should be allowed
to take possession of their seats. The returns were laid before the
council; the majors-general received orders to inquire into the political
and religious characters of the elected; the reports of these officers
[Footnote 1: The proceedings on these occasions may be seen in Ludlow, ii.
115-123; and State Trials, v. 791.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. August 20.]
were carefully examined; and a list was made of nearly one hundred persons
to be excluded under the pretext of immorality or delinquency.[1]
On the appointed day,[a] the protector, after divine service, addressed
the new "representatives" in the Painted Chamber. His real object was to
procure money; and with this view he sought to excite their alarm, and
to inflame their religious antipathies. He enumerated the enemies of the
nation. The first was the Spaniard, the natural adversary of England,
because he was the slave of the pope, a child of darkness, and consequently
hostile to the light, blinded by superstition, and anxious to put down the
things of God; one with whom it was impossible to be at peace, and to whom,
in relation to this country, might be applied the words of Scripture, "I
will put enmity between thy seed and her seed." There was also Charles
Stuart, who, with the aid of the Spaniard and the duke of Neuburg, had
raised a formidable army for the invasion of the island. There were the
papists and Cavaliers, who had already risen, and were again ready to rise
in favour of Charles Stuart. There were the Levellers, who had sent an
agent to the court of Madrid, and the Fifth-monarchy-men, who sought an
union with the Levellers against him, "a reconciliation between Herod and
Pilate, that Christ might be put to death." The remedies--though in this
part of his speech he digressed so frequently as to appear loth to come to
the remedies--were, to prosecute the war abroad, and strengthen the hands
of the government at home; to lose no time in questions of inferior moment,
or less urgent necessity, but to inquire into the state of the revenue, and
to raise ample supplies.
[Footnote 1: Thurloe, v. 269, 317, 328, 329, 337, 341, 343, 349, 424.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. Sept 17.]
In conclusion, he explained the eighty-fifth psalm, exclaiming, "If pope
and Spaniard, and devil, and all set themselves against us, though they
should compass us about like bees, yet in the name of the Lord we shall
destroy them. The Lord of Hosts is with us, the God of Jacob is our
refuge."[1]
From the Painted Chamber the members proceeded to the house. A military
guard was stationed at the door, and a certificate from the council was
required from each individual previously to his admission.[2] The excluded
members complained by letter of this breach of parliamentary privilege. A
strong feeling of disapprobation was manifested in several parts of the
house; the clerk of the commonwealth in Chancery received orders to lay
all the returns on the table; and the council was requested to state
the grounds of this novel and partial proceeding. Fiennes, one of the
commissioners of the great seal, replied, that the duty of inquiry into the
qualifications of the members was, by the "instrument," vested in the lords
of the council, who had discharged that trust according to the best of
their judgment. An animated debate followed that such was the provision in
"the instrument" could not be denied;[3] but that the council
[Footnote 1: Introduction to Burton's Diary, cxlviii-clxxix. Journals,
Sept. 17. Thurloe, v. 427. That the king's army, which Cromwell exaggerated
to the amount of eight thousand men, did not reach to more than one
thousand, is twice asserted by Thurloe himself, 605, 672.]
[Footnote 2: The certificates which had been distributed to the favoured
members were in this form:--"Sept. 17, 1656. County of ----. These are to
certify that A.B. is returned by indenture one of the knights to serve in
this parliament for the said county, and is approved by his highness's
council. Nath. Taylor. clerk of the commonwealth in Chancery."]
[Footnote 3: In the draught of the "instrument," as it was amended in
the last parliament, the jurisdiction of the council in this matter was
confined to the charge of delinquency, and its decision was not final, but
subject to the approbation of the house.--Journals, 1654, Nov. 29. But that
draught had not received the protector's assent.]
should decide on secret information, and without the knowledge of the
individuals who were interested, seemed contrary to the first principles of
justice. The court, however, could now command the votes of the majority,
and a motion that the house should pass to the business of the nation was
carried by dint of numbers. Several members, to show their disapprobation,
voluntarily seceded, and those, who had been excluded by force,
published[a] in bold and indignant language an appeal to the justice of the
people.[1]
Having weeded out his enemies, Cromwell had no reason to fear opposition to
his pleasure. The house passed a resolution declaratory of the justice
and policy of the war against Spain, and two acts, by one of which were
annulled all claims of Charles Stuart and his family to the crown, by the
other were provided additional safeguards for the person of the chief
governor. With the same unanimity, a supply of four hundred thousand
pounds was voted; but when the means of raising the money came under
consideration, a great diversity of opinion prevailed. Some proposed to
inquire into the conduct of the treasury, some to adopt improvements in
the collection of the revenue, others recommended an augmentation of
the excise, and others a more economical system of expenditure. In the
discussion of these questions and of private bills, week after week, month
after month, was tediously
[Footnote 1: The nature of the charges against the members may be seen
in Thurloe, v. 371, 383. In the Journals, seventy-nine names only are
mentioned (Journals, 1656, Sept. 19), but ninety-eight are affixed to the
appeal in Whitelock, 651-653. In both lists occur the names of Anthony
Ashley Cooper, who afterwards became Cromwell's intimate adviser, and of
several others who subsequently solicited and obtained certificates.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. Sept. 22.]
and fruitlessly consumed; though the time limited by the instrument was
past, still the money bill had made no progress; and, to add to the
impatience of Cromwell, a new subject was accidentally introduced, which,
as it strongly interested the passions, absorbed for some time the
attention of the house.[1]
At the age of nineteen, George Fox, the son of a weaver of Drayton, with a
mind open to religious impressions, had accompanied some of his friends to
a neighbouring fair. The noise, the revelry, and the dissipation which he
witnessed, led him to thoughts of seriousness and self-reproach; and the
enthusiast heard, or persuaded himself that he heard, an inward voice,
calling on him to forsake his parents' house, and to make himself a
stranger in his own country. Docile to the celestial admonition, he began
to lead a solitary life, wandering from place to place, and clothed from
head to foot in garments of leather. He read the Scriptures attentively,
studied the mysterious visions in the Apocalypse, and was instructed in the
real meaning by Christ and the Spirit. At first, doubts and fears haunted
his mind, but, when the time of trial was past, he found himself inebriated
with spiritual delights, and received an assurance that his name was
written in the Lamb's Book of Life. At the same time, he was forbidden by
the Lord to employ the plural pronoun _you_ in addressing a single person,
to bid his neighbour good even or good-morrow, or to uncover the head, or
scrape with the leg to any mortal being. At length, the Spirit moved him to
[Footnote 1: Journals, passim; Thurloe, v. 472, 494, 524, 584, 672, 694.
See note (H).]
impart to others the heavenly doctrines which he had learned. In 1647, he
preached for the first time at Duckenfield, not far from Manchester; but
the most fruitful scene of his labours was at Swarthmoor, near Ulverston.
His disciples followed his example; the word of the Spirit was given to
women as well as men; and the preachers of both sexes, as well as many
of their followers, attracted the notice and the censures of the civil
magistrate. Their refusal to uncover before the bench was usually punished
with a fine, on the ground of contempt; their religious objection to
take an oath, or to pay tithes, exposed them to protracted periods of
imprisonment; and they were often and severely whipped as vagrants,
because, for the purpose of preaching, they were accustomed to wander
through the country. To these sufferings, as is always the case with
persecuted sects, calumny was added; and they were falsely charged with
denying the Trinity, with disowning the authority of government, and with
attempting to debauch the fidelity of the soldiers. Still, in defiance of
punishment and calumny, the Quakers, so they were called, persevered in
their profession; it was their duty, they maintained, to obey the influence
of the Holy Spirit; and they submitted with the most edifying resignation
to the consequences, however painful they might be to flesh and blood.[1]
Of the severities so wantonly exercised against these religionists it
is difficult to speak with temper; yet it must be confessed that their
doctrine of spiritual impulses was likely to lead its disciples of either
sex, whose minds were weak and imaginations active, to extravagances at the
same time ludicrous and
[Footnote 1: Fox, Journal, i. 29, et seq.; Sewel, i. 24, 31, 34, passim.]
revolting.[1] Of this, James Naylor furnished a striking instance. He had
served in the army, and had been quarter-master in Lambert's troop, from
which office he was discharged on account of sickness.[2] He afterwards
became a disciple of George Fox, and a leading preacher in the capital; but
he "despised the power of God" in his master, by whom he was reprimanded,
and listened to the delusive flattery of some among his female hearers,
who were so captivated with his manner and appearance; as to persuade
themselves that Christ was incorporated in the new apostle. It was not for
him to gainsay what the Spirit had revealed to them. He believed himself to
be set as a sign of the coming of Christ; and he accepted the worship which
was paid to him, not as offered to James Naylor, but to Christ dwelling
in James Naylor. Under this impression, during part of his progress to
Bristol,[a] and at his entrance into that city, he rode on horseback with a
man walking bareheaded before him; two females holding his bridle on each
side, and others attending him, one of whom, Dorcas Erbury, maintained that
he had raised her to life after she had
[Footnote 1: "William Simpson was moved of the Lord to go at several times,
for three years, naked and barefoot before them, as a sign unto them in
markets, courts, towns, cities, to priests' houses, and to great men's
houses; so shall they all be stripped naked as he was stripped naked. And
sometimes he was moved to put on hair sackcloth, and to besmear his face,
and to tell them so would the Lord besmear all their religion, as he was
besmeared. Great sufferings did that poor man undergo, sore whipping
with horsewhips and coachwhips on his bare body, grievous stonings and
imprisonments in three years time before the king came in, that they might
have taken warning, but they could not."--Fox; Journal, i. 572.]
[Footnote 2: Lambert spoke of him with kindness during the debate: "He was
two years my quarter-master, and a very useful person. We parted with
him with very great regret. He was a man of very unblameable life and
conversation."--Burton's Diary, i. 33.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1656. October.]
been dead the space of two days. These occasionally threw scarfs and
handkerchiefs before him, and sang, "Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord God
of Hosts: Hosanna in the highest; holy, holy, holy, is the Lord God of
Israel." They were apprehended by the mayor, and, sent[a] to London to be
examined by a committee of the parliament. The house, having heard the
report of the committee, voted that Naylor was guilty of blasphemy. The
next consideration was his punishment; the more zealous moved that he
should be put to death; but after a debate which continued during eleven
days, the motion was lost[b] by a division of ninety-six to eighty-two.
Yet the punishment to which he was doomed ought to have satisfied the most
bigoted of his adversaries. He stood[c] with his neck in the pillory for
two hours, and was whipped from Palace Yard to the Old Exchange, receiving
three hundred and ten lashes in the way. Some days later[d] he was again
placed in the pillory; and the letter B for blasphemer was burnt on his
forehead, and his tongue was bored with a red-hot iron.[1] From London the
house ordered him to be conducted[e] to Bristol, the place of his offence.
He entered at Lamford's Gate, riding on the bare back of a horse with
his face to the tail; dismounted at Rockley Gate, and was successively
whipped[f] in five parts of the city. His admirers, however, were not
ashamed of the martyr. On every
[Footnote 1: "This day I and B. went to see Naylor's tongue bored through,
and him marked on the forehead. He put out his tongue very willingly, but
shrinked a little when the iron came upon his forehead. He was pale when he
came out of the pillory, but high-coloured after tongue-boring. He behaved
himself very handsomely and patiently" (p. 266 in Burton's Diary, where the
report of these debates on Naylor occupies one hundred and forty pages).]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1656. Dec. 6.]
[Sidenote b: A.D. 1656. Dec. 16.]
[Sidenote c: A.D. 1656. Dec. 18.]
[Sidenote d: A.D. 1656. Dec. 27.]
[Sidenote e: A.D. 1657. Jan. 13.]
[Sidenote f: A.D. 1657. Jan. 17.]
occasion they attended him bareheaded; they kissed and sucked his wounds;
and they chanted with him passages from the Scriptures. On his return to
London[a] he was committed to solitary confinement, without pen, ink, or
paper, or fire, or candle, and with no other sustenance than what he
might earn by his own industry. Here the delusion under which he laboured
gradually wore away; he acknowledged that his mind had been in darkness,
the consequence and punishment of spiritual pride; and declared that,
inasmuch as he had given advantage to the evil spirit, he took shame to
himself. By "the rump parliament" he was afterwards discharged; and the
society of Friends, by whom he had been disowned, admitted him again on
proof of his repentance. But his sufferings had injured his health. In 1660
he was found in a dying state in a field in Huntingdonshire, and shortly
afterwards expired.[1]
While the parliament thus spent its time in the prosecution of an offence
which concerned it not, Cromwell anxiously revolved in his own mind a
secret project of the first importance to himself and the country. To his
ambition, it was not sufficient that he actually possessed the supreme
authority, and exercised it with more despotic sway than any of his
legitimate predecessors; he still sought to mount a step higher, to
encircle his brows with a diadem, and to be addressed with the title of
majesty. It could not be, that vanity alone induced him to hazard the
attachment of his friends for the sake of mere parade and empty sound. He
had rendered the more modest title of protector as great and as formidable
as that of
[Footnote 1: Journals, Dec. 5-17; 1659, Sept. 8. Sewel, 260-273, 283, 393.
State Trials, v. 810-842. Merc. Polit. No. 34.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. Feb. 22.]
king, and, though uncrowned, had treated on a footing of equality with the
proudest of the crowned heads in Europe. It is more probable that he was
led by considerations of interest. He knew that the nation was weary of
change; he saw with what partiality men continued to cling to the old
institutions; and he, perhaps, trusted that the establishment of an
hereditary monarchy, with a house of peers, though under a new dynasty, and
with various modifications, might secure the possession of the crown, not
only to himself, but also to his posterity. However that may be, he now
made the acquisition of the kingly dignity the object of his policy. For
this purpose he consulted first with Thurloe, and afterwards[a] with St.
John and Pierpoint;[1] and the manner in which he laboured to gratify
his ambition strikingly displays that deep dissimulation and habitual
hypocrisy, which form the distinguishing traits of his character.
The first opportunity of preparing the public mind for this important
alteration was furnished by the recent proceedings against Naylor, which
had provoked considerable discontent, not on account of the severity of the
punishment (for rigid notions of religion had subdued the common feelings
of humanity), but on account of the judicial authority exercised by the
house--an authority which appeared subversive of the national liberties.
For of what use was the right of trial, if the parliament could set
aside the ordinary courts of law at its pleasure, and inflict arbitrary
punishment for any supposed offence without the usual forms of inquiry? As
long as the question was before the house, Cromwell remained silent; but
when the first part of the judgment had been executed
[Footnote 1: Thurloe, v. 694; vi. 20, 37.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1656. Dec. 9.]
on the unfortunate sufferer, he came forward in quality of guardian of the
public rights, and concluded a letter to the speaker[a] with these words:
"We, being intrusted in the present government on behalf of the people of
these nations, and not knowing how far such proceedings (wholly without us)
may extend in the consequences of it, do desire that the house will let us
know the ground and reason whereupon they have proceeded." This message
struck the members[b] with amazement. Few among them were willing to
acknowledge] that they had exceeded their real authority; all dreaded to
enter into a contest with the protector. The discussion lasted three days;
every expedient that had been suggested was ultimately rejected; and the
debate was adjourned to a future day,[c] when, with the secret connivance
of Cromwell, no motion was made to resume it.[1] He had already obtained
his object. The thoughts of men had been directed to the defects of the
existing constitution, and to the necessity of establishing checks on the
authority of the house, similar to those which existed under the ancient
government.
In a few days[d] a bill was introduced which, under the pretence of
providing money for the support of the militia, sought to confirm the past
proceedings of the majors-general, and to invest them with legal authority
for the future. The protector was aware that the country longed to
be emancipated from the control of these military governors; for the
attainment of his great object it was his interest to stand well with
all classes of people; and, therefore, though he was the author of
this unpopular institution, though in his speech at the opening of the
parliament he had been
[Footnote: Burton's Diary, i. 246-258, 260-264, 270-282, 296.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1656. Dec. 25.]
[Sidenote b: A.D. 1656. Dec. 26.]
[Sidenote c: A.D. 1657. Jan. 2.]
[Sidenote d: A.D. 1657. Jan. 7.]
eloquent in its praise, though he had declared that, after his experience
of its utility, "if the thing were undone he would do it again;" he now not
only abandoned the majors-general to their fate, he even instructed his
dependants in the house to lead the opposition against them. As soon as the
bill was read a first time, his son-in-law, Claypole, who seldom spoke,
rose to express his dissent, and was followed by the Lord Broghill, known
as the confidential counsellor of the protector. The decimation-tax was
denounced as unjust, because it was a violation of the act of oblivion,
and the conduct of the majors-general was compared to the tyranny of the
Turkish bashaws. These officers defended themselves with spirit; their
adversaries had recourse to personal crimination;[1] and the debate, by
successive adjournments, occupied the attention of the house during eleven
days. In conclusion, the bill was rejected[a] by a numerous majority and
the majors-general, by the desertion of Cromwell, found themselves exposed
to actions at law for the exercise of those powers which they had accepted
in obedience to his commands.[2]
While this question was still pending, it chanced that a plot against the
protector's life, of which the
[Footnote 1: Among others, Harry Cromwell, the protector's nephew, said he
was ready to name some among the majors-general who had acted oppressively.
It was supposed that these words would bring him into disgrace at court.
"But Harry," says a private letter, "goes last night to his highness, and
stands to what he had said manfully and wisely; and, to make it appear he
spake not without book, had his black book and papers ready to make good
what he said. His highness answered him in raillery, and took a rich
scarlet cloak from his back, and gloves from his hands, and gave them to
Harry, who strutted with his new cloak and gloves into the house this
day."--Thurloe, iv. 20.]
[Footnote 2: Journals, Jan. 7, 8, 12, 19, 20, 21, 28, 29. Burton's Diary,
310-320.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. Jan. 29.]
particulars will be subsequently noticed, was discovered and defeated. The
circumstance furnished an opportunity favourable to his views; and the
re-establishment of "kingship" was mentioned in the house, not as a project
originating from him, but as the accidental and spontaneous suggestion of
others. Goffe having expressed[a] a hope that parliament would provide
for the preservation of the protector's person, Ashe, the member for
Somersetshire, exclaimed, "_I_ would add something more--that he would
be pleased to take upon him the government according to the ancient
constitution. That would put an end to these plots, and fix our liberties
and his safety on an old and sure foundation." The house was taken by
surprise: many reprehended the temerity of the speaker; by many his
suggestion was applauded and approved. He had thrown it out to try the
temper of his colleagues; and the conversation which it provoked, served
to point out to Cromwell the individuals from whom he might expect to meet
with opposition.[1]
The detection of the conspiracy was followed[b] by an address of
congratulation to the protector, who on his part gave to the members a
princely entertainment at Whitehall. At their next meeting[c] the question
was regularly brought before them by Alderman Pack, who boldly undertook a
task which the timidity of Whitelock had declined. Rising in his place, he
offered to the house a paper, of which he gave no other explanation than
that it had been placed in his hands, and "tended to the settlement of the
country." Its purport, however, was already known, or conjectured; several
officers instantly started from their seats, and
[Footnote 1: Burton's Diary, 362-366.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. Jan. 19.]
[Sidenote b: A.D. 1657. Feb. 20.]
[Sidenote c: A.D. 1657. Feb. 23.]
Pack was violently borne down to the bar. But, on the restoration of order,
he found himself supported by Broghill, Whitelock, and Glynn, and, with
them, by the whole body of the lawyers, and the dependants of the court.
The paper was read; it was entitled, "An humble Address and Remonstrance,"
protesting against the existing form of government, which depended for
security on the odious institution of majors-general, and providing that
the protector should assume a higher title, and govern, as had been done in
times past, with the advice of two houses of parliament. The opposition (it
consisted of the chief officers, the leading members in the council, and
a few representatives of counties) threw every obstacle in the way of its
supporters; but they were overpowered by numbers: the house debated each
article in succession, and the whole project was finally adopted,[a] but
with the omission of the remonstrance, and under the amended title of the
"Humble Petition and Advice."[1]
As long as the question was before parliament, Cromwell bore himself in
public as if he were unconcerned in the result; but his mind was secretly
harassed by the reproaches of his friends and by the misgivings of his
conscience. He saw for the first time marshalled against him the men who
had stood by him in his different fortunes, and whom he had bound to his
interest by marriages and preferment. At their head was Lambert, the
commander of the army in England, the idol of the military, and second only
to himself in authority. Then came Desborough, his brother-in-law, the
major-general in five counties, and Fleetwood, the husband of his daughter
Bridget, and
[Footnote 1: Journals, Jan. 19, Feb. 21, 23, 24, 25. Thurloe, vi. 74, 78.
Whitelock, 665, 666. Ludlow, ii. 128. Burton's Diary, iii. 160.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. March 25.] lord-deputy of Ireland.[1] Lambert, at
a private meeting of officers, proposed to bring up five regiments of
cavalry, and compel the house to confirm both the "instrument," and the
establishment of majors-general. This bold counsel was approved; but the
next morning his colleagues, having sought the Lord in prayer, resolved to
postpone its execution till they had ascertained the real intention of the
protector; and Lambert, warned by their indecision, took no longer any part
in their meeting, but watched in silence the course of events.[2] The other
two, on the contrary, persevered in the most active opposition; nor did
they suffer themselves to be cajoled by the artifices of the protector, who
talked in their hearing with contempt of the crown as a mere bauble, and of
Pack and his supporters as children, whom it might be prudent to indulge
with a "rattle."[3]
The marked opposition of these men had given energy to the proceedings of
the inferior officers, who formed themselves into a permanent council under
the very eyes of Cromwell, passed votes in disapprobation of the proposed
alteration, and to the number of one hundred waited on him to acquaint him
with their sentiments.[4] He replied,[a] that there was a time when they
felt no objection to the title of king; for the army had offered it to him
with the original instrument of government. He had rejected it then, and
had no greater love for it now. He had always been
[Footnote 1: Desborough and Fleetwood passed from the inns of court to the
army. The first married Anne, the protector's sister; the second, Bridget
his daughter, and the widow of Ireton. Suspicious of his principles,
Cromwell kept him in England, while Henry Cromwell, with the rank of
major-general, held the government of Ireland.--Noble, i. 103; ii. 243,
336, 338.]
[Footnote 2: Clar. Pap. iii. 333.]
[Footnote 3: Ludlow, ii. 131.]
[Footnote 4: Thurloe, vi. 93, 94, 101, 219.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. Feb. 28.] the "drudge" of the officers, had done
the work which they imposed on him, and had sacrificed his opinion to
theirs. If the present parliament had been called, it was in opposition
to his individual judgment; if the bill, which proved so injurious to the
majors-general, had been brought into the house, it was contrary to his
advice. But the officers had overrated their own strength: the country
called for an end to all arbitrary proceedings; the punishment of Naylor
proved the necessity of a check on the judicial proceedings of the
parliament, and that check could only be procured by investing the
protector with additional authority. This answer made several proselytes;
but the majority adhered pertinaciously to their former opinion.[1]
Nor was this spirit confined to the army; in all companies men were heard
to maintain that, to set up monarchy again was to pronounce condemnation
on themselves, to acknowledge themselves guilty of all the blood which had
been shed to put it down. But nowhere did the proposal excite more cordial
abhorrence than in the conventicles of the Fifth-monarchy-men. In their
creed the protectorate was an impiety, kingship a sacrilegious assumption
of the authority belonging to the only King, the Lord Jesus. They were his
witnesses foretold in the Apocalypse; they had now slept their sleep of
three years and a half; the time was come when it was their duty to rise
and avenge the cause of the Lord. In the conventicles of the capital the
lion of Judah was chosen for their military device; arms were prepared, and
the day of rising was fixed. They amounted, indeed, to no more
[Footnote 1: For this extraordinary speech we are indebted to the industry
of Mr. Rutt.--Burton's Diary, i. 382.] than eighty men; but they were the
champions of Him who, "though they might be as a worm, would enable them
to thrash mountains." The projects of these fanatics did not escape the
penetrating eye of Thurloe, who, for more than a year, had watched
all their motions, and was in possession of all their secrets. Their
proceedings were regulated by five persons, each of whom presided in a
separate conventicle, and kept his followers in ignorance of the names
of the brethren associated under the four remaining leaders. A fruitless
attempt was made to unite them with the Levellers. But the Levellers
trusted too much to worldly wisdom; the fanatics wished to begin the
strife, and to leave the issue to their Heavenly King. The appointed day[a]
came: as they proceeded to the place of rendezvous, the soldiers of the
Lord were met by the soldiers of the protector; twenty were made prisoners;
the rest escaped, with the loss of their horses and arms, which were seized
in the depôt.[1]
In the mean while the new form of government had received the sanction of
the house. Cromwell, when it was laid before him, had recourse to his usual
arts, openly refusing that for which he ardently longed, and secretly
encouraging his friends to persist, that his subsequent acquiescence might
appear to proceed from a sense of duty, and not from the lust of power. At
first,[b] in reply to a long and tedious harangue from the speaker, he told
them of "the consternation of his mind" at the very thought of the burden;
requested time "to ask counsel of God and his own heart;" and, after a
pause of three days,[c] replied that, inasmuch as the new constitution
provided the best securities for
[Footnote 1: Whitelock, 655. Thurloe, vi. 163, 184-188.]
[Sidenote c: A.D. 1657. April 3.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. April 9.]
[Sidenote b: A.D. 1657. March 31.]
the civil and religious liberties of the people, it had his unqualified
approbation; but, as far as regarded himself, "he did not find it in his
duty to God and the country to undertake the charge under the new title
which was given him."[1] His friends refused to be satisfied with this
answer: the former vote was renewed,[a] and the house, waiting on him in a
body, begged to remind him, that it was his duty to listen to the advice of
the great council of the three nations. He meekly replied, that he still
had his doubts on one point; and that, till such doubts were removed, his
conscience forbade him to assent; but that he was willing to explain his
reasons, and to hear theirs, and to hope that in a friendly conference the
means might be discovered of reconciling their opposite opinions, and of
determining on that which might be most beneficial to the country.[2]
In obedience to this intimation, a committee of the house was appointed to
receive and solve the scruples of the protector. To their surprise,
they found him in no haste to enter on the discussion. Sometimes he was
indisposed, and could not admit them; often he was occupied with important
business; on three occasions they obtained an interview. He wished to argue
the question on the ground of expedience. If the power were the same under
a protector, where, he asked, could be the use of a king? The title would
offend men, who, by their former services, had earned the right to
have even their prejudices respected. Neither was he sure that the
re-establishment of royalty might not be a falling off from that cause in
[Footnote 1: Merc. Pol. No. 355. Mr. Rutt has discovered and inserted both
speeches at length in Burton's Diary, i. 397-416.]
[Footnote 2: Thurloe, i. 751, 756. Parl. Hist. iii. 1493-1495. Burton's
Diary, i. 417.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. April 8.]
which they had engaged, and from that Providence by which they had been
so marvellously supported. It was true, that the Scripture sanctioned the
dignity of king; but to the testimony of Scripture might be opposed "the
visible hand of God," who, in the late contest, "had eradicated kingship."
It was gravely replied, that Protector was a new, King an ancient, title;
the first had no definite meaning, the latter was interwoven with all
our laws and institutions; the powers of one were unknown and liable to
alteration, those of the other ascertained and limited by the law of custom
and the statute law. The abolition of royalty did not originally enter into
the contemplation of parliament--the objection was to the person, not
to the office--it was afterwards effected by a portion only of the
representative body; whereas, its restoration was now sought by a greater
authority--the whole parliament of the three kingdoms. The restoration was,
indeed, necessary, both for his security and theirs; as by law all the acts
of a king in possession, but only of a king, are good and valid. Some there
were who pretended that king and chief magistrate were synonymous; but
no one had yet ventured to substitute one word for the other in the
Scriptures, where so many covenants, promises, and precepts are annexed to
the title of king. Neither could the "visible hand of God" be alleged in
the present case; for the visible hand of God had eradicated the government
by a single person as clearly as that by a king. Cromwell promised to give
due attention to these arguments; to his confidential friends he owned
that his objections were removed; and, at the same time, to enlighten the
ignorance of the public, he ordered[a] a report of the conferences to be
published.[1]
[Footnote 1: See Monarchy asserted to be the most Ancient and Legal Form of
Government, &c. 1660; Walker, Researches, Historical and Antiquarian, i.
1-27; Burton's Diary, App. ii. 493; Thurloe, vi. 819; Whitelock, 565;
Journals, April 9-21.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. April 20.]
The protector's, however, was not one of those minds that resolve quickly
and execute promptly. He seldom went straight forwards to his object, but
preferred a winding circuitous route. He was accustomed to view and review
the question, in all its bearings and possible consequences, and to invent
fresh causes of delay, till he occasionally incurred the suspicion of
irresolution and timidity.[1] Instead of returning a plain and decisive
answer, he sought to protract the time by requesting[a] the sense of the
house on different passages in the petition, on the intended amount of the
annual income, and on the ratification of the ordinances issued by himself,
and of the acts passed by the little parliament. By this contrivance the
respite of a fortnight was obtained, during which he frequently consulted
with Broghill, Pierpoint, Whitelock, Wolseley, and Thurloe.[2] At length it
was whispered at court that the protector had resolved to accept the title;
and immediately Lambert, Fleetwood, and Desborough made[b] to him, in their
own names and those of several others, the unpleasant declaration, that
they must resign their commissions, and sever themselves from his councils
and service for ever. His irresolution returned: he had promised the house
to give a final answer the next morning;[c] in the morning he postponed it
to five in the evening, and at that hour to
[Footnote 1: "Every wise man out of doors wonders at the delay," Thurloe,
vi. 243; also Claren. Papers, iii. 339.]
[Footnote 2: "In these meetings," says Whitelock, "laying aside his
greatness, he would be exceedingly familiar with us, and, by way of
diversion, would make verses with us, and every one must try his fancy. He
commonly called for tobacco, pipes, and a candle, and would now and then
take tobacco himself. Then he would fall again to his serious and great
business" (656).]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. April 22.]
[Sidenote b: A.D. 1657. May 6.]
[Sidenote c: A.D. 1657. May 7.]
the following day. The officers observed, and resolved to profit by, the
impression which they had made; and early in the morning[a] Colonel Mason,
with six-and-twenty companions, offered to the parliament a petition, in
which they stated that the object of those with whom the measure originated
was the ruin of the lord-general and of the best friends of the people, and
conjured the house to support the good old cause in defence of which the
petitioners were ready to sacrifice their lives. This bold step subdued the
reluctance of the protector. He abandoned the lofty hopes to which he had
so long, so pertinaciously clung, despatched Fleetwood to the house to
prevent a debate, and shortly afterwards summoned the members to meet him
at Whitehall. Addressing them with more than his usual embarrassment, he
said, that neither his own reflections nor the reasoning of the committee
had convinced him that he ought to accept the title of king. If he were to
accept it, it would be doubtingly; if he did it doubtingly, it would not be
of faith; and if it were not of faith, it would be a sin. "Wherefore," he
concluded, "I cannot undertake this government with that title of king, and
this is mine answer to this great and weighty business."[1]
Thus ended the mighty farce which for more than two months held in suspense
the hopes and fears of three nations. But the friends of Cromwell resumed
the subject in parliament. It was observed that he had not refused to
administer the government under any other title; the name of king was
expunged for that of protector; and with this and a few more amendments,
the "humble petition and advice"[b] received
[Footnote 1: Thurloe, vi. 261, 267, 281, 291. Journals, April 21-May 12.
Parl. Hist. iii. 1498-1502. Ludlow, ii. 131. Clar. Papers, iii. 342.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. May 8.]
[Sidenote b: A.D. 1657. May 25.]
the sanction of the chief magistrate. The inauguration followed.[a] On the
platform, raised at the upper end of Westminster Hall, and in front of a
magnificent chair of state, stood the protector; while the speaker, with
his assistants, invested him with a purple mantle lined with ermine,
presented him with a Bible superbly gilt and embossed, girt a sword by his
side, and placed a sceptre of massive gold in his hand. As soon as the oath
had been administered, Manton, his chaplain, pronounced a long and fervent
prayer for a blessing on the protector, the parliament, and the people.
Rising from prayer, Cromwell seated himself in a chair: on the right, at
some distance, sat the French, on the left, the Dutch ambassador; on one
side stood the earl of Warwick with the sword of the commonwealth, on
the other, the lord mayor, with that of the city; and behind arranged
themselves the members of the protector's family, the lords of the council,
and Lisle, Whitelock, and Montague, each of the three bearing a drawn
sword. At a signal given, the trumpets sounded; the heralds proclaimed the
style of the new sovereign; and the spectators shouted, "Long live his
highness; God save the lord-protector." He rose immediately, bowed to the
ambassadors, and walked in state through the hall to his carriage.[1]
That which distinguished the present from the late form of government was
the return which it made towards the more ancient institutions of the
country.
[Footnote 1: Whitelock, 622. Merc. Polit. No. 369. Parl. Hist. iii. 1514,
and Prestwick's Relation, App. to Burton's Diary, ii. 511. Most of the
officers took the oath of fidelity to the protector. Lambert refused, and
resigned his commissions, which brought him about six thousand pounds per
annum. Cromwell, however, assigned to him a yearly pension of two thousand
pounds.--Ludlow, ii. 136.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. June 26.]
That return, indeed, had wrung from Cromwell certain concessions repugnant
to his feelings and ambition, but to which he probably was reconciled by
the consideration that in the course of a few years they might be modified
or repealed. The supreme authority was vested in the protector; but,
instead of rendering it hereditary in his family, the most which he could
obtain was the power of nominating his immediate successor. The two houses
of parliament were restored; but, as if it were meant to allude to his
past conduct, he was bound to leave to the House of Commons the right of
examining the qualifications and determining the claims of the several
representatives. To him was given the power of nominating the members of
the "other house" (he dared not yet term it the House of Lords); but, in
the first instance, the persons so nominated were to be approved by the
house of representatives, and afterwards by the other house itself. The
privilege of voting by proxy was abolished, and the right of judicature
restrained within reasonable limits. In the appointment of councillors,
the great officers of state, and the commanders of the forces, many of the
restrictions sought to be introduced by the long parliament were enforced.
In point of religion, it was enacted that a confession of faith should be
agreed upon between the protector and the two houses; but that dissenters
from it should enjoy liberty of conscience, and the free exercise of their
worship, unless they should reject the mystery of the Trinity, or the
inspiration of the Scriptures, or profess prelatic, or popish, or
blasphemous doctrines. The yearly revenue was fixed at one million three
hundred thousand pounds, of which no part was to be raised by a land-tax;
and of this sum one million was devoted to the support of the army and
navy, and three hundred thousand pounds to the expenses of the civil list;
but, on the remonstrance of the protector, that with so small a revenue it
would be impossible to continue the war, an additional grant of six
hundred thousand pounds was voted for the three following years. After the
inauguration, the Commons adjourned during six months, that time might be
allowed for the formation of the "other house."[1]
Having brought this important session of parliament to its conclusion, we
may now revert to the miscellaneous occurrences of the year, 1. Had much
credit been given to the tales of spies and informers, neither Cromwell nor
his adversary, Charles Stuart, would have passed a day without the dread
of assassination. But they knew that such persons are wont to invent and
exaggerate, in order to enhance the value of their services; and each
had, therefore, contented, himself with taking no other than ordinary
precautions for his security.[2] Cromwell, however, was aware of the
fierce, unrelenting disposition of the Levellers; the moment he learned
that they were negotiating with the exiled king and the Spaniards, he
concluded that they had sworn his destruction; and to oppose their attempts
on his life, he selected[a] one hundred and sixty brave and trusty men from
the different regiments of cavalry, whom he divided into eight
[Footnote 1: Whitelock, 657, 663. Parl. Hist. iii. 1502-1511. In a
catalogue printed at the time, the names were given of one hundred and
eighty-two members of this parliament, who, it was pretended, "were sons,
kinsmen, servants, and otherwise engaged unto, and had places of profit,
offices, salaries, and advantages, under the protector," sharing annually
among them out of the public money the incredible sum of one million
sixteen thousand three hundred and seventeen pounds, sixteen shillings, and
eightpence.]
[Footnote 2: Thurloe's voluminous papers abound with offers and warnings
connected with this subject.]
[Sidenote a: A.D. 1657. Feb. 28.]
troops, directing that two of these troops in rotation should be always on
duty near his person.[1] Before the end of the year, he learned[a] that a
plot had actually been organized, that assassins had been engaged, and that
his death was to be the signal for a simultaneous rising of the Levellers
and royalists, and the sailing of a hostile expedition from the coast of
Flanders. The author of this plan was Sexby; nor will it be too much to
assert that it was not only known, but approved by the advisers of
Charles at Bruges. They appointed an agent to accompany the chief of the
conspirators; they prepared to take every advantage of the murder; they
expressed an unfeigned sorrow for the failure of the attempt. Indeed,
Clarendon, the chief minister (he had lately been made lord chancellor),
was known to hold, that the assassination of a successful rebel or usurper
was an act of justifiable and meritorious loyalty.[2]
Sexby had found a fit instrument for his purpose in Syndercombe, a man of
the most desperate courage,
[Footnote 1: Thurloe, iv. 567. Carte, Letters, ii. 81. Their pay was four
and sixpence per day.--Ibid. In addition, if we may believe Clarendon, he
had always several beds prepared in different chambers, so that no one knew
in what particular room he would pass the night.--Hist. iii. 646.]