DEATH OF THE EMPRESS JOSEPHINE.
Since Napoleon's star had grown pale, and himself compelled to leave
France as an exile, life seemed to Josephine also to be enveloped in a
gloomy mourning-veil; she felt that her sun had set, and night come upon
her. But she kept this feeling a profound secret, and never allowed a
complaint or sigh to betray her grief to her tenderly-beloved daughter.
Her complaints were for the emperor, her sighs for the fate of her
children and grandchildren. She seemed to have forgotten herself; her
wishes were all for others. With the pleasing address and grace of which
age could not deprive her, she did the honors of her house to the
foreign sovereigns in Malmaison, and assumed a forced composure, in
which her soul had no share. She would have preferred to withdraw with
her grief to the retirement of her chambers, but she thought it her duty
to make this sacrifice for the welfare of her daughter and
grandchildren; and she, the loving mother, could do what Hortense's
pride would not permit--she could entreat the Emperor Alexander to take
pity on her daughter's fate.
When, therefore, the czar had finally succeeded in establishing her
future, and had received the letters-patent which secured to the queen
the duchy of St. Leu Alexander hastened to Malmaison, to communicate
this good news to the Empress Josephine.
She did not reward him with words, but with gushing tears, as she
extended to the emperor both hands. She then begged him, with touching
earnestness, to accept from her a remembrance of this hour.
The emperor pointed to a cup, on which a portrait of Josephine was
painted, and begged her to give him that.
"_No_, sire," said she; "such a cup can be bought anywhere. But I wish
to give you something that cannot be had anywhere else in the world,
and that will sometimes remind you of me. It is a present that I
received from Pope Pius VII., on the day of my coronation. I present you
with this token in commemoration of the day on which you bring my
daughter the ducal crown, in order that it may remind you of mother and
daughter alike--of the dethroned empress and of the dethroned queen."
This present, which she now extended to the emperor with a charming
smile, was an antique cameo, of immense size, and so wondrously-well
executed that the empress could well say its equal was nowhere to be
found in the world. On this cameo the heads of Alexander the Great and
of his father, Philip of Macedonia, were portrayed, side by side; and
the beauty of the workmanship, as well as the size of the stone, made
this cameo a gem of inestimable value. And for this reason the emperor
at first refused to accept this truly imperial present, and he yielded
only when he perceived that his refusal would offend the empress, who
seemed to be more pale and irritable than usual.
Josephine was, in reality, sadder than usual, for the royal family of
the Bourbons had on this day caused her heart to bleed anew. Josephine
had read an article in the journals, in which, in the most contemptuous
and cruel terms, attention was called to the fact that the eldest son of
the Queen of Holland had been interred in the Cathedral of Notre-Dame,
and that the Minister Blacas had now issued an order to have the coffin
removed from its resting-place, and buried in an ordinary grave-yard.
Hortense, who had read this article, had hastened to Paris, in order
that she might herself superintend the removal of the body of her
beloved child from Notre-Dame, and its reinterment in the Church of
St. Leu.
While she informed the emperor of this new insult, Josephine's whole
figure trembled, and a deathly pallor overspread her countenance.
Josephine lacked the strength to conceal her sufferings to-day, for the
first time; Hortense was not present, and she might therefore, for once,
allow herself the sad consolation of showing, bereft of its smile and
its paint, the pale countenance, which death had already
lightly touched.
"Your majesty is ill!" exclaimed the emperor, in dismay.
With a smile, which brought tears to Alexander's eyes, Josephine pointed
to her breast, and whispered: "Sire, I have received the
death-wound here!"
Yes, she was right; she had received a fatal wound, and her heart was
bleeding to death.
Terrified by Josephine's condition, the emperor hurried to Paris, and
sent his own physician to inquire after her condition. When the latter
returned, he informed the emperor that Josephine was dangerously ill,
and that he did not believe her recovery possible.
He was right, and Alexander saw the empress no more! Hortense and
Eugene, her two children, held a sad watch at their mother's bedside
throughout the night. The best physicians were called in, but these
only confirmed what the Russian physician had said--the condition of the
empress was hopeless. Her heart was broken! With strong hands, she had
held it together as long as her children's welfare seemed to require.
Now that Hortense's future was also assured--now that she knew that her
grandchildren would, at least, not be compelled to wander about the
world as exiled beggars--now Josephine withdrew her hands from her
heart, and suffered it to bleed to death.
On the 29th of May, 1814, the Empress Josephine died, of an illness
which had apparently lasted but two days. Hortense had not heard her
mother's death-sigh; when she re-entered the room with Eugene, after her
mother had received the sacrament from Abbé Bertrand--when she saw her
mother, with outstretched arms, vainly endeavoring to speak to
them--Hortense fainted away at her mother's bedside, and the empress
breathed her last sigh in Eugene's arms.
The intelligence of the death of the empress affected Paris profoundly.
It seemed as though all the city had forgotten for a day that Napoleon
was no longer the ruler of France, and that the Bourbons had reascended
the throne of their fathers. All Paris mourned; for the hearts of the
French people had not forgotten this woman, who had so long been their
benefactress, and of whom each could relate the most touching traits of
goodness, of generosity, and of gentleness.
Josephine, now that she was dead, was once more enthroned as empress in
the hearts of the French people and thousands poured into Malmaison, to
pay their last homage to their deceased empress. Even the Faubourg St.
Germain mourned with the Parisians; these haughty and insolent
royalists, who had returned with the Bourbons, may, perhaps, for a
moment, have recalled the benefits which the empress had shown them,
when, as the mighty Empress of France, she employed the half of her
allowance for the relief of the emigrants. They had returned without
thinking of the thanks they owed their forgotten benefactress; now that
she was dead, they no longer withheld the tribute of their admiration.
"Alas!" exclaimed Madame Ducayla, the king's friend; "alas! how
interesting a lady was this Josephine! What tact, what goodness! How
well she knew how to do everything! And she shows her tact and good
taste to the last, in dying just at this moment!"
Immediately after the death of the empress, Eugene had conducted the
queen from the death-chamber, almost violently, and had taken her and
her children to St. Leu. The body of the empress was interred in
Malmaison, and followed to the grave by her two grandchildren only.
Grief had made both of her children severely ill, and the little princes
were followed, not by her relatives, but by the Russian General Von
Sacken, who represented the emperor, and by the equipages of all those
kings and princes who had helped to hurl the Bonapartes from their
thrones and restore the Bourbons.
The emperor passed his last night in France, before leaving for
England, at St. Leu; and, on taking leave of Eugene and Hortense, who,
at the earnest solicitation of her brother, had left her room for the
first time since her mother's death, for the purpose of seeing the
emperor, he assured them of his unchangeable friendship and attachment.
As he knew that, among those whom he strongly suspected, Pozzo di
Borgo[29], the ambassador he left behind him in Paris, was an
irreconcilable enemy of Napoleon and his family, he had assigned to duty
at the embassy as _attaché_, a gentleman selected for this purpose by
Louise de Cochelet--M. de Boutiakin--and it was through him that the
emperor directed that the letters and wishes of the queen and of her
faithful young lady friend should be received and answered.
[Footnote 29: Upon receiving the intelligence of the death of the
emperor at St. Helena, Pozzo di Borgo said: "I did not kill him, but I
threw the last handful of earth on his coffin, in order that he might
never rise again."]
A few days later Eugene also left St. Leu and his sister Hortense, to
return, with the King of Bavaria, to his new home in Germany. It was not
until his departure that Hortense felt to its full extent the gloomy
loneliness and dreary solitude by which she was surrounded. She had not
wept over the downfall of all the grandeur and magnificence by which she
had formerly been surrounded; she had not complained when the whirlwind
of fate hurled to the ground the crowns of all her relations, but had
bowed her head to the storm with resignation, and smiled at the loss of
her royal titles; but now, as she stood in her parlor at St. Leu and saw
none about her but her two little boys and the few ladies who still
remained faithful--now, Hortense wept.
"Alas!" she cried, bursting into tears, as she extended her hand to
Louise de Cochelet, "alas! my courage is at an end! My mother is dead,
my brother has left me, the Emperor Alexander will soon forget his
promised protection, and I alone must contend, with my two children,
against all the annoyances and enmities to which the name I bear will
subject me! I fear I shall live to regret that I allowed myself to be
persuaded to abandon my former plan. Will the love I bear my country
recompense me for the torments which are in store for me?"
The queen's dark forebodings were to be only too fully realized. In the
great and solemn hour of misfortune, Fate lifts to mortal vision the
veil that conceals the future, and, like the Trojan prophetess, we see
the impending evil, powerless to avert it.
BOOK III.
_THE RESTORATION._
CHAPTER I.
THE RETURN OF THE BOURBONS.
On the 12th of April, Count d'Artois, whom Louis XVIII. had sent in
advance, and invested with the dignity of a lieutenant-general of
France, made his triumphal entry into Paris. At the gates of the city,
he was received by the newly-formed provisional government, Talleyrand
at its head; and here it was that Count d'Artois replied to the address
of that gentleman in the following words: "Nothing is changed in France,
except that from to-day there will be one Frenchman more in the land."
The people received him with cold curiosity, and the allied troops
formed a double line for his passage to the Tuileries, at which the
ladies of the Faubourg St. Germain, adorned with white lilies and white
cockades, received him with glowing enthusiasm. Countess Ducayla,
afterward the well-known friend of Louis XVIII., had been one of the
most active instruments of the restoration, and she it was who had first
unfolded again in France the banner of the Bourbons--the white flag. A
few days before the entrance of the prince, she had gone, with a number
of her royalist friends, into the streets, in order to excite the people
to some enthusiasm for the legitimate dynasty. But the people and the
army had still preserved their old love for the emperor, and the
proclamation of Prince Schwartzenberg, read by Bauvineux in the streets,
was listened to in silence. True, the royalists cried, _"Vive le roi!"_
at the end of this reading, but the people remained indifferent
and mute.
This sombre silence alarmed Countess Ducayla; it seemed to indicate a
secret discontent with the new order of things. She felt that this
sullen people must be inflamed, and made to speak with energy and
distinctness. To awaken enthusiasm by means of words and proclamations
had been attempted in vain; now the countess determined to attempt to
arouse them by another means--to astonish them by the display of a
striking symbol--to show them the white flag of the Bourbons!
She gave her companion, Count de Montmorency, her handkerchief, that he
might wave it aloft, fastening it to the end of his cane, in order that
it should be more conspicuous. This handkerchief of Countess Ducayla,
fastened to the cane of a Montmorency, was the first royalist banner
that fluttered over Paris, after a banishment of twenty years. The
Parisians looked at this banner with a kind of reverence and shuddering
wonder; they did not greet it with applause; they still remained silent,
but they nevertheless followed the procession of royalists, who marched
to the boulevards, shouting, _"Vive le roi!"_ They took no part in their
joyful demonstration, but neither did they attempt to prevent it.
This demonstration of the royalists, and particularly of the royalist
ladies, transcended the bounds of propriety, and of their own dignity.
In their fanaticism for the legitimate dynasty, they gave the allies a
reception, which almost assumed the character of a declaration of love,
on the part of the fair ladies of the Faubourg St. Germain, for all the
soldiers and officers of the allied army. In a strange confusion of
ideas, these warriors, who had certainly entered France as enemies,
seemed to these fair ones to be a part of the beloved Bourbons; and they
loved them with almost the same love they lavished upon the royal family
itself. During several days they were, in their hearts, the daughters of
all countries except their own!
Louis XVIII. was himself much displeased with this enthusiasm of the
ladies of the Faubourg St. Germain, and openly avowed to Countess
Ducayla his dissatisfaction with the ridiculous and contemptible
behavior of these ladies at that time. He was even of the opinion that
it was calculated to injure his cause, as the nation had then not yet
pronounced in his favor.
"They should," said he, "have received the allies with a dignified
reserve, without frivolous demonstrations, and without this
inconsiderate devotion. Such a demeanor would have inspired them with
respect for the nation, whereas they now leave Paris with the conviction
that we are still--as we were fifty years ago--the most giddy and
frivolous people of Europe. You particularly, ladies--you have
compromised yourselves in an incomprehensible manner. The allies seemed
to you so lovable _en masse,_ that you gave yourselves the appearance of
also loving them _en détail_; and this has occasioned reports concerning
you which do little honor to French ladies!"
"But, _mon Dieu!_" replied Countess Ducayla to her royal friend, "we
wished to show them a well-earned gratitude for the benefit they
conferred in restoring to us your majesty; we wished to offer them
freely what we, tired of resistance, were at last compelled to accord to
the tyrants of the republic and the sabre-heroes of the empire! None of
us can regret what we have done for our good friends the allies!"
Nevertheless, that which the ladies "had done for their good friends the
allies" was the occasion of many annoying family scenes, and the
husbands who did not fully participate in the enthusiasm of their wives
were of the opinion that they had good cause to complain of their
inordinate zeal.
Count G----, among others, had married a young and beautiful lady a few
days before the restoration. She, in her youthful innocence, was
entirely indifferent to political matters; but her step-father, her
step-mother, and her husband, Count G----, were royalists of the
first water.
On the day of the entrance of the allies into Paris, step-father,
step-mother, and husband, in common with all good legitimists, hurried
forward to welcome "their good friends," and each of them returned to
their dwelling with a stranger--the husband with an Englishman, the
step-mother with a Prussian, and the step-father with an Austrian. The
three endeavored to outdo each other in the attentions which they
showered upon the guests they had the good fortune to possess. The
little countess alone remained indifferent, in the midst of the joy of
her family. They reproached her with having too little attachment for
the good cause, and exhorted her to do everything in her power to
entertain the gallant men who had restored to France her king.
The husband requested the Englishman to instruct the young countess in
riding; the marquise begged the Prussian to escort her daughter to the
ball, and teach her the German waltz; and, finally, the marquis, who had
discovered a fine taste for paintings in the Austrian, appealed to this
gentleman to conduct the young wife through the picture-galleries.
In short, every opportunity was given the young countess to commit a
folly, or rather three follies, for she did not like to give the
preference to any one of the three strangers. She was young, and
inexperienced in matters of this kind. Her triple intrigue was,
therefore, soon discovered, and betrayed to her family; and now husband,
step-father, and step-mother, were exasperated. This exceeded even the
demands of their royalism; and they showered reproaches on the head of
the young wife.
"It is not my fault!" cried she, sobbing. "I only did what you
commanded. You ordered me to do everything in my power to entertain
these gentlemen, and I could therefore refuse them nothing."
But there were also cases in which the advances of the enthusiastic
ladies of the Faubourg St. Germain were repelled. Even the high-born and
haughty Marquise M---- was to experience this mortification. She stepped
before the sullen, sombre veterans of the Old Guard of the empire, who
had just allowed Count d'Artois to pass before their ranks in dead
silence. She ardently appealed to their love for the dynasty of their
fathers, and, in her enthusiasm for royalism, went so far as to offer
herself as a reward to him who should first cry _"Vive le roi!"_ But the
faithful soldiers of the emperor stood unmoved by this generous offer,
and the silence remained unbroken by the lowest cry!
The princes who stood at the head of the allied armies were, of course,
the objects of the most ardent enthusiasm of the royalist ladies; but it
was, above all, with them that they found the least encouragement. The
Emperor of Austria was too much occupied with the future of his daughter
and grandson, and the King of Prussia was too grave and severe, to find
any pleasure in the coquetries of women. The young Emperor Alexander of
Russia, therefore, became the chief object of their enthusiasm and love.
But their enthusiasm also met with a poor recompense in this quarter.
Almost distrustfully, the czar held himself aloof from the ladies of the
Faubourg St. Germain; and yet it was they who had decided the fate of
France with him, and induced him to give his vote for the Bourbons; for
until then it had remained undetermined whom the allies should call to
the throne of France.
In his inmost heart, the Emperor of Russia desired to see the
universally-beloved Viceroy of Italy, Eugene Beauharnais, elevated to
the vacant throne. The letter with which Eugene replied to the
proposition of the allies, tendering him the ducal crown of Genoa, had
won for Josephine's son the love and esteem of the czar for all time.
Alexander had himself written to Eugene, and proffered him, in the name
of the allies, a duchy of Genoa, if he would desert Napoleon, and take
sides with the allies. Eugene Beauharnais had replied to him in the
following letter:
* * * * *
"SIRE,--I have received your majesty's propositions. They are
undoubtedly very favorable, but they are powerless to change my
resolution. I must have known how to express my thoughts but poorly when
I had the honor of seeing you, if your majesty can believe that I could
sully my honor for any, even the highest, reward. Neither the prospect
of possessing the crown of the duchy of Genoa, nor that of the kingdom
of Italy, can induce me to become a traitor. The example of the King of
Naples cannot mislead me; I will rather be a plain soldier than a
traitorous prince.
"The emperor, you say, has done me injustice; I have forgotten it; I
only remember his benefits. I owe all to him--my rank, my titles, and
my fortune, and I owe to him that which I prefer to all else--that which
your indulgence calls my renown. I shall, therefore, serve him as long
as I live; my person is his, as is my heart. May my sword break in my
hands, if it could ever turn against the emperor, or against France! I
trust that my well-grounded refusal will at least secure to me the
respect of your imperial majesty. I am, etc."
* * * * *
The Emperor of Austria, on the other hand, ardently desired to secure
the throne of France to his grandson, the King of Rome, under the
regency of the Empress Marie Louise; but he did not venture to make this
demand openly and without reservation of his allies, whose action he had
promised to approve and ratify. The appeals of the Duke of Cadore, who
had been sent to her father by Marie Louise from Blois, urging the
emperor to look after her interests, and to demand of the allies that
they should assure the crown to herself and son, were, therefore,
fruitless.
The emperor assured his daughter's ambassador that he had reason to hope
for the best for her, but that he was powerless to insist on any action
in her behalf.
"I love my daughter," said the good emperor, "and I love my son-in-law,
and I am ready to shed my heart's blood for them."
"Majesty," said the duke, interrupting him, "no such sacrifice is
required at your hands."
"I am ready to shed my blood for them," continued the emperor, "to
sacrifice my life for them, and I repeat it, I have promised the allies
to do nothing except in conjunction with them, and to consent to all
they determine. Moreover, my minister, Count Metternich, is at this
moment with them, and I shall ratify everything which he has
signed[30]."
[Footnote 30: Bourrienne, vol. x., p. 129.]
But the emperor still hoped that that which Metternich should sign for
him, would be the declaration that the little King of Rome was to be the
King of France.
But the zeal of the royalists was destined to annihilate this hope.
The Emperor of Russia had now taken up his residence in Talleyrand's
house. He had yielded to the entreaties of the shrewd French diplomat,
who well knew how much easier it would be to bend the will of the
Agamemnon of the holy alliance[31] to his wishes, when he should have
him in hand, as it were, day and night. In offering the emperor his
hospitality, it was Talleyrand's intention to make him his prisoner,
body and soul, and to use him to his own advantage.
[Footnote 31: Mémoires d'une Femme de Qualité.]
It was therefore to Talleyrand that Countess Ducayla hastened to concert
measures with the Bonapartist of yesterday, who had transformed himself
into the zealous legitimist of to-day.
Talleyrand undertook to secure the countess an audience with the Russian
emperor, and he succeeded.
While conducting the beautiful countess to the czar's cabinet,
Talleyrand whispered in her ear: "Imitate Madame de Lemallé--endeavor
to make a great stroke. The emperor is gallant, and what he denies to
diplomacy he may, perhaps, accord to the ladies."
He left her at the door, and the countess entered the emperor's cabinet
alone. She no sooner saw him, than she sank on her knees, and stretched
out her arms.
With a knightly courtesy, the emperor immediately hastened forward to
assist her to rise.
"What are you doing?" asked he, almost in alarm. "A noble lady never has
occasion to bend the knee to a cavalier."
"Sire," exclaimed the countess, "I kneel before you, because it is my
purpose to implore of your majesty the happiness which you alone can
restore to us; it will be a double pleasure to possess Louis XVIII. once
more, when Alexander I. shall have given him to us!"
"Is it then true that the French people are still devoted to the Bourbon
family?"
"Yes, sire, they are our only hope; on them we bestow our whole love!"
"Ah, that is excellent," cried Alexander; "are all French ladies filled
with the same enthusiasm as yourself, madame?"
"Well, if this is the case, it will be France that recalls Louis XVIII.,
and it will not be necessary for us to conduct him back. Let the
legislative bodies declare their will, and it shall be done[32]."
[Footnote 32: Mémoires d'une Femme de Qualité, vol. i., p. 179.]
And of all women, Countess Ducayla was the one to bring the legislative
bodies to the desired declaration. She hastened to communicate the hopes
with which the emperor had inspired her to all Paris; on the evening
after her interview with the emperor, she gave a grand _soirée_, to
which she invited the most beautiful ladies of her party, and a number
of senators.
"I desired by this means," says she in her memoirs, "to entrap the
gentlemen into making a vow. How simple-minded I was! Did I not know
that the majority of them had already made and broken a dozen vows?"
On the following day the senate assembled, and elected a provisional
government, consisting of Talleyrand, the Duke of Dalberg, the Marquis
of Jancourt, Count Bournonville, and the Abbé Montesquieu. The senate
and the new provisional government thereupon declared Napoleon deposed
from the throne, and recalled Louis XVIII. But while the senate thus
publicly and solemnly proclaimed its legitimist sentiments in the name
of the French people, it at the same time testified to its own
unworthiness and selfishness. In the treaty made by the senate with its
recalled king, it was provided in a separate clause, "that the salary
which they had hitherto received, should be continued to them for life."
While recalling Louis XVIII., these senators took care to pay themselves
for their trouble, and to secure their own future.
CHAPTER II.
THE BOURBONS AND THE BONAPARTES.
The allies hastened to consider the declaration of the senate and
provisional government as the declaration of the people, and recalled to
the throne of his fathers Louis XVIII., who, as Count de Lille, had so
long languished in exile at Hartwell.
The Emperor of Austria kept his word; he made no resistance to the
decrees of his allies, and allowed his grandson, the King of Rome, to be
robbed of his inheritance, and the imperial crown to fall from his
daughter's brow. The Emperor Francis was, however, as much astonished at
this result as Marie Louise, for, until their entrance into Paris, the
allies had flattered the Austrian emperor with the hope that the crown
of France would be secured to his daughter and grandson. The emperor's
astonishment at this turn of affairs was made the subject of a
caricature, which, on the day of the entrance of Louis XVIIL, was
affixed to the same walls on which Chateaubriand's enthusiastic
_brochure_ concerning the Bourbons was posted. In this caricature, of
which thousands of copies were sown broadcast throughout Paris, the
Emperor of Austria was to be seen sitting in an elegant open carriage;
the Emperor Alexander sat on the coachman's box, the Regent of England
as postilion on the lead-horse, and the King of Prussia stood up behind
as a lackey. Napoleon ran along on foot at the side of the carriage,
holding fast to it, and crying out to the Emperor of Austria,
"Father-in-law, they have thrown me out"--"And _taken me in_," was the
reply of Francis I.
The exultation of the ladies of the Faubourg St. Germain was great, now
that their king was at last restored to them, and they eagerly embraced
every means of showing their gratitude to the Emperor of Russia. But
Alexander remained entirely insusceptible to their homage; he even went
so far as to avoid attending the entertainments given by the new king at
the Tuileries, and society was shocked at seeing the emperor openly
displaying his sympathy for the family of the Emperor Napoleon, and
repairing to Malmaison, instead of appearing at the Tuileries.
Count Nesselrode at last conjured his friend Louise de Cochelet to
inform the czar of the feeling of dismay that pervaded the Faubourg St.
Germain, when he should come to Queen Hortense's maid-of-honor, as he
was in the habit of doing from time to time, for the purpose of
discussing the queen's interests with her.
"Sire," said she to the czar, "the Faubourg St. Germain regards your
majesty's zeal in the queen's behalf with great jealousy. It has even
caused Count Nesselrode much concern. 'Our emperor,' said he to me,
recently, 'goes to Malmaison much too often; the high circles of
society, and the diplomatic body, are already in dismay about it; it is
feared that he is there subjected to influences to which policy
requires he should not be exposed.'"
"This is characteristic of my Nesselrode," replied the emperor,
laughing, "he is so easily disquieted. What do I care for the Faubourg
St. Germain? It speaks ill enough for these ladies that they have not
made a conquest of me! I prefer the noble qualities of the soul to all
outward appearances; and I find united in the Empress Josephine, in the
Queen of Holland, and in Prince Eugene, all that is admirable and
lovable. I am better pleased to be here with you in quiet, confidential
intercourse, than with those who really demean themselves as though they
were crazed, and who, instead of enjoying the triumph we have prepared
for them, are only intent on destroying their enemies, and have
commenced with those who formerly accorded them such generous
protection; they really weary one with their extravagances.
"Frenchwomen are coquettish," said the emperor in the course of the
conversation; "I came here in great fear of them, for I knew how far
their amiability could extend; but their heart is undoubtedly no longer
their own. I am therefore on my guard against being deceived by it, and
I fancy these ladies love to please so well, that they are even angry
with those who respond to the attentions which are so lavishly showered
on them, with conventional politeness only."
Louise de Cochelet undertook to defend the French ladies against the
emperor's attacks. She told him he should not judge of them by the
manner in which they had conducted themselves toward him, as it was but
natural that the ladies should be inspired with enthusiasm for a young
emperor who appeared to them in so favorable a light, and that they must
necessarily, even without being coquettish, ardently desire to be
noticed by him.
"But," said the emperor, with his soft, sad smile, "have these ladies
only been waiting for me in order to feel their heart palpitate? I seek
mind and entertainment, but I fly from all those who display a desire to
exercise a control over my heart; in this I see nothing but self-love,
and I hold myself aloof from such contact."
While the royalists and the ladies of the Faubourg St. Germain were
lavishing attentions upon the allies, and assuring the returned king of
the boundless delight of his people, this people was already beginning
to grumble. The allies had now completed their task, they had restored
to France its legitimate king, and they now put the finishing-touch to
their work by providing in the treaty, that France should be narrowed
down to the boundaries it had had before the revolution.
France was compelled to conform to the will of its vanquishers. From the
weakness of the legitimists they now snatched that which they had been
compelled to accord to the strength of the empire.
All of those fortified places, that had been bought with so much French
blood, and that were still held by Frenchmen, were to be given up, and
the great, extended France was to shrink back into the France it had
been thirty years before! It was this that made the people murmur. The
Frenchmen who had left Napoleon because they had grown weary of endless
wars, were, nevertheless, proud of the conquests they had made under
their emperor. The surrender of these conquests wounded the national
pride, and they were angry with their king for being so ready to put
this shame upon France--for holding the crown of France in higher
estimation than the honor of France!
It must be conceded, however, that Louis XVIII. had most bitterly felt
the disgrace that attached to him in this re-establishment of France
within its ancient boundaries, and he had endeavored to protest in every
way against this demand of the allies. But his representative had been
made to understand that if Louis XVIII. could not content himself with
the France the allies were prepared to give him, he was at liberty to
relinquish it to Marie Louise. The king was, therefore, compelled to
yield to necessity; but he did so with bitter mortification, and while
his courtiers were giving free rein to their enthusiasm for the allies,
he was heard to whisper, "_Nos chers amis les ennemis_[33]!"
[Footnote 33: "Our dear friends the enemies!"]
Thus embittered against the allies, it was only with great reluctance,
and after a long and bitter struggle, that Louis XVIII. consented to the
demands made by the allies in behalf of the family of Napoleon. But the
Emperor Alexander kept his word; he defended the rights of the Queen of
Holland and her children against the ill-will of the Bourbons, the
dislike of the royalists, and the disinclination of the allies, alike.
The family of the emperor owed it to him and to his firmness alone that
the article of the treaty of the 11th of April, in which Louis XVIII.
agreed "that the titles and dignities of all the members of the family
of the Emperor Napoleon should be recognized, and that they should not
be deprived of them," remained something more than a mere phrase.
It was only after repeated efforts that the emperor at last succeeded in
obtaining for Hortense, from Louis XVIII., an estate and a title, that
secured her position. King Louis finally yielded to his urgent
solicitations, and conferred upon Hortense the title of Duchess of St.
Leu, and made her estate, St. Leu, a duchy.
But this was done with the greatest reluctance, and only under the
pressure of the king's obligations to the allies, who had given him his
throne; and these obligations the Bourbons would have forgotten as
willingly as the whole period of the revolution and of the empire.
For the Bourbons seemed but to have awakened from a long sleep, and were
not a little surprised to find that the world had progressed in the
meanwhile.
According to their ideas, every thing must have remained standing at the
point where they had left it twenty years before; and they were at least
determined to ignore all that had happened in the interval. King Louis
therefore signed his first act as in "the nineteenth" year of his reign,
and endeavored in all things to keep up a semblance of the continuation
of his reign since the year 1789. Hence, the letters-patent in which
King Louis appointed Hortense Duchess of St. Leu were drawn up in a
manner offensive to the queen, for they contained the following: "The
king appoints Mademoiselle Hortense de Beauharnais Duchess of St. Leu."
The queen refused to accept this title, under the circumstances, and
rejected the letters-patent. It was not until the czar had angrily
demanded it, that M. de Blacas, the king's premier, consented to draw up
the letters-patent in a different style. They read: "The king appoints
Hortense Eugénie, included in the treaty of the 11th of April, Duchess
of St. Leu." This was, to be sure, merely a negative and disguised
recognition of the former rank of the queen; but it was, at least no
longer a degradation to accept it.
The Viceroy of Italy, the noble Eugene--who was universally beloved, and
who had come to Paris, at the express wish of the czar, to secure his
future--occasioned the Bourbons quite as much annoyance and perplexity.
The king could not refuse to recognize the brave hero of the empire and
the son-in-law of the King of Bavaria, who was one of the allies; and,
as Eugene desired an audience of the king, it was accorded him at once.
But how was he to be received? With what title was Napoleon's step-son,
the Viceroy of Italy, to be addressed? It would have been altogether too
ridiculous to repeat the absurdity contained in Hortense's
letters-patent, and call Eugene "Viscount de Beauharnais;" but to accord
him the royal title would have compromised the dignity of the
legitimate dynasty. A brilliant solution of this difficult question
suggested itself to King Louis. When the Duke d'Aumont conducted Prince
Eugene to the royal presence, the king advanced, with a cordial smile,
and saluted him with the words, "M. Marshal of France, I am happy to
see you."
Eugene, who was on the point of making his salutation, remained silent,
and looked over his shoulder to see whom the king was speaking with.
Louis XVIII. smiled, and continued: "You, my dear sir, are a marshal of
France. I appoint you to this dignity."
"Sire," said Eugene, bowing profoundly, "I am much obliged to your
majesty for your kind intentions, but the misfortune of the rank to
which destiny has called me will not allow me to accept the high title
with which you honor me. I thank you very much, but I must
decline it[34]."
[Footnote 34: Mémoires d'une Femme de Qualité, vol. i., p. 267.]
The king's stratagem had thus come to grief, and Eugene left the royal
presence with flying colors. He was not under the necessity of accepting
benefits from the King of France, for his step-father, the King of
Bavaria, made Eugene a prince of the royal house of Bavaria, and created
for him the duchy of Leuchtenberg. Hither Eugene retired, and lived
there, surrounded by his wife and children, in peace and tranquillity,
until death tore him from the arms of his sorrowing family, in the
year 1824.
CHAPTER III.
MADAME DE STAËL.
The restoration, that had overthrown so many of the great, and that was
destined to restore to the light so many names that had lain buried in
obscurity, now brought back to Paris a person who had been banished by
Napoleon, and who had been adding new lustre and renown to her name in a
foreign land. This personage was Madame de Staël, the daughter of
Necker, the renowned poetess of "Corinne" and "Delphine."
It had been a long and bitter struggle between Madame de Staël and the
mighty Emperor of the French; and Madame de Staël, with her genius and
her impassioned eloquence, and adorned with the laurel-wreath of her
exile, had perhaps done Napoleon more harm than a whole army of his
enemies. Intense hatred existed on both sides, and yet it had depended
on Napoleon alone to transform this hatred into love. For Madame de
Staël had been disposed to lavish the whole impassioned enthusiasm of
her heart upon the young hero of Marengo and Arcola--quite disposed to
become the Egeria of this Numa Pompilius. In the warm impulse of her
stormy imagination, Madame de Staël, in reference to Bonaparte, had
even, in a slight measure, been regardless of her position as a lady,
and had only remembered that she was a poetess, and that, as such, it
became her well to celebrate the hero, and to bestow on the luminous
constellation that was rising over France the glowing dithyrambic of her
greetings.
Madame de Staël had, therefore, not waited for Napoleon to seek her, but
had made the first advances, and sought him.
To the returning victor of Italy she wrote letters filled with
impassioned enthusiasm; but these letters afforded the youthful general
but little pleasure. In the midst of the din of battle and the grand
schemes with which he was continually engaged, Bonaparte found but
little time to occupy himself with the poetical works of Madame de
Staël. He knew of her nothing more than that she was the daughter of the
minister Necker, and that was no recommendation in Napoleon's eyes, for
he felt little respect for Necker's genius, and even went so far as to
call him the instigator of the great revolution. It was, therefore, with
astonishment that the young general received the enthusiastic letter of
the poetess; and, while showing it to some of his intimate friends, he
said, with a shrug of his shoulders, "Do you understand these
extravagances? This woman is foolish!"
But Madame de Staël did not allow herself to be dismayed by Bonaparte's
coldness and silence--she continued to write new and more
glowing letters.
In one of these letters she went so far in her inconsiderate enthusiasm
as to say, that it was a great error in human institutions that the
gentle and quiet Josephine had united her faith with his; that she,
Madame de Staël, and Bonaparte, were born for each other, and that
Nature seemed to have created a soul of fire like hers, in order that it
might worship a hero such as he was.
Bonaparte crushed the letter in his hands, and exclaimed, as he threw it
in the fire: "That a blue-stocking, a manufactress of sentiment, should
dare to compare herself to Josephine! I shall not answer these letters!"
He did not answer them, but Madame de Staël did not, or rather would
not, understand his silence. Little disposed to give up a resolution
once formed, and to see her plans miscarry, Madame de Staël was now also
determined to have her way, and to approach Bonaparte despite his
resistance.
And she did have her way; she succeeded in overcoming all obstacles, and
the interview, so long wished for by her, and so long avoided by him, at
last took place. Madame de Staël was introduced at the Tuileries, and
received by Bonaparte and his wife. The personal appearance of this
intellectual woman was, however, but little calculated to overcome
Bonaparte's prejudice. The costume of Madame de Staël was on this
occasion, as it always was, fantastic, and utterly devoid of taste, and
Napoleon loved to see women simply but elegantly and tastefully attired.
In this interview with Napoleon, Madame de Staël gave free scope to her
wit; but instead of dazzling him, as she had hoped to do, she only
succeeded in depressing him.
It was while in this frame of mind, and when Madame de Staël, in her
ardor, had endeavored almost to force him to pay her a compliment, that
Napoleon responded to her at least somewhat indiscreet question: "Who is
in your eyes the greatest woman?" with the sarcastic reply, "She who
bears the most children to the state."
Madame de Staël had come with a heart full of enthusiasm; in her address
to Napoleon, she had called him a "god descended to earth;" she had come
an enthusiastic poetess; she departed an offended woman. Her wounded
vanity never forgave the answer which seemed to make her ridiculous. She
avenged herself, in her drawing-room, by the biting _bon mots_ which she
hurled at Napoleon and his family, and which were of course faithfully
repeated to the first consul.
But the weapons which this intellectual woman now wielded against the
hero who had scorned her, wounded him more severely than weapons of
steel or iron. In the use of these weapons, Madame de Staël was his
superior, and the consciousness of this embittered Bonaparte all the
more against the lady, who dared prick the heel of Achilles with the
needle of her wit, and strike at the very point where he was most
sensitive.
A long and severe conflict now began between these two greatest geniuses
of that period, a struggle that was carried on by both with equal
bitterness. But Napoleon had outward power on his side, and could punish
the enmity of his witty opponent, as a ruler.
He banished Madame de Staël from Paris, and soon afterward even from
France. She who in Paris had been so ready to sing the praises of her
"god descended from heaven," now went into exile his enemy and a
royalist, to engage, with all her eloquence and genius, in making
proselytes for the exiled Bourbons, and to raise in the minds of men an
invisible but none the less formidable army against her enemy the
great Napoleon.
Madame de Staël soon gave still greater weight to the flaming eruptions
of her hatred of Napoleon, by her own increasing renown and greatness;
and the poetess of Corinne and Delphine soon became as redoubtable an
opponent of Napoleon as England, Russia, or Austria, could be.
But in the midst of the triumphs she was celebrating in her exile,
Madame de Staël soon began to long ardently to return to France, which
she loved all the more for having been compelled to leave it. She
therefore used all the influence she possessed in Paris, to obtain from
Napoleon permission to return to her home, but the emperor remained
inexorable, even after having read Delphine.
"I love," said he, "women who make men of themselves just as little as I
love effeminate men. There is an appropriate _rôle_ for every one in the
world. Of what use is this vagabondizing of fantasy? What does it
accomplish? Nothing! All this is nothing but do rangement of mind and
feeling. I dislike women who throw themselves in my arms, and for this
reason, if for no other, I dislike this woman, who is certainly one of
that number."
Madame de Staël's petitions to be permitted to return to Paris were
therefore rejected, but she was as little disposed to abandon her
purpose now as she was at the time she sought to gain Bonaparte's
good-will. She continued to make attempts to achieve her aim, for it was
not only her country that she wished to reconquer, but also a million
francs which she wished to have paid to her out of the French treasury.
Her father, Minister Necker, had loaned his suffering country a million
francs, at a time of financial distress and famine, to buy bread for the
starving people, and Louis XVI. had guaranteed, in writing, that this
"national debt of France" should be returned.
But the revolution that shattered the throne of the unfortunate king,
also buried beneath the ruins of the olden time the promises and oaths
that had been written on parchment and paper.
Madame de Staël now demanded that the emperor should fulfil the promises
of the overthrown king, and that the heir of the throne of the Bourbons
should assume the obligations into which a Bourbon had entered with
her father.
She had once called Napoleon a god descended from heaven; and she even
now wished that he might still prove a god for her, namely, the god
Pluto, who should pour out a million upon her from his horn of plenty.
As she could not go to France herself, she sent her son to plead with
the emperor, for herself and her children.
Well knowing, however, how difficult it would be, even for her son to
secure an audience of the emperor, she addressed herself to Queen
Hortense in eloquent letters imploring her to exert her influence in her
son's behalf.
Hortense, ever full of pity for misfortune, felt the warmest sympathy
and admiration for the genius of the great poetess, and interceded for
Madame de Staël with great courage and eloquence. She alone ventured,
regardless of Napoleon's frowns and displeasure, to plead the cause of
the poor exile again and again, and to solicit her recall to France, as
a simple act of justice; she even went so far in her generosity as to
extend the hospitalities of her drawing-rooms to the poetess's son, who
was avoided and fled from by every one else.
Hortense's soft entreaties and representations were at last successful
in soothing the emperor's anger. He allowed Madame de Staël to return to
France, on the condition that she should never come to Paris or its
vicinity; he then also accorded Madame de Staël's son the long-sought
favor of an audience.
This interview of Napoleon with Madame de Staël's son is as remarkable
as it is original. On this occasion, Napoleon openly expressed his
dislike and even his hatred as well of Madame de Staël as of her father,
although he listened with generous composure to the warm defence of the
son and grandson.
Young Staël told the emperor of his mother's longing to return to her
home, and touchingly portrayed the sadness and unhappiness of her exile.
"Ah, bah!" exclaimed the emperor, "your mother is in a state of
exaltation. I do not say that she is a bad woman. She has wit, and much
intellect, perhaps too much, but hers is an inconsiderate, an
insubordinate spirit. She has grown up in the chaos of a falling
monarchy, and of a revolution, and she has amalgamized the two in her
mind. This is all a source of danger; she would make proselytes, she
must be watched; she does not love me. The interests of those whom she
might compromise, require that I should not permit her to return to
Paris. If I should allow her to do so, she would place me under the
necessity of sending her to Bicétre, or of imprisoning her in the
Temple, before six months elapsed; that would be extremely disagreeable,
for it would cause a sensation, and injure me in the public opinion.
Inform your mother that my resolution is irrevocable. While I live, she
shall not return to Paris."
It was in vain that young Staël assured him in his mother's name, that
she would avoid giving him the least occasion for displeasure, and that
she would live in complete retirement if permitted to return to Paris.
"Ah, yes! I know the value of fine promises!" exclaimed the emperor. "I
know what the result would be, and I repeat it, it cannot be! She would
be the rallying-point of the whole Faubourg St. Germain. She live in
retirement! Visits would be made her, and she would return them; she
would commit a thousand indiscretions, and say a thousand humorous
things, to which she attaches no importance, but which annoy me. My
government is no jest, I take every thing seriously; I wish this to be
understood, and you may proclaim it to the whole world!"
Young Staël had, however, the courage to continue his entreaties; he
even went so far as to inquire in all humility for the grounds of the
emperor's ill-will against his mother. He said he had been assured that
Necker's last work was more particularly the cause of the emperor's
displeasure, and that he believed Madame de Staël had assisted in
writing it. This was, however, not so, and he could solemnly assure the
emperor that his mother had taken no part in it whatever. Besides,
Necker had also done full justice to the emperor in this work.
"Justice, indeed! He calls me the 'necessary man.' The necessary man!
and yet, according to his book, the first step necessary to be taken,
was to take off this necessary man's head! Yes, I was necessary to
repair all that your grandfather had destroyed! It is he who overthrew
the monarchy, and brought Louis XVI. to the scaffold!"
"Sire!" exclaimed the young man, deeply agitated, "you are then not
aware that my grandfather's estates were confiscated because he defended
the king!"
"A fine defence, indeed! If I give a man poison, and then, when he lies
in the death-struggle, give him an antidote, can you then maintain that
I wished to save this man? It was in this manner that M. Necker defended
Louis XVI. The confiscations of which you speak prove nothing.
Robespierre's property was also confiscated. Not even Robespierre,
Marat, and Danton, have brought such misery upon France as Necker; he it
is who made the revolution. You did not see it, but I was present in
those days of horror and public distress; but I give you my word that
they shall return no more while I live! Your schemers write out their
utopias, the simple-minded read these dreams, they are printed and
believed in; the common welfare is in everybody's mouth, and soon there
is no more bread for the people; it revolts, and that is the usual
result of all these fine theories! Your grandfather is to blame for the
orgies that brought France to desperation."
Then lowering his voice, from the excited, almost angry tone in which he
had been speaking, to a milder one, the emperor approached the young
man, who stood before him, pale, and visibly agitated. With that
charming air of friendly intimacy that no one knew so well how to assume
as Napoleon, he gently pinched the tip of the young man's ear, the
emperor's usual way of making peace with any one to whom he wished well,
after a little difficulty.
"You are still young," said he; "if you possessed my age and experience,
you would judge of these matters differently. Your candor has not
offended, but pleased me; I like to see a son defend his mother's cause!
Your mother has entrusted you with a very difficult commission, and you
have executed it with much spirit. It gives me pleasure to have
conversed with you, for I love the young when they are straightforward
and not too 'argumentative.' But I can nevertheless give you no false
hopes! You will accomplish nothing! If your mother were in prison, I
should not hesitate to grant you her release. But she is in exile, and
nothing can induce me to recall her."
"But, sire, is one not quite as unhappy far from home and friends, as in
prison?"
"Ah, bah! those are romantic notions! You have heard that said about
your mother. She is truly greatly to be pitied. With the exception of
Paris, she has the whole of Europe for her prison!"
"But, sire, all her friends are in Paris!"
"With her intellect, she will be able to acquire new ones everywhere.
Moreover, I cannot understand why she should desire to be in Paris. Why
does she so long to place herself in the immediate reach of tyranny? You
see I pronounce the decisive word! I am really unable to comprehend it.
Can she not go to Rome, Berlin, Vienna, Milan, or London? Yes, London
would be the right place! There she can perpetrate libels whenever she
pleases. At all of these places I will leave her undisturbed with the
greatest pleasure; but Paris is my residence, and there I will tolerate
those only who love me! On this the world can depend. I know what would
happen, if I should permit your mother to return to Paris. She would
commit new follies; she would corrupt those who surround me; she would
corrupt Garat, as she once corrupted the tribunal; of course, she would
promise all things, but she would, nevertheless, not avoid engaging in
politics."
"Sire," I can assure you that my mother does not occupy herself with
politics at all; she devotes herself exclusively to the society of her
friends, and to literature."
"That is the right word, and I fully understand it. One talks politics
while talking of literature, of morals, of the fine arts, and of every
conceivable thing! If your mother were in Paris, her latest _bon mots_
and phrases would be recited to me daily; perhaps they would be only
invented; but I tell you I will have nothing of the kind in the city in
which I reside! It would be best for her to go to London; advise her to
do so. As far as your grandfather is concerned, I have certainly not
said too much; M. Necker had no administrative ability. Once more,
inform your mother that I shall never permit her to return to Paris."
"But if sacred interests should require her presence here for a few
days, your majesty would at least--"
"What? Sacred interests? What does that mean?"
"Sire," the presence of my mother will be necessary, in order to procure
from your majesty's government the return of a sacred debt."
"Ah, bah! sacred! Are not all the debts of the state sacred?"
"Without doubt, sire; but ours is accompanied by peculiar
circumstances."
"Peculiar circumstances!" exclaimed the emperor, rising to terminate
the long interview, that began to weary him. "What creditor of the state
does not say the same of his debt? Moreover, I know too little of your
relations toward my government. This matter does not concern me, and I
will not be mixed up in it. If the laws are for you, all will go well
without my interference; but if it requires influence, I shall have
nothing to do with it, for I should be rather against than for you!"
"Sire," said young Staël, venturing to speak once more, as the emperor
was on the point of leaving, "sire, my brother and I were anxious to
settle in France; but how could we live in a land in which our mother
would not be allowed to live with us everywhere?"
Already standing on the threshold of the door, the emperor turned to him
hastily. "I have no desire whatever to have you settle here," said he;
"on the contrary. I advise you not to do so. Go to England. There they
have a _penchant_ for Genevese, parlor-politicians, etc.; therefore, go
to England; for I must say, I should be rather ill than well disposed
toward you[35]!"
[Footnote 35: Bourrienne, vol. viii., p. 355.]
CHAPTER IV.
MADAME DE STAËL'S RETURN TO PARIS.
Madame de Staël returned to her cherished France with the restoration.
She came back thirsting for new honor and renown, and determined, above
all, to have her work republished in Germany, its publication having
been once suppressed by the imperial police. She entertained the
pleasing hope that the new court would forget that she was Necker's
daughter, receive her with open arms, and accord her the influence to
which her active mind and genius entitled her.
But she was laboring under an error, by which she was not destined to be
long deceived. She was received at court with the cold politeness which
is more terrible than insult. The king, while speaking of her with his
friends, called Madame de Staël "a Chateaubriand in petticoats." The
Duchess d'Angoulême seemed never to see the celebrated poetess, and
never addressed a word to her; the rest of the court met Madame de Staël
armed to the teeth with all the hatred and prejudices of the olden time.
It was also in vain that Madame de Staël endeavored to act an important
part at the new court; they refused to regard her as an authority or
power, but treated her as a mere authoress; her counsel was ridiculed,
and they dared even to question the renown of M. Necker.
"I am unfortunate," said Madame de Staël to Countess Ducayla; "Napoleon
hated me because he believed me to possess intellect; these people repel
me because I at least possess ordinary human understanding! I can
certainly get on very well without them; but, as my presence displeases
them, I shall, at least, endeavor to get my money from them."
The "sacred debt" had not been paid under the empire, and it was now
Madame de Staël's intention to obtain from the king what the emperor
had refused.
She was well aware of the influence which Countess Ducayla exercised
over Louis XVIII., and she now hastened to call on the beautiful
countess--whose acquaintance she had made under peculiar circumstances,
in a romantic love intrigue--in order to renew the friendship they had
then vowed to each other.
The countess had not forgotten this friendship, and she was now grateful
for the service Madame de Staël had then shown her. She helped to secure
the liquidation of the sacred debt, and, upon the order of King Louis,
the million was paid over to Madame de Staël. "But," says the countess,
in her memoirs, "I believe the recovery of this million cost Madame de
Staël four hundred thousand francs, besides a set of jewelry that was
worth at least one hundred thousand."
The countess's purse and the jewelry case, however, doubtlessly bore
evidence that she might as well have said "I know" as "I believe."
Besides the four hundred thousand francs and the jewelry, Madame de
Staël also gave the countess a piece of advice. "Make the most of the
favor you now enjoy," said she to her; "but do so quickly, for, as
matters are now conducted, I fear that the restoration will soon have to
be restored."
"What do you mean by that?" asked the countess, smiling.
"I mean that, with the exception of the king, who perhaps does not say
all he thinks, the others are still doing precisely as they always have
done, and Heaven knows to what extremities their folly is destined to
bring them! They mock at the old soldiers and assist the young priests,
and this is the best means of ruining France."
Countess Ducayla considered this prediction of her intellectual friend
as a mere cloud with which discontent and disappointed ambition had
obscured the otherwise clear vision of Madame de Staël, and ridiculed
the idea, little dreaming how soon her words were to be fulfilled.
Madame de Staël consoled herself for her cold reception at court, by
receiving the best society of Paris in her parlors, and entertaining
them with biting _bon mots_ and witty _persiflage_, at the expense of
the grand notabilities, who had suddenly arisen with their imposing
genealogical trees out of the ruins and oblivion of the past.
Madame de Staël now also remembered the kindness Queen Hortense had
shown her during her exile; and not to her only, but also to her friend,
Madame Récamier, who had also been exiled by Napoleon, not, however, as
his enemies said, "because she was Madame de Staël's friend," but
simply because she patronized and belonged to the so-called "little
church." The "little church" was an organization born of the spirit of
opposition of the Faubourg St. Germain, and a portion of the Catholic
clergy, and was one of those things appertaining to the internal
relations of France that were most annoying and disagreeable to
the emperor.
Queen Hortense had espoused the cause of Madame de Staël and of Madame
Récamier with generous warmth. She had eloquently interceded for the
recall of both from their exile; and, now that the course of events had
restored them to their home, both ladies came to the queen to thank her
for her kindness and generosity.
Louise de Cochelet has described this visit of Madame de Staël so
wittily, with so much _naïveté_, and with such peculiar local coloring,
that we cannot refrain from laying a literal translation of the same
before the reader.
CHAPTER V.
MADAME DE STAËL'S VISIT TO QUEEN HORTENSE.
Louise de Cochelet relates as follows: "Madame de Staël and Madame
Récamier had begged permission of the queen to visit her, for the
purpose of tendering their thanks. The queen invited them to visit her
at St. Leu, on the following day.
"She asked my advice as to which of the members of her social circle
were best qualified to cope with Madame de Staël.
"'I, for my part,' said the queen, 'have not the courage to take the
lead in the conversation; one cannot be very intellectual when sad at
heart, and I fear my dullness will infect the others.'
"We let quite a number of amiable persons pass before us in review, and
I amused myself at the mention of each new name, by saying, 'He is too
dull for Madame de Staël.'
"The queen laughed, and the list of those who were to be invited was at
last agreed upon. We all awaited the arrival of the two ladies in great
suspense. The obligation imposed on us by the queen, of being
intellectual at all hazards, had the effect of conjuring up a somewhat
embarrassed and stupid expression to our faces. We presented the
appearance of actors on the stage looking at each other, while awaiting
the rise of the curtain. Jests and _bon mots_ followed each other in
rapid succession until the arrival of the carriage recalled to our faces
an expression of official earnestness.
"Madame Récamier, still young, and very handsome, and with an expression
of _naïveté_ in her charming countenance, made the impression on me of
being a young lady in love, carefully watched over by too severe a
_duenna,_ her timid, gentle manner contrasted so strongly with the
somewhat too masculine self-consciousness of her companion. Madame de
Staël is, however, generally admitted to have been good and kind,
particularly to this friend, and I only speak of the impression she made
on one to whom she was a stranger, at first sight.
"Madame de Staël's extremely dark complexion, her original toilet, her
perfectly bare shoulders, of which either might have been very
beautiful, but which harmonized very poorly with each other; her whole
_ensemble_ was far from approximating to the standard of the ideal I had
formed of the authoress of Delphine and Corinne. I had almost hoped to
find in her one of the heroines she had so beautifully portrayed, and I
was therefore struck dumb with astonishment. But, after the first shock,
I was at least compelled to acknowledge that she possessed very
beautiful and expressive eyes; and yet it seemed impossible for me to
find anything in her countenance on which love could fasten, although I
have been told that she has often inspired that sentiment.
"When I afterward expressed my astonishment to the queen, she replied:
'It is, perhaps, because she is capable of such great love herself, that
she succeeds in inspiring others with love; moreover, it flatters a
man's self-love to be noticed by such a woman, and, in the end, one can
dispense with beauty, when one has Madame de Staël's intellect.'
"The queen inquired after Madame de Staël's daughter, who had not come
with her, and who was said to be truly charming. I believe the young
gentlemen of our party could have confronted the beautiful eyes of the
daughter with still greater amiability than those of the mother, but an
attack of toothache had prevented her coming.
"After the first compliments and salutations, the queen proposed to the
ladies to take a look at her park. They seated themselves on the
cushions of the queen's large _char à banc_, which has become historic
on account of the many high and celebrated personages who have been
driven in it at different times. The Emperor Napoleon was, however, not
one of this number, as he never visited St. Leu; but, with this
exception, there are few of the great and celebrated who have not been
seated in it at one time or another.
"As they drove through the park and the forest of Montmorency, in a walk
only, the conversation was kept up as in the parlor, and the consumption
of intellectuality was continued. The beautiful neighborhood, that
reminded one of Switzerland, as it was remarked, was duly admired. Then
Italy was spoken of. The queen, who had been somewhat _distraite_, and
had good cause to be somewhat sad, and disposed to commune with herself,
addressed Madame de Staël with the question, 'You have been in
Italy, then?'
"Madame de Staël was, as it were, transfixed with dismay, and the
gentlemen exclaimed with one accord: 'And Corinne? and Corinne?'
"'Ah, that is true,' said the queen, in embarrassment, awakening, as it
were, from her dreams.
"'Is it possible,' asked M. de Canonville, 'your majesty has not read
Corinne?'
"'Yes--no,' said the queen, visibly confused, 'I shall read it again,'
and, in order to conceal an emotion that I alone could understand, she
abruptly changed the topic of conversation.
"She might have said the truth, and simply informed them that the book
had appeared just at the time her eldest son had died in Holland. The
king, disquieted at seeing her so profoundly given up to her grief,
believed, in accordance with Corvisart's advice, that it was necessary
to arouse her from this state of mental dejection at all hazards. It was
determined that I should read 'Corinne' to her. She was not in a
condition to pay much attention to it, but she had involuntarily
retained some remembrance of this romance. Since then, I had several
times asked permission of the queen to read Corinne to her, but she had
always refused. 'No, no,' said she, 'not yet; this romance has
identified itself with my sorrow. Its name alone recalls the most
fearful period of my whole life. I have not yet the courage to renew
these painful impressions.'
"I, alone, had therefore been able to divine what had embarrassed and
moved the queen so much when she replied to the question addressed to
her concerning Corinne. But the authoress could, of course, only
interpret it as indicating indifference for her master-work, and I told
the queen on the following day that it would have been better to have
confessed the cause of her confusion to Madame de Staël.
"'Madame de Staël would not have understood me,' said she; 'now, I am
lost to her good opinion, she will consider me a simpleton, but it was
not the time to speak of myself, and of my painful reminiscences.'
"The large _char à banc_ was always preferred to the handsomest
carriages (although it was very plain, and consisted of two wooden
benches covered with cushions, placed opposite each other), because it
was more favorable for conversation. But it afforded no security against
inclement weather, and this we were soon to experience. The rain poured
in streams, and we all returned to the castle thoroughly wet. A room was
there prepared and offered the ladies, in which they might repair the
disarrangement of their toilet caused by the storm. I remained with them
long, kept there by the questions of Madame de Staël concerning the
queen and her son, which questions were fairly showered upon me. There
was now no longer a question of intellectuality, but merely of washing,
hair-dressing, and reposing, with an entire abandonment of the display
of mind, the copiousness of which I had been compelled to admire but a
moment before. I said to myself: 'There they are, face to face, like the
rest of the world, with material life, these two celebrated women, who
are everywhere sought after, and received with such marked
consideration. There they are, as wet as myself, and as little poetic.'
We were really behind the curtain, but it was shortly to rise again.
"Voices were heard under the window; among other voices, a German accent
was audible, and both ladies immediately exclaimed: 'Ah, that is
Prince Augustus of Prussia!'
"No one expected the prince, and this meeting with the two ladies had
therefore the appearance of being accidental. He had come merely to pay
the queen a visit, and it was so near dinner-time, that politeness
required that he should be invited to remain. And this was doubtless
what he wished.
"The prince had the queen on his right, and Madame de Staël on his left.
The servant of the latter had laid a little green twig on her napkin,
which she twisted between her fingers while speaking, as was her habit.
The conversation was animated, and it was amusing to observe Madame de
Staël gesticulating with the little twig in her fingers. One might have
supposed that some fairy had given her this talisman, and that her
genius was dependent upon this little twig.
"Constantinople, with which city several of the gentlemen were well
acquainted, was now the topic of conversation. Madame de Staël thought
it would be a delightful task for an intellectual woman, to turn the
sultan's head, and then to compel him to give his Turks a constitution.
After dinner, freedom of the press was also a topic of conversation.
"Madame de Staël astonished me, not only by the brilliancy of her
genius, but also by the deep earnestness with which she treated
questions of that kind, for until then custom had not allowed women to
discuss such matters. At entertainments, philosophy, morals, sentiment,
heroism, and the like, had been the subjects of conversation, but the
emperor monopolized politics. His era was that of actions, and, we may
say it with pride, of great actions, while the era that followed was
essentially that of great words, and of political and literary
controversies.
"Madame de Staël spoke to the queen of her motto: 'Do that which is
right, happen what may.'
"'In my exile, which you so kindly endeavored to terminate,' said she,
'I often repeated this motto, and thought of you while doing so.'
"While speaking thus, her countenance was illumined by the reflection of
inward emotion, and I found her beautiful. She was no longer the woman
of mind only, but also the woman of heart and feeling, and I
comprehended at this moment how charming she could be.
"Afterward, she had a long conversation with the queen touching the
emperor. 'Why was he so angry with me?' asked she. 'He could not have
known how much I admired him! I will see him--I shall go to Elba! Do you
think he would receive me well? I was born to worship this man, and he
has repelled me.'
'Ah, madame,' replied the queen, 'I have often heard the emperor say
that he had a great mission to fulfil, and that he could compare his
labors with the exertions of a man who, having the summit of a steep
mountain ever before his eyes, strains every nerve to attain it, ever
toiling painfully upward, and allowing his progress to be arrested by no
obstacle whatever. "All the worse for those," said he, "who meet me on
my course--I can show them no consideration."'
"'You met him on his course, madame; perhaps he would have extended you
a helping hand, after having reached the summit of his mountain.'
"'I must speak with him,' said Madame de Staël; 'I have been injured in
his opinion.'
"'I think so too,' replied the queen, 'but you would judge him ill, if
you considered him capable of hating any one. He believed you to be his
enemy, and he feared you, which was something very unusual for him,'
added she, with a smile. 'Now that he is unfortunate, you will show
yourself his friend, and prove yourself to be such, and I am satisfied
that he will receive you well.'
"Madame de Staël also occupied herself a great deal with the young
princes, but she met with worse success with them than with us. It was
perhaps in order to judge of their mental capacity, that she showered
unsuitable questions upon them.
"'Do you love your uncle?'
"'Very much, madame!'
"'And will you also be as fond of war as he is?'
"'Yes, if it did not cause so much misery.'
'Is it true that he often made you repeat a fable commencing with the
words, "The strongest is always in the right?"'
"'Madame, he often made us repeat fables, but this one not oftener than
any other.'
"Young Prince Napoleon, a boy of astounding mental capacity and
precocious judgment, answered all these questions with the greatest
composure, and, at the conclusion of this examination, turned to me and
said quite audibly: 'This lady asks a great many questions. Is that what
you call being intellectual?'
"After the departure of our distinguished visitors, we all indulged in
an expression of opinion concerning them, and young Prince Napoleon was
the one upon whom the ladies had made the least flattering impression,
but he only ventured to intimate as much in a low voice.
"I for my part had been more dazzled than gladdened by this visit. One
could not avoid admiring this genius in spite of its inconsiderateness,
and its wanderings, but there was nothing pleasing, nothing graceful and
womanly, in Madame de Staël's manner[36]."
[Footnote 36: Cochelet, Mémoires sur la Reine Hortense, vol. i., pp.
429-440.]
CHAPTER VI.
THE OLD AND THE NEW ERA.
The restoration was accomplished. The allies had at last withdrawn from
the kingdom, and Louis XVIII. was now the independent ruler of France.
In him, in the returned members of his family, and in the emigrants who
were pouring into the country from all quarters, was represented the
old era of France, the era of despotic royal power, of brilliant
manners, of intrigues, of aristocratic ideas, of ease and luxury.
Opposed to them stood the France of the new era, the generation formed
by Napoleon and the revolution, the new aristocracy, who possessed no
other ancestors than merit and valorous deeds, an aristocracy that had
nothing to relate of the _oeil de boeuf_ and the _petites maisons_, but
an aristocracy that could tell of the battle-field and of the hospitals
in which their wounds had been healed.
These two parties stood opposed to each other.
Old and young France now carried on an hourly, continuous warfare at the
court of Louis XVIII., with this difference, however, that young France,
hitherto ever victorious, now experienced a continuous series of
reverses and humiliations. Old France was now victorious. Not victorious
through its gallantry and merit, but through its past, which it
endeavored to connect with the present, without considering the chasm
which lay between.
True, King Louis had agreed, in the treaty of the 11th of April, that
none of his subjects should be deprived of their titles and dignities;
and the new dukes, princes, marshals, counts, and barons, could
therefore appear at court, but they played but a sad and humiliating
_rôle_, and they were made to feel that they were only tolerated, and
not welcome.
The gentlemen who, before the revolution, had been entitled to seats in
the royal equipages, still retained this privilege, but the doors of
these equipages were never opened to the gentlemen of the new Napoleonic
nobility. "The ladies of the old era still retained their _tabouret,_ as
well as their grand and little _entrée_ to the Tuileries and the Louvre,
and it would have been considered very arrogant if the duchesses of the
new era had made claim to similar honors."
It was the Duchess d'Angoulême who took the lead and set the Faubourg
St. Germain an example of intolerance and arrogant pretensions in
ignoring the empire. She was the most unrelenting enemy of the new era,
born of the revolution, and of its representatives; it is true, however,
that she, who was the daughter of the beheaded royal pair, and who had
herself so long languished in the Temple, had been familiar with the
horrors of the revolution in their saddest and most painful features.
She now determined, as she could no longer punish, to at least forget
this era, and to seem to be entirely oblivious of its existence.
At one of the first dinners given by the king to the allies, the Duchess
d'Angoulême, who sat next to the King of Bavaria, pointed to the
Grand-duke of Baden, and asked: "Is not this the prince who married a
princess of Bonaparte's making? What weakness to ally one's self in
such a manner with that general!"
The duchess did not or would not remember that the King of Bavaria, as
well as the Emperor of Austria, who sat on her other side, and could
well hear her words, had also allied themselves with General Bonaparte.
After she had again installed herself in the rooms she had formerly
occupied in the Tuileries, the duchess asked old Dubois, who had
formerly tuned her piano, and had retained this office under the empire,
and who now showed her the new and elegant instruments provided by
Josephine--she asked him: "What has become of my piano?"
This "piano" had been an old and worn-out concern, and the duchess was
surprised at not finding it, as though almost thirty years had not
passed since she had seen it last; as though the 10th of August, 1792,
the day on which the populace demolished the Tuileries, had never been!
But the period from 1795 to 1814 was ignored on principle, and the
Bourbons seemed really to have quite forgotten that more than one night
lay between the last levee of King Louis XVI. and the levee of to-day of
King Louis XVIII. They seemed astonished that persons they had known as
children had grown up since they last saw them, and insisted on treating
every one as they had done in 1789.
After the Empress Josephine's death, Count d'Artois paid a visit to
Malmaison, a place that had hardly existed before the revolution, and
which owed its creation to Josephine's love and taste for art.
The empress, who had a great fondness for botany, had caused magnificent
greenhouses to be erected at Malmaison; in these all the plants and
flowers of the world had been collected. Knowing her taste, all the
princes of Europe had sent her, in the days of her grandeur, in order
to afford her a moment's gratification, the rarest exotics. The Prince
Regent of England had even found means, during the war with France, to
send her a number of rare West-Indian plants. In this manner her
collection had become the richest and most complete in all Europe.
Count d'Artois, as above said, had come to Malmaison to view this
celebrated place of sojourn of Josephine, and, while being conducted
through the greenhouses, he exclaimed, as though he recognized his old
flowers of 1789: "Ah, here are our plants of Trianon!"
And, like their masters the Bourbons, the emigrants had also returned to
France with the same ideas with which they had fled the country. They
endeavored, in all their manners, habits, and pretensions, to begin
again precisely where they had left off in 1789. They had so lively an
appreciation of their own merit, that they took no notice whatever of
other people's, and yet their greatest merit consisted in having
emigrated.
For this merit they now demanded a reward.
All of these returned emigrants demanded rewards, positions, and
pensions, and considered it incomprehensible that those who were already
in possession were not at once deprived of them. Intrigues were the
order of the day, and in general the representatives of the old era
succeeded in supplanting those of the new era in offices and pensions as
well as in court honors. All the high positions in the army were filled
by the marquises, dukes, and counts, of the old era, who had sewed
tapestry and picked silk in Coblentz, while the France of the new era
was fighting on the battle-field, and they now began to teach the
soldiers of the empire the old drill of 1780.
The etiquette of the olden time was restored, and the same luxurious and
lascivious disposition prevailed among these cavaliers of the former
century which had been approved in the _oeil de boeuf_ and in the
_petites maisons_ of the old era.
These old cavaliers felt contempt for the young Frenchmen of the new era
on account of their pedantic morality; they scornfully regarded men who
perhaps had not more than one mistress, and to whom the wife of a friend
was so sacred, that they never dared to approach her with a
disrespectful thought even.
These legitimist gentlemen entertained themselves chiefly with
reflections over the past, and their own grandeur. In the midst of the
many new things by which they were surrounded, some of which they
unfortunately found it impossible to ignore, it was their sweetest
relaxation to give themselves up entirely to the remembrance of the old
_régime_, and when they spoke of this era, they forgot their age and
debility, and were once more the young _roués_ of the _oeil de boeuf_.
Once in the antechamber of King Louis XVIII., while the Marquis de
Chimène and the Duke de Lauraguais, two old heroes of the frivolous era,
in which the boudoir and the _petites maisons_ were the battle-field,
and the myrtle instead of the laurel the reward of victory, while these
gentlemen were conversing of some occurrence under the old government,
the Duke de Lauraguais, in order to more nearly fix the date of the
occurrence of which they were speaking, remarked to the marquis, "It was
in the year in which I had my _liaison_ with your wife."
"Ah, yes," replied the marquis, with perfect composure, "that was in the
year 1776."
Neither of the gentlemen found anything strange in this allusion to the
past. The _liaison_ in question had been a perfectly commonplace matter,
and it would have been as ridiculous in the duke to deny it as for the
marquis to have shown any indignation.
The wisest and most enlightened of all these gentlemen was their head,
King Louis XVIII. himself.
He was well aware of the errors of those who surrounded him, and placed
but little confidence in the representatives of the old court. But he
was nevertheless powerless to withdraw himself from their influence, and
after he had accorded the people the charter, in opposition to the will
and opinion of the whole royal family, of his whole court and of his
ministers, and had sworn to support it in spite of the opposition of
"Monsieur" and the Prince de Condé, who was in the habit of calling the
charter "_Mademoiselle la Constitution de 1791,_" Louis withdrew to the
retirement of his apartments in the Tuileries, and left his minister
Blacas to attend to the little details of government, the king deeming
the great ones only worthy of his attention.
CHAPTER VII.
KING LOUIS XVIII.
King Louis XVIII. was, however, in the retirement of his palace, still
the most enlightened and unprejudiced of the representatives of the old
era; he clearly saw many things to which his advisers purposely closed
their eyes. To his astonishment, he observed that the men who had risen
to greatness under Bonaparte, and who had fallen to the king along with
the rest of his inheritance, were not so ridiculous, awkward, and
foolish, as they had been represented to be.
"I had been made to suppose," said Louis XVIII., "that these generals of
Bonaparte were peasants and ruffians, but such is not the case. He
schooled these men well. They are polite, and quite as shrewd as the
representatives of the old court. We must conduct ourselves very
cautiously toward them."
This kind of recognition of the past which sometimes escaped Louis
XVIII., was a subject of bitter displeasure to the gentlemen of the old
era, and they let the king perceive it.
King Louis felt this, and, in order to conciliate his court, he often
saw himself compelled to humiliate "the _parvenus_" who had forced
themselves among the former.
Incessant quarrelling and intriguing within the Tuileries was the
consequence, and Louis was often dejected, uneasy, and angry, in the
midst of the splendor that surrounded him.
"I am angry with myself and the others," said he on one occasion to an
intimate friend. "An invisible and secret power is ever working in
opposition to my will, frustrating my plans, and paralyzing my
authority."
"And yet you are king!"
"Undoubtedly I am king!" exclaimed Louis, angrily; "but am I also
master? The king is he who all his life long receives ambassadors, gives
tiresome audiences, listens to annihilating discourses, goes in state to
Notre-Dame, dines in public once a year, and is pompously buried in St.
Denis when he dies. The master is he who commands and can enforce
obedience, who puts an end to intriguing, and can silence old women as
well as priests. Bonaparte was king and master at the same time! His
ministers were his clerks, the kings his brothers merely his agents, and
his courtiers nothing more than his servants. His ministers vied with
his senate in servility, and his _Corps Législatif_ sought to outdo his
senate and the church in subserviency. He was an extraordinary and an
enviable man, for he had not only devoted servants and faithful friends,
but also an accommodating church[37]."
[Footnote 37: Mémoires d'une Femme de Qualité, vol. v., p. 35.]
King Louis XVIII., weary of the incessant intrigues with which his
courtiers occupied themselves, withdrew himself more and more into the
retirement of his palace, and left the affairs of state to the care of
M. de Blacas, who, with all his arrogance and egotism, knew very little
about governing.
The king preferred to entertain himself with his friends, to read them
portions of his memoirs, to afford them an opportunity of admiring his
verses, and to regale them with his witty and not always chaste
anecdotes; he preferred all these things to tedious and useless disputes
with his ministers. He had given his people the charter, and his
ministers might now govern in accordance with this instrument.
"The people demand liberty," said the king. "I give them enough of it to
protect them against despotism, without according them unbridled
license. Formerly, the taxes appointed by my mere will would have made
me odious; now the people tax themselves. Hereafter, I have nothing to
do but to confer benefits and show mercy, for the responsibility for all
the evil that is done will rest entirely with my ministers[38]."
[Footnote 38: Mémoires d'une Femme de Qualité, vol. i., p. 410.]
While his ministers were thus governing according to the charter, and
"doing evil," the king, who now had nothing but "good" to do, was
busying himself in settling the weighty questions of the old etiquette.
One of the most important features of this etiquette was the question of
the fashions that should now be introduced at court; for it was, of
course, absurd to think of adopting the fashions of the empire, and
thereby recognize at court that there had really been a change
since 1789.
They desired to effect a counter-revolution, not only in politics, but
also in fashions; and this important matter occupied the attention of
the grand dignitaries of the court for weeks before the first grand
levee that the king was to hold in the Tuilerics. But, as nothing was
accomplished by their united wisdom, the king finally held a private
consultation with his most intimate gentleman and lady friends on this
important matter, that had, unfortunately, not been determined by
the charter.
The grand-master of ceremonies, M. de Bregé, declared to the king that
it was altogether improper to continue the fashions of the empire at the
court of the legitimate King of France.
"We are, therefore, to have powder, coats-of-mail, etc.," observed the
king.
M. de Bregé replied, with all gravity, that he had given this subject
his earnest consideration day and night, but that he had not yet arrived
at a conclusion worthy of the grand-master of ceremonies of the
legitimate king.
"Sire," said the Duke de Chartres, smiling, "I, for my part, demand
knee-breeches, shoe-buckles, and the cue."
"But I," exclaimed the Prince de Poir, who had remained in France during
the empire, "I demand damages, if we are to be compelled to return to
the old fashions and clothing before the new ones are worn out!"
The grand-master of ceremonies replied to this jest at his expense with
a profound sigh only; and the king at last put an end to this great
question, by deciding that every one should be permitted to follow the
old or new fashions, according to his individual taste and inclination.
The grand-master of ceremonies was compelled to submit to this royal
decision; but in doing so he observed, with profound sadness: "Your
majesty is pleased to smile, but dress makes half the man; uniformity of
attire confounds the distinctions of rank, and leads directly to an
agrarian law."
"Yes, marquis," exclaimed the king, "you think precisely as Figaro. Many
a man laughs at a judge in a short dress, who trembles before a
procurator in a long gown[39]."
[Footnote 39: Mémoires d'une Femme de Qualité, vol. i., p. 384.]
But while the king suppressed the counter-revolution in fashions, he
allowed the grand-master of ceremonies to reintroduce the entire
etiquette of the old era. In conformity with this etiquette, the king
could not rise from his couch in the morning until the doors had been
opened to all those who had the _grande entrée_--that is to say, to the
officers of his household, the marshals of France, several favored
ladies; further, to his _cafetier_, his tailor, the bearer of his
slippers, his barber, with two assistants, his watchmaker, and his
apothecaries.
The king was dressed in the presence of all these favored individuals,
etiquette permitting him only to adjust his necktie himself, but
requiring him, however, to empty his pockets of their contents of the
previous day.
The usage of the old era, "the public dinner of the royal family," was
also reintroduced; and the grand-master of ceremonies not only found it
necessary to make preparations for this dinner weeks beforehand, but the
king was also compelled to occupy himself with this matter, and to
appoint for this great ceremony the necessary "officers of
provisions"--that is to say, the wine-taster, the cup-bearers, the grand
doorkeepers, and the cook-in-chief.
At this first grand public dinner, the celebrated and indispensable
"ship" of the royal board stood again immediately in front of the king's
seat. This old "ship" of the royal board, an antique work of art which
the city of Paris had once presented to a King of France, had also been
lost in the grand shipwreck of 1792, and the grand-master of ceremonies
had been compelled to have a new one made by the court jeweller for the
occasion. This "ship" was a work in gilded silver, in form of a vessel
deprived of its masts and rigging; and in the same, between two golden
plates, were contained the perfumed napkins of the king. In accordance
with the old etiquette, no one, not even the princes and princesses,
could pass the "ship" without making a profound obeisance, which they
were also compelled to make on passing the royal couch.
The king restored yet another fashion of the old era--the fashion of the
"royal lady-friends."
Like his brother the Count d'Artois, Louis XVIII. also had his
lady-friends; and among these the beautiful and witty Countess Ducayla
occupied the first position. It was her office to amuse the king, and
dissipate the dark clouds that were only too often to be seen on the
brow of King Louis, who was chained to his arm-chair by ill-health,
weakness, and excessive corpulency. She narrated to him the _chronique
scandaleuse_ of the imperial court; she reminded him of the old affairs
of his youth, which the king knew how to relate with so much wit and
humor, and which he so loved to relate; it devolved upon her to examine
the letters of the "black cabinet," and to read the more interesting
ones to the king.
King Louis was not ungrateful to his royal friend, and he rewarded her
in a truly royal manner for sometimes banishing _ennui_ from his
apartments. Finding that the countess had no intimate acquaintance with
the contents of the Bible, he gave her the splendid Bible of Royaumont,
ornamented with one hundred and fifty magnificent engravings, after
paintings of Raphael. Instead of tissue-paper, a thousand-franc note
covered each of these engravings[40].
[Footnote 40: Amours et Galanteries des Rois de France, par St. Edme,
vol. ii., p. 383. Mémoires d'une Femme de Qualité, vol. i., p. 409.]
On another occasion, the king gave her a copy of the "Charter;" and in
this each leaf was also covered with a thousand-franc note, as in
the Bible.