breastworks. Through no inefficiency or negligence on the part
of the officers and men were the works carried, but owing to the
weakness of the line, its extreme length, and the want of sufficient
force to defend it, for they acted most heroically on this trying
occasion. Only one unwounded man (an officer) did I see seeking the
rear, and he one whom I had the previous day ordered under arrest
for trafficking with the enemy (exchanging tobacco for coffee).
Him I hailed and inquired where he was going, when he recalled his
arrest of the previous day, from which I immediately released him,
and sent him back to his command.
I had a verbal conference with General Lee and afterwards officially
reported my inability to hold this point against any vigorous
attack. In consequence of this report, Lieutenant-Colonel Peyton,
the Army-Inspector, was sent to examine this line, and he coincided
with my views and so reported to General Lee. On an average
throughout, the space from man to man was at least eight feet in
the line of trenches. I doubted not that with a reserve of five
hundred men I could have driven the enemy from any point which they
might capture, and repeatedly urged that such an arrangement be
made, knowing well that the enemy, by concentrating a large force on
any given point, could press their way through the line, and my only
salvation was in having the means at hand to drive them back before
large numbers could enter. Our left was the post of greatest danger.
There should the reserve have been placed; but General Lee informed
me that every available man was on duty, and I must do the best I
could.
On Sunday night of the 2nd we had orders to abandon the works, and
without the knowledge of the Federals, we withdrew to the north
side of the Appomattox river, following the Hickory Road to Goode's
Bridge, where we recrossed the Appomattox, proceeding towards Amelia
Court House, which we reached on the morning of the 5th. Wednesday
we remained stationary in line of battle, confronting the enemy
until about dark, when we followed the army, taking up the rear,
being very much impeded on the march by the wagon train and its most
miserable management, which, as I apprehended, would cause us some
disaster. The enemy showed themselves on Thursday, about 8 o'clock
A. M., in our rear and on our left flank, when near Amelia Springs,
and in a short time began to press us vigorously.
I then formed Cox's and Cowand's Brigades in line of battle, with a
heavy skirmish line in front to impede their progress, and to cover
our rear, sending Battle's, Cook's and Archer's Brigades forward for
one-half mile to form there, across the road, in line of battle in
order to allow Cowand and Cox to retreat safely when the enemy had
deployed and prepared to attack; our right flank being protected by
a North Carolina brigade of cavalry under General Roberts. In this
manner alternating the brigades throughout the day, we continued to
oppose the enemy and retreat, endeavoring to protect the lagging
wagon train, which was successfully done up to about 4 P. M., when
we approached Sailor's Creek, and upon the ridge running parallel
with that stream we made the final stand of the day, the wagons
becoming blocked up at the bridge crossing the stream. At this point
General Lee ordered me if possible to hold this line until he could
have artillery put in position on the opposite hills over the creek
parallel with those I occupied.
The enemy pushed on rapidly, attacking us with very great
pertinacity. We here repeatedly repulsed their assaults, but by
turning both of our flanks they succeeded in not only dislodging
but driving us across the creek in confusion. About now the
artillery from the heights occupied by General Lee opened upon the
enemy, and the sun being down they did not cross the creek. After
we broke, personally I was so pressed, the space between the two
wings of the enemy being not over two hundred yards, that I sought
safety in retreat. I galloped to the creek (the bridge being in
their possession) where the banks were very precipitous, and for
protection from their murderous fire, concluded to jump my horse in,
riding him through the water, and effect my escape by abandoning
him on the other side, the bullets of the enemy whistled around me
like hail all the while. By great good fortune, the opposite banks
proving not so precipitous, and my horse, seeming to appreciate
the situation, clambered up the height and started off in a run,
thus securing my safety. This same animal, Warren, I still own and
treasure for his past services. That night we took the road for
Farmville, crossing the Appomattox at High Bridge, posting guards on
the south side, thus collecting all stragglers and returning them to
their commands.
The next morning (Friday) we continued our march down the
railroad and formed line of battle on the Lynchburg road, still
endeavoring to preserve that "_impedimenta_" of Cæsar's--the
wagon-train--marching by the left flank through the woods parallel
to the road traveled by the wagon train, and about one hundred or
so yards distant from the road. Upon reaching the road and point
that turns towards Lynchburg from the Cumberland road, three of my
brigades, Cook's, Cox's, and Cowand's, had crossed the Cumberland
road and were in line of battle, and at right angles with Battle's
and Archer's Brigades, who were still parallel with the Cumberland
road. Heavy firing was going on at this point, when General Mahone
came rushing up and reported that the enemy had charged; turning
his flank, and driving his men from their guns and the works which
he had erected early in the day for the protection of these cross
roads. I then ordered my three brigades, Cook's, Cox's, and Cowand's
[to move], at a double-quick on the line with Battle and Archer,
and charging the enemy, we drove them well off from Mahone's works,
recapturing the artillery taken by them and capturing a large number
of prisoners. I held this position until sent for by General Lee,
who complimented the troops of the division upon the charge made and
the service rendered, ordering me to leave a skirmish line in my
front, and stating that Field's Division would occupy my position;
I was to hurry with all possible dispatch to the road which
intersected the Lynchburg road, as the enemy's cavalry were reported
to be approaching by that road.
We reached this road, halting and keeping the enemy in check until
the wagons had passed, and then continued the march parallel with
the road traveled by the wagon train, continuing thus to march until
night, when we took the road following to protect the trains.
On Saturday, the 8th, no enemy appeared, and we marched undisturbed
all day. Up to this time, since the evacuation of Petersburg, we
had marched day and night, continually followed and harassed by the
enemy. The men were very much jaded and suffering for necessary
sustenance, our halts not having been sufficiently long to prepare
their food, besides all our cooking utensils not captured or
abandoned were where we could not reach them. This day Bushrod
Johnson's Division was assigned to and placed under my command,
by order of General Lee. Upon passing a clear stream of water and
learning that the other division of the corps had gone into camp
some two miles ahead, I concluded to halt and give my broken-down
men an opportunity to close up and rejoin us, and sent a message to
General Gordon, commanding the corps, making known my whereabouts,
informing him I would be at any point he might designate at any hour
desired.
By dark my men were all quiet and asleep. About 9 o'clock I
heard the roar of artillery in our front, and in consequence of
information received, I had my command aroused in time and passed
through the town of Appomattox Court House before daylight, where,
upon the opposite side of the town, I found the enemy in my
front. Throwing out my skirmishers and forming line of battle, I
reconnoitred and satisfied myself as to their position, and awaited
the arrival of General Gordon for instructions, who, awhile before
day, accompanied by General Fitz Lee, came to my position, when we
held a council of war. General Gordon was of the opinion that the
troops in our front were cavalry, and that General Fitz Lee should
attack. Fitz Lee thought they were infantry and that General Gordon
should attack. They discussed the matter so long that I became
impatient, and said it was somebody's duty to attack, and that
immediately, and I felt satisfied that they could be driven from the
cross-roads occupied by them, which was the route it was desirable
that our wagon train should pursue, and that I would undertake it;
whereupon Gordon said, "Well, drive them off." I replied, "I cannot
do it with my division alone, but require assistance." He then
said, "You can take the two other divisions of the corps." By this
time it was becoming sufficiently light to make the surrounding
localities visible. I then rode down and invited General Walker,
who commanded a division on my left, composed principally of
Virginians, to ride with me, showing him the position of the enemy
and explaining to him my views and plan of attack. He agreed with
me as to its advisability. I did this because I felt that I had
assumed a very great responsibility when I took upon myself the
charge of making the attack. I then made dispositions to dislodge
the Federals from their position, placing Bushrod Johnson's Division
upon my right, with instructions to attack and take the enemy in
the flank, while my division skirmishers charged in front, where
temporary earthworks had been thrown up by the enemy, their cavalry
holding the crossings of the road with a battery. I soon perceived
a disposition on their part to attack this division in flank. I
rode back and threw our right so as to take advantage of some
ditches and fences to obstruct the cavalry if they should attempt
to make a charge. In the meantime the cavalry of Fitz Lee were
proceeding by a circuitous route to get in rear of them at these
cross-roads. The enemy observing me placing these troops in position
fired upon me with four pieces of artillery. I remember well the
appearance of the shell, and how directly they came towards me,
exploding and completely enveloping me in smoke. I then gave the
signal to advance, at the same time Fitz Lee charged those posted
at the cross-roads, when my skirmishers attacked the breastworks,
which were taken without much loss on my part, also capturing
several pieces of artillery and a large number of prisoners, I
at the same time moving the division up to the support of the
skirmishers in echelon by brigades, driving the enemy in confusion
for three-quarters of a mile beyond the range of hills covered with
oak undergrowth. I then learned from the prisoners that my right
flank was threatened. Halting my troops I placed the skirmishers,
commanded by Colonel J. R. Winston, Forty-fifth North Carolina
troops, in front, about one hundred yards distant, to give notice
of indication of attack. I placed Cox's Brigade, which occupied
the right of the division at right angles to the other troops, to
watch that flank. The other divisions of the corps (Walker's and
Evans') were on the left. I then sent an officer to General Gordon
announcing our success, and that the Lynchburg road was open for
the escape of the wagons, and that I awaited orders. Thereupon I
received an order to withdraw, which I declined to do, supposing
that General Gordon did not understand the commanding position which
my troops occupied. He continued to send me order after order to the
same effect, which I still disregarded, being under the impression
that he did not comprehend our favorable location, until finally, I
received a message from him, with an additional one as coming from
General Lee, to fall back. I felt the difficulty of withdrawing
without disaster and ordered Colonel J. R. Winston, commanding the
skirmish line which had been posted in my front on first reaching
these hills, to conform his movement to those of the division, and
to move by the left flank so as to give notice of an attack from
that quarter. I then ordered Cox to maintain his position in line
of battle, and not to show himself until our rear was one hundred
yards distant, and then to fall back in line of battle, so as to
protect our rear and right flank from assault. I then instructed
Major Peyton, of my staff, to start the left in motion, and I
continued with the rear.
The enemy upon seeing us move off, rushed out from under cover with
a cheer, when Cox's Brigade, lying concealed at the brow of the
hill, rose and fired a volley into them which drove them back into
the woods, the brigade then following their retreating comrades in
line of battle unmolested. After proceeding about half the distance
to the position occupied by us in the morning, a dense mass of the
enemy in column (infantry) appeared on our right, and advanced,
without firing, towards the earthworks captured by us in the early
morning, when a battery of our artillery opened with grape and
canister and drove them under the shelter of the woods.
As my troops approached their position of the morning, I rode up
to General Gordon and asked where I should form line of battle. He
replied, "Anywhere you choose." Struck by the strangeness of the
reply, I asked an explanation, whereupon he informed me that we
would be surrendered. I then expressed very forcibly my dissent to
being surrendered, and indignantly upbraided him for not giving
me notice of such intention, as I could have escaped with my
division and joined General Joe Johnston, then in North Carolina.
Furthermore, that I should then inform my men of the purpose to
surrender, and that whoever desired to escape that calamity could
go with me, and galloped off to carry this idea into effect. Before
reaching my troops, however, General Gordon overtook me, and placing
his hand upon my shoulder, asked me if I were going to desert the
army and tarnish my own honor as a soldier and said that it would be
a reflection upon General Lee and an indelible disgrace to me, if
I, an officer of rank, should escape under a flag of truce, which
was then pending. I was in a dilemma and knew not what to do, but
finally concluded to say nothing on the subject to my troops.
Upon reaching them, one of the soldiers asked if General Lee had
surrendered, and upon my answering that I feared it was a fact that
we had been surrendered, he cast away his musket and holding his
hands aloft cried in an agonized voice, "Blow, Gabriel, blow! My
God, let him blow, I am ready to die!" We then went beyond the creek
at Appomattox Court House, stacked arms amid the bitter tears of
bronzed veterans, regretting the necessity of capitulation.
Among the incidents ever fresh in my memory of this fatal day to the
Confederacy is the remark of a private soldier. When riding up to
my old regiment to shake by the hand each comrade who had followed
me through four years of suffering, toil, and privation often
worse than death, to bid them a final affectionate, and, in many
instances, an eternal farewell, a cadaverous, ragged, barefooted
man grasped me by the hand, and choking with sobs said, "Good-bye,
General; God bless you; we will go home, make three more crops and
then try them again." I mention this instance simply to show the
spirit, the pluck, and the faith of our men in the justice of our
cause, and that they surrendered more to grim famine than to the
prowess of our enemies.
That day and the next the terms of surrender were adjusted; the
following day our paroles were signed and countersigned, and on
Wednesday, April 12, 1865, we stacked our arms in an old field, and
each man sought his home as best he might.
* * * * *
The foregoing account of the surrender at Appomattox was written to
Major John W. Moore, at his request, November 5, 1879.
It was fit that North Carolina soldiers should have made the last
charge; they were first at Bethel. The fight was between the
mercantile civilization of the North, Europeanized by immigration
and commerce, and the agricultural civilization of the South,
Americanized by the necessity of its situation. Being most
essentially an agricultural State, least contaminated by communion
with the great cities, and least corrupted by the greed of trade
and the favoritism of trade's ill-gotten legislation, North
Carolina was the centre of the rebellion against the aggressions
of the North, aggressions which furthered the European policy of
consolidating our government and destroying the equality, first of
the States, and then of individuals. Democracy is not now a menace
to kingcraft across the Atlantic. Europe has won its fight. Its
policy is now to secure the fruits of its victory by treaties and
alliances.
It is no wonder that North Carolina resorted to arms with such
decent caution and fought with such desperate valor--the stakes were
great--she knew the meaning of the fight. If the South's statesmen
had been equal to her warriors there would have been no war, because
she would have been prepared for it--every State would have had a
place to manufacture the best ships and arms. Her statesmen were
great constitutional lawyers--but great lawyers and orators are not
necessarily statesmen.
General Cox's account of "the last charge" differs in some
particulars from that of General Grimes. Both statements appear
together in Moore's _History of North Carolina_, to which the
interested reader may refer.
[Illustration: DANIEL H. HILL.]
DANIEL HARVEY HILL.
BY A. C. AVERY.
Daniel Harvey Hill was born in the York District in the State of
South Carolina on the 21st of July, 1821. He traced his descent
neither from the Cavaliers of England nor from the Huguenots of
France, but from the sturdy sons of liberty-loving Scotland, who
migrated to the north of Ireland and ultimately planted colonies
in Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North and South Carolina, where
they educated, elevated, and dominated the people with whom they
came in contact. His paternal grandfather, William Hill, a native
of Ireland, had landed in Pennsylvania, and moving south with the
stream of Scotch-Irish that populated the valley of Virginia and
Western North Carolina, built, with Colonel Hayne as his partner,
in 1770, an iron foundry in York District, which, within the next
decade, was the only point south of Virginia where cannons were
cast for the use of the colonial armies. He was colonel of a
regiment in Sumter's Brigade, and fought gallantly under him in
many engagements. While Colonel Hill was confined to his home by
a wound received in battle a detachment was sent from the British
force at Charleston to destroy his foundry, and he barely escaped
with his life by hiding under a large log and covering himself
with leaves. When the battle of King's Mountain was fought Colonel
Hill's command had been disbanded, but he went to the field as a
volunteer, and was honored by being invited to the council held
by Campbell, Sevier, McDowell, and other distinguished regimental
commanders, to determine the plan of attack. He made a number of
suggestions that were adopted, which proved the value of his opinion
as a soldier. For twenty years after the war Colonel Hill was the
trusted representative of his district in the State Senate of South
Carolina, and was the intimate friend of Patrick Calhoun, the father
of the great statesman and orator, John C. Calhoun. General
Hill's mother was Nancy Cabeen, the daughter of Thomas Cabeen, a
native Scotchman, who was Sumter's trusted scout, and himself "the
bravest man in his command," as the General himself often declared.
Two uncles of General Hill were soldiers in the second war with
England, and one of them was the adjutant of Colonel Arthur P.
Hayne's Regiment. Solomon Hill, his father, died when his son Harvey
was but four years old, leaving him, with four other children, to
be reared by a mother who was noted for her piety, culture, common
sense, and devotion. Like all Scotch and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians
of the old school, she exacted of her sons the most rigid observance
of the Sabbath. Dr. John Hill, a somewhat wayward brother of General
Hill, often declared, after he had reached middle age, that during
his boyhood he always "took the blues on Thursday morning because
Sunday was coming." The boys were required, each in his turn, to
select and read a morning prayer when the family assembled for
breakfast. Some of General Hill's heartiest laughs were provoked
by the recollection of the ludicrous mistakes made by his little
brother in his efforts to find and read the shortest petition in the
book, without regard to its fitness for the occasion.
Sprung from a race of soldiers by the paternal as well as the
maternal line, it is not strange that the earliest ambition of D. H.
Hill led him to seek a place at West Point and to look forward to a
military career. Under the rigid physical examination now prescribed
for an applicant, he would have been rejected without hesitation.
He entered the institution in 1838, and but for feeble health
would have pressed to the very front of a class of which Generals
Longstreet, A. P. Stewart, G. W. Smith, R. H. Anderson, and Van Dorn
of the Confederate, and Rosecrans, Pope, Sykes, Doubleday, Stone,
and Reynolds of the Federal army were members.
Graduating in 1842, he was still a second lieutenant when he was
ordered with his command into active service in Mexico in August,
1845. During the three succeeding years he participated in nearly
every battle fought by our forces under the command of either
Scott or Taylor, and always attracted the notice of his superior
officers by his conspicuous courage. He soon rose to the rank
of first lieutenant, and, for gallant conduct at Contreras and
Churubusco, was breveted captain. At Chapultepec he volunteered with
the storming party, and so distinguished himself among the scores
of brave men who participated with him in that desperate assault
as to win for himself a second brevet as major. He was one of the
six officers in the whole force employed in Mexico who were twice
breveted for meritorious service upon the field. Animosity, envy,
and a disposition to indulge in carping criticism have led to many
unjust reflections upon General Hill, but the most unscrupulous
of his detractors never questioned his courage or his integrity.
When the Legislature of his native State provided by law that three
swords should be awarded to the three bravest of her soldiers who
had survived the war with Mexico, many letters and testimonials from
the officers of the old army were voluntarily sent to the Chief
Executive, naming D. H. Hill as among the bravest soldiers in the
army of the United States. Among a few of these testimonials still
extant is the letter from the gallant Bee, who, in exclaiming, a
moment before he fell at Manassas, "There stands Jackson like a
stone wall," gave to the great leader the pet name by which his
soldiers called him and the world knows him, and thereby made
himself immortal as its author. The letter addressed to General
Dunavant on the 26th of October, 1856, is as follows:
It gives me great pleasure to add my mite of praise to that
which has already been given to Mr. Hill by his military
superiors. I had the pleasure of knowing him intimately and
serving with him in the storming party detailed from Twiggs'
Division for the attack on Chapultepec. I can bear full
testimony to his gallantry and to his ardent desire to do his
duty well. In addition, I can testify to his State pride,
evinced in his going up under a heavy fire to congratulate and
praise a member of the Palmetto regiment who was behaving under
fire most gallantly. For his services on that day he received
honorable mention from his immediate commanders and also from
Colonel Magruder, commanding a light battery, which battery
Lieutenant Hill offered to support when it was menaced by a body
of Mexican lancers. He received the brevet appointment of major,
and was considered a loss to the service when he resigned.
Your obedient servant,
BERNARD BEE,
_Captain U. S. Army._
From the scores of her surviving heroes of the Palmetto regiment and
in the regular army the committee appointed by the State authorities
selected Hill to receive one of the three swords awarded, and it is
still preserved by his family.