character, formed upon his uncompromising adherence to principle
and unswerving fidelity to duty. In his conversation he was
easy and unaffected, in his manners and dress a decided model
of republican simplicity, pretentious in nothing; all who
approached him felt conscious of receiving the civility and
respect demanded by the nicest sense of propriety. To these
characteristics did he owe much of that firm hold upon the
confidence and esteem of his countrymen which sustained him in
the severe trials always to be met in the great battle of life.
His was an enduring popularity; it never waned; it existed in
as much vigor and freshness at the close of his life as at any
former period; it lived after him, and it is the source of the
highest gratification to his numerous friends and admirers that
he is still often quoted as the bright exemplar of "the honest
man and the wise and virtuous statesman." * * * * * * * * *
Though so long honored, and so many years the depositary of
public honors and public trusts, Mr. Macon's was the rare
merit of never having solicited any one to vote for him, or
even intimated a wish that he should; and though no one shared
more fully the confidence of a large circle of influential
friends, his is the praise of never having solicited the
slightest interest for his own preferment. Public honors
sought him; he prized them only as the reward of faithful and
virtuous performance, and regarded place as the means merely
of bringing him in nearer contact with public duty. He made
no popular harangues, seeking to avoid temptation of being
betrayed into promises which he could not or would not fulfill,
or into protestations which his heart would not sanction. He
was never found rambling through his Congressional District,
seeking to engineer himself into popular favor by means which
self-respect and a just sense of the rights of others forbade.
His rule was to attend punctually, once a year, if health
permitted, the first court held in each county in his district
after his return from Congress. There he met his constituents,
there he received their greetings and heard their complaints;
there, without simulation, gave a full account of his
stewardship. In his intercourse with them he was easy, frank,
and communicative, never withholding his opinion upon matters
of public concernment, and always inviting them to the exercise
of the utmost freedom of thought and of speech as the highest
privilege of freemen and the surest guard of liberty. He never
attended what, in his own characteristic language, he called "a
man-dinner," regarding all such political pageants as having too
much deceptious exterior, and as being too little calculated
to better the popular heart or enlighten the popular mind. And
when, upon his retirement from Congress, a large portion of his
old constituents tendered him the compliment of a public dinner,
he declined it in a brief note, saying that "he had never been
at such a show, and that he had already received the most
gratifying proofs of their good-will and esteem."
To shun all ostentatious display and the emptiness of pride was,
with him, a _principle_; and to do good to his fellow-men, and
to society, a rule of action which he scrupulously observed,
always abstaining, in the employment of his faculties, and
in the use of the abundant goods with which frugal industry
had blessed him, from the gratification of any passion, the
indulgence of which prudence forbade to others less favored
by fortune--thus teaching, by both precept and example, the
necessity of temperance, frugality and industry, as the surest
and best foundation for contentment and plenty.
Of generous and unsuspicious nature, he never looked with
uncharitableness on the actions of his fellow-men, but, with the
strength and armor of a well-balanced mind, gave to them the
calmest consideration and assigned to each its appropriate place
in the scale of good and evil. Of philosophic mind, subdued
temper, and great self-command, he met the incidents and
accidents of life, not with stoic indifference, but with quiet
submission--yielding nothing to passion, less to despondency,
and looking to passing events as to a school for instruction,
and deducing from them useful lessons to guide him in the
pathway of life.
Of him it may be emphatically said, that he thought for himself,
but reposing, with confidence, on his discriminating sense of
justice and integrity of purpose, he gave to all subjects the
fullest deliberation, and never jumped to conclusions in advance
of his judgment. But when he had formed an opinion he adhered to
it with a fearless and virtuous inflexibility which yielded to
no importunity or persuasion. This, with some, subjected him to
the charge of obstinacy.
"Virtue itself 'scapes not calumnious strokes."
* * * * * * * * * * *
He was chary of promises, but always punctual and exact in
performance; would give his bond or note to no man, contract no
debts, would buy nothing without paying for it. "Pay as you go"
was a law to him which he inflexibly observed. He mastered all
his wants and kept them in strict subjection to reason. He would
lend money to a friend, but never take interest. He classed
labor among the virtues, never called for help in anything he
could do himself, labored often in his fields at the head of his
slaves, during the intervals allowed from public duties, and
topped all his own tobacco, when at home at the proper season,
till the infirmities of age rendered him unable to stand the
heat of the sun. He was fond of the chase and indulged in his
favorite amusement, the pursuit of the fox and the deer, as long
as he lived.
He spoke often in Congress--seldom long. His speeches were
always to the point, strong, practical, sententious, often
furnishing materials for the rhetorical displays of others. A
most distinguished member once characterized his speeches as
"dishes of the best material served up in the best manner."
Unless prevented by bad health, he was always in his seat, voted
on every question, was punctual in attendance upon committees,
and ever ready at the call of duty.
He was fond of reading, but his favorite study was man. "He made
choice of human nature for the object of his thoughts." To this
predilection did he owe that consummate knowledge of the human
character, and those practical lessons of wisdom (of so much
consequence in the conduct of life) which gave him rank among
the "wisest and best."
There is no surer test of merit than is found in the favorable
opinions of the wise and the good, formed in the unrestricted
freedom of social intercourse, when the seal of reserve is
unloosed, and neither the pride of ostentation nor the dread
of criticism or censure invites to concealment. Impressed with
this truth, with a view to impart deeper interest to this
sketch, by stamping the seal of verity upon the high and noble
traits it portrays, recourse is had to the correspondence of
eminent and distinguished statesmen, to whom all the avenues of
knowledge were opened by close intimacy and long association in
public life. Thomas Jefferson, whose monument is to be found in
the Declaration of Independence, and in the enduring popular
veneration which he so largely shared, but a few weeks after
his first inauguration as President of the United States, in
1801, thus writes to Mr. Macon: "And in all cases when an office
becomes vacant in your State, as the distance would occasion a
great delay, were you to wait to be regularly consulted, I shall
be much obliged to you to recommend the best characters. There
is nothing I am so anxious about as making the best possible
appointments, and no case in which the best men are more liable
to mislead us by yielding to the solicitations of applicants.
For this reason your own spontaneous recommendation would be
desirable." Thus did Mr. Jefferson stake an important portion of
his administrative duties upon his high estimate of Mr. Macon's
integrity and wisdom. Again, in another letter to Mr. Macon, the
24th of March, 1826, Mr. Jefferson says: "My grandson, Thomas
Jefferson Randolph, the bearer of this letter, on a journey to
the North, will pass two or three days, perhaps, in Washington.
I cannot permit him to do this without presenting him to a
friend of so long standing, whom I consider as the strictest
of our models of genuine republicanism. Let him be able to
say, when you are gone, but not forgotten, that he had seen
Nathaniel Macon, upon whose tomb will be written, '_Ultimus
Romanorum!_' I only ask you to give him a hearty shake of the
hand, on my account, as well as his own, assuring you he merits
it as a citizen, to which I will add my unceasing affection to
yourself." * * * * * * *
Of Mr. Macon's claims to distinction, and to take rank on the
roll of fame among the first of those who embellish the pages
of American history, that sagacious statesman, John Randolph of
Roanoke, whose perception of character was rarely at fault, in
a letter to Mr. Macon, 14th December, 1828, thus speaks: "Your
kind letter of the 10th is just now received. Many, many thanks
for it. I am truly concerned at the causes which justly occasion
you uneasiness; yet, when I reflect, I know of no man in the
United States whom I would so soon be as yourself. There is no
one who stands so fair in the public estimation; and, with the
single exception of General Washington, there is not one of your
times who will stand so fair with posterity as yourself. There
are various sorts of reputations in the world. Some are obtained
by cringing and puffing, some are actually begged for and given
as an alms to importunity, some are carried by sheer impudence.
No one has had a better opportunity of observing this than
yourself; and there is no keener observer."
Upon such testimonials as these, from such high and pure
sources, the reputation of this just and virtuous man may safely
repose. They bespeak a name and a fame which dignify humanity,
and invest his memory with a usefulness scarcely less to be
prized than his services while living.
This sketch would be imperfect did it not notice the suggestive
fact that in his latter years Mr. Macon had painful misgivings
for the future of his country. 'Tis true he did not parade his
opinions before the public gaze, preferring rather to encourage,
not to alarm, the popular mind; but often when his thoughts
were turned on what he deemed the political distempers and
proclivities of the times, did he say to a friend in his own
pregnant language: "I am afraid of all my labors have been for
nothing"--obviously referring to his hardships in the tented
field and his arduous and well-directed labors in the councils
of his country, having devoted to these patriotic offices the
greater part of a long life, commencing before manhood and
ending with its close. At one period he reposed with entire
confidence on the conviction that popular rights and public
liberty were effectually secured by the Constitution of the
United States, but this hopeful reliance failed him as early
as 1824. In a debate, at that period, in the Senate of the
United States, on the bill for a subscription to the Delaware
and Chesapeake Canal, Mr. Macon said: "I rise with a full heart
to take my last farewell of an old friend that I have always
admired and loved--the Constitution of the United States. * * *
In times of old, whenever any question touching the Constitution
was brought forward, it was discussed day after day; that time
is now passed. * * * Do a little now and a little then, and by
and by you will render the government as powerful and unlimited
as the British government was. We go on deciding these things
without looking at the Constitution; and I suppose we will,
in a few years, do as was done in England. We shall appoint a
committee to hunt for precedents. My heart is full when I think
of all this; and what is to become of us I cannot say. * * * My
fears may be groundless; they may be nothing but the suggestions
of a worn-out old man; but they are sincere, and I am alarmed
for the safety of this government."
In vain did he then, as often before, raise his warning voice
against the dangers of inroads upon the Constitution. And now
that the direst calamities are upon us, resulting from its
utter overthrow and its base prostitution by wicked men to the
worst and most wicked purposes--how loudly do they proclaim the
unerring sagacity of his gifted and far-reaching mind!
* * * * *
In person Macon was above the middle size, of florid but fair
complexion, keen blue eyes, animated but kindly countenance, not
very good-looking, but possessed of a symmetrical form and strength
of body. His manners were simple and unostentatious, but not without
sufficient dignity and firmness.
He was married early in life to Miss Hannah Plummer, of Warren, his
own county.
A good story is told of the way he won her. He proposed in her
presence to his rival that they should settle their claim to her
hand by a game of cards. This was agreed to and Macon lost. He
then raised up his hands, and with eyes fixed on the object of his
affection, exclaimed: "Hannah, notwithstanding I have lost you
fairly, love is superior to honesty: I cannot give you up." He won,
and was married to her October 9th, 1783.
He was elected to the House of Representatives in 1791, and served
continuously until 1815, when he was elected to the Senate. He was
also a trustee of the University and a justice of the peace, both of
which offices he gave up in 1828, at the time he resigned his seat
in the Senate.
He was not a party man, but believed in true democracy. He
complained often that some of the most vital parts of the
Constitution had been construed or enacted away before he left
Congress. He was a strict constructionist.
He presided over the Constitutional Convention of 1835, and took
part in its deliberations upon the more important questions. With
Gaston, he favored religious toleration, and made a speech against
the clause in the old Constitution prohibiting all but those of the
Protestant religion from holding any office of trust or profit in
North Carolina.
He was averse to having his picture taken. This peculiarity grew
on him, until in very old age he is said to have threatened a
persistent picture-maker with libel if, as he had suggested, he
should take his (Macon's) picture without his knowledge. Hardly
a growth so strong and rugged without some gnarls and knots. The
picture of him given in this book is from a portrait by Randall, and
is pronounced a good likeness by Mr. J. A. Egerton (an old neighbor)
and others who knew him intimately.
He paid his physician attending him in his last illness before he
died, and directed the details of his burial.
The _Life of Macon_ was written in 1840 by Edward R. Cotten; but
in his book of two hundred and seventy-two pages, Cotten says
comparatively little of Macon, and devotes most of his space to his
own views on many subjects, Macon's opinions and acts sometimes
furnishing the text. If the book was not entitled _Life of Macon_
it would be more interesting. As indicating what a Warren county
gentleman of much leisure and considerable reading, of good
associates and ordinary capacity, was thinking about in 1840, the
book ought to be preserved.
In order to give an idea of Macon's directness and simplicity, I
offer an abbreviated report of one of his speeches made in the
Senate, taken almost at random from the _Abridgment of the Debates
of Congress_. The time was January 20, 1820. The question was
the admission of Missouri, as well as Maine, into the Union. The
protected States urged an amendment restricting slavery in Missouri
before it should be admitted as a State, which amendment Mr. Macon
opposed with his usual sound sense. The speech is imperfectly
reported, but contains the germ of almost all that could have been
said on the subject from his standpoint.
SPEECH ON THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE.
By NATHANIEL MACON.
Mr. Macon, of North Carolina, said that he agreed in opinion with
the gentleman who had declared this to be the greatest question ever
debated in the Senate, and that it ought to be discussed in the
calmest manner, without attempting to excite passion or prejudice.
It was, however, to be regretted that while some of those who
supported the motion were quite calm and cool they used a good many
hard words, which had no tendency to continue the good humor which
they recommended. He would endeavor to follow their advice, but
must be pardoned for not following their example in the use of hard
words. If, however, one should escape him, it would be contrary
to his intention, and an act of indiscretion, not of design or
premeditation. He hoped to examine the subject with great meekness
and humility.
The debate had brought forcibly to his recollection the anxiety
of the best patriots of the nation, when the present Constitution
was examined by the State conventions which adopted it. The public
mind was then greatly excited, and men in whom the people properly
placed the utmost confidence were divided. There was then no whisper
about disunion, for every one considered the Union as absolutely
necessary for the good of all. But to-day we have been told by the
honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Lowrie) that he would
prefer disunion rather than that slaves should be carried west of
the Mississippi. Age, Mr. Macon said, may have rendered him timid,
or education may have prevailed on him to attach greater blessings
to the Union and the Constitution than they deserve. If this be
the case, and it be an error, it was one he had no desire to be
free from even after what he had heard in this debate. Get clear
of this Union and it will be found vastly more difficult to unite
again and form another. There were no parties in the country at
the time it was formed, not even upon this question. The men who
carried the nation through the Revolution were alive, and members of
the Convention. Washington was at their head. Have we a Washington
now? No. Is there one in the nation to fill his place? No. His
like, if ever, has been rarely seen; nor can we, rationally, expect
another in our day. Let us not speak of disunion as an easy thing.
If ever it shall come, it will bring evils enough for the best men
to encounter, and all good men, in every nation, lovers of freedom,
will lament it. This Constitution is now as much an experiment as
it was in the year 1789. It went into operation about the time the
French Revolution commenced. The wars which grew out of that, and
the difficulties and perplexities which we had to encounter, in
consequence of the improper acts of belligerents, kept the people
constantly attached to the government. It has stood well the trial
of trouble and of war, and answered, in those times, the purposes
for which it was formed and adopted; but now it is to be tried, in
time of universal peace, whether a government within a government
can sustain itself and preserve the liberty of the citizen. When we
hear the exclamation "Disunion, rather than slaves be carried over
the Mississippi," it ought not to be forgotten that the union of the
people and the Confederation carried us through the Revolutionary
war (a war of which no man can wish to see the like again in this
country); but, as soon as peace came, the Confederation was found
to be entirely unfit for it; so unfit that it was given up for
the present Constitution. Destroy this Union, and what may be the
condition of the country, no man, not the most sagacious, can
even imagine. It will surely be much worse than it was before the
Constitution was adopted; and that must be well remembered.
The proposed amendment is calculated to produce geographical
parties, or why admonish us to discuss it with moderation and good
temper? No man who has witnessed the effect of parties nearly
geographical can wish to see them revived. Their acts formerly
produced uneasiness, to say the least of them, to good men of every
party. General Washington has warned us against them; but he is
now dead, and his advice may soon be forgotten; form geographical
parties and it will be discarded. Instead of forming sectional
parties it would be more patriotic to do them away. But party and
patriotism are not always the same. Town meetings and resolutions
to inflame one part of the nation against another can never benefit
the people, though they may gratify an individual. Leave the people
to form their own opinions, without the aid of inflammatory speeches
at town meetings, and they will always form them correctly. No town
meeting was necessary to inform or inflame the public mind against
the law giving members of Congress a salary instead of a daily
allowance. The people formed their own opinions, disapproved it,
and it was repealed. So they will always act if left to themselves.
Let not parties formed at home for State purposes be brought into
Congress to disturb and distract the Union. The general government
hitherto has been productive enough of parties to satisfy those
who most delight in them; so that they are not likely to be long
wanted in it. Enough, and more than enough, has been produced by the
difficulty of deciding what is and what is not within the limits of
the Constitution. And, at this moment, we have difficulties enough
to scuffle with without adding the present question. The dispute
between the Bank of the United States and the State banks, the want
of money by the government, the increase of taxes in the midst of
increasing debts, and the dispute with Spain might serve for this
session.
All the States now have equal rights and all are content. Deprive
one of the least right which it now enjoys in common with the
others, and it will no longer be content. So, if the Government had
an unlimited power to put whatever conditions it pleased on the
admission of a new State into the Union, a State admitted with a
condition unknown to the others would not be content, no matter what
might be the character of the condition, even though it was not to
steal or commit murder. The difference in the terms of admission
would not be acceptable. All the new States have the same rights
that the old have, and why make Missouri an exception? She has not
done a single act to deserve it, and why depart, in her case, from
the great American principle that the people of each State can
govern themselves? No reason has been assigned for the attempt at
the departure, nor can one be assigned which would not apply as
strongly to Louisiana. In every free country that ever existed the
first violations of the principles of government were indirect and
not well understood, or supported with great zeal by only a part of
the people.