CHAPTER XVII.

THE TWO CONTESTED POINTS BETWEEN A SMALL SECTION OF ANTAGONISTS AND

MYSELF.

"Because I'm with the swallow, however far he flies;

Because the lark within me leaps upwards to the skies;

Because, where'er there's singing of birds on hill or plain,

We catch each other's meaning and join in one refrain;

Because the forest temples where God has made His throne

Can rustle to a rising chant they sing to me alone;

Because, where'er I find them among the waving grass,

The daisies and the violets nod shyly as I pass;

Because the flowers have secrets that few men seem to see,

And yet they ope their bosoms and tell their tales to me;

Because the earth is fairer; because the roses blow

With a loveliness and purity that few men care to know;

Because the heavens are higher than many dare to think;

Because the heavens are nearer, I tremble on their brink;

And oh, because to all the joys of birds and beasts and flies,

The myriad joys that move the earth and fill the summer skies,

There's something in this heart of mine, there's something that replies;

Because those other singers whom death has granted fame

Stand by my side in solemn hours and call me by my name;

Because I dare to meet their gaze, and seem to understand

The language which proclaims them all of one great father-land;

Because their touch is on me; because in accents mild

They hail me as a follower, a servant, yet a child;

Because the fairies hearken, I call them at mine ease;

Because I hear the angels' harps in the pauses of the breeze;

Because a spirit's with me, where'er my steps have trod,

Whose eyes have something of myself, and, oh, far more of God;

Because, when night is silent, I watch the planets roll,

And hear their solemn melodies in the centre of my soul;

Because of one great action I feel myself the part,

A life whose sphere is nature, a life whose voice is art,

And in my breast re-echo the pulsings of its heart;

Because my thoughts are splendour, because my thoughts are sin,

With a shock, as if of armies amid the battle's din;

Because the shades of former days go with me on my way,

And because to-morrow's sunshine is on my path to-day;

Because my heart-strings tremble to the pressure of thy hand,

And because I live a sorrow which none can understand."

----MAARTEN MAARTENS.

THE "SCENTED GARDEN" CONTROVERSY.

I must now revert, I hope for the last time, to the "Scented Garden."

I made the greatest mistake in the world; I did not know my public,

I did not know England. I was under some delusion which I have often

bewailed, that I was responsible to, or owed some explanation to,

the would-be buyers of that book, nor can I _now_ think how I could

have imagined that it was, or described it as, my husband's _magnum

opus_--perhaps it was because it was the first work of the kind I had

ever read--as it certainly was the _least_ of his works, and I should

say that his "Mecca and Medinah" and his "Arabian Nights" were his

best. The abuse I got by a portion of the Press, and eventually volumes

of anonymous letters, which were far coarser than the "Scented Garden,"

and which would have shocked Whitechapel, induced me a month later to

write a second letter to the _Echo_, which I reproduce, and, as it went

on, a further explanation in the _New Review_.

_Lady Burton's Last Words to the "Echo."_

[Sidenote: _My Defence about the burnt MS. to the "Echo."_]

"On reading my own letter in the _Morning Post_, which paper has

always been my best friend, I see that the few lines that explained

my _reasons_ for taking the public into my confidence are cut out,

probably on account of its length. I quite understand, and see exactly

what the opposite side think of it. I wrote to the _Morning Post_,

'I am obliged to confess this, because there are fifteen hundred

men expecting the book, and I do not quite know how to get at them,

also I want to avoid unpleasant hints by telling the truth.' My

_reasons_ were, that there were too many people after the book, too

many inconvenient letters and questions from those who expected it

and wanted to buy it, and had I not told what I did, my few bitter

enemies--we all have some--would hint and not speak out, which is the

worst of all things. Will you believe that I have been four months

in England, and quite unable to wind-up half our affairs because my

whole mornings have been taken up with answering such letters? I can

satisfy all the objections. Had my husband lived, the book would now

have been in the printing press; I should never have been allowed to

read it, and I should have done exactly what I did to the 'Arabian

Nights'--worked the financial part of it. I intended privately to

offer it for three thousand guineas to a bookseller with whom my

husband and I had had a long-standing friendship, in order to save

myself the trouble of all I went through with the 'Arabian Nights,'

and it was only on getting the double offer from the unknown man,

which was more than I could ever have hoped for--not the next day,

as the Press has it--that I sat down to read it. The money was quite

a secondary consideration with me, though I like money as much as

most women, and have got none; but no woman who truly loved a man,

and cared for his interests after death, would have coveted that

class of monument for his beloved memory, and only the most selfish

or thoughtless of men could have expected me to give it up. Such

men would not have risked one little corner of their good names,

or reputations, or profession, or money, or family, or society, in

connection with any book on this subject. No! they would have shoved

him forward into the breach; they would have egged him on with the

bravado of schoolboys to his face, in good fellowship--how often have

I seen it!--and, if anything went wrong, would probably have pretended

that they did not know anything about it. He would have been perfectly

justified, had he lived, in carrying out his work. He would have been

surrounded by friends to whom he could have explained any objections

or controversies, and would have done everything to guard against the

incalculable harm of his purchasers lending it to their women-friends,

and to their boyish acquaintances, which I could not guarantee.

"Was it a classic? No! it was not a classic; it was a translation from

Arabic manuscripts very difficult to get in the original, with copious

notes and explanations of his own. But it is very difficult for me, as

a woman, to tell you exactly what it was.

"I have received hundreds of letters, with all sorts of opinions,

all except a few thoroughly approving my act, and some of these are

anonymous, showing how careful people are with their own skins, but

the most curious trait is that so many agree with me privately and

write in the papers against me. I did not expect my confession to be

noticed at all; it was a great surprise to me to find it discussed. I

only meant to stop the letters asking for it. Moreover, I only burnt

what was my own property, and at my own loss. If my husband had been

alive I should not have read it, and I should not have done it. He

and I both supposed that he would live for many, many years; but,

nevertheless, one day, several weeks before he died, when we were

travelling in Switzerland, he called me into his room, and dictated

to me a list of such things as he wished burnt in case I survived

him, and three documents, which he signed. One of them, amongst other

things, contained the following:--

"'In the event of my death, I bequeath especially to my wife,

Isabel Burton, every book, paper, or manuscript, to be overhauled

and examined by her only, and to be dealt with entirely at her own

discretion, and in the manner she thinks best, having been my sole

helper for thirty years,' etc., etc., etc., etc.

"'(Signed) RICHARD F BURTON.'

"I need hardly tell you that the 'Scented Garden' was not included in

the list of things to be burnt. I did it purely out of love for my

husband, and all the censure is as nothing to me in comparison to his

memory and our speedy reunion.

"Shortly after we married we lost all we possessed in the world in

Grindlay's fire, and when the news was brought to him he remained

silent for a few minutes, and then turning to me, said, 'The worst

part of the loss is that there were boxes full of priceless Arabic

and Persian manuscripts, which I picked up in out-of-the-way places;

but,' he added, smiling, 'the world will be all the better for the

loss.'

"When I wrote to the _Morning Post_ I never calculated or thought

of either praise, or blame, or gain; in fact, I think any one may

see I never thought of myself at all, or I should have been more

worldly-wise. I shall never regret what I have done, but I shall

regret all my life having confessed it, though I could scarcely have

helped it, as I was ordered to do so. My husband did no wrong; he had

a high purpose, and he thought no evil of printing it, and could one

have secured the one per cent. of individuals to whom it would have

been merely a study, it probably would have done no harm; but once you

get a thing in print in England you have lost all hold of it, and the

merest schoolgirl, if she is bent upon seeing it, will get to do so,

and the more the mystery the keener they are.

"You will pardon me, who have spent the best part of thirty years on

foreign stations, for saying, that if what people tell me be true,

and if England progresses in this line at the rate she has done for

the last fifteen or twenty years, let us say in another sixty or

seventy years, my husband's 'Scented Garden' would have become a

Christmas book for boys, on the plea that the mind should be trained

to everything. I shall not have done the world such an injury as they

make out. Thousands, millions, admire my husband, and many talk of

their great love for him, in many instances truly, but I am the only

being in the world to whom he was _everything_, whose soul is mine,

whose interests are mine, and therefore I am obliged to harden myself

against all abuse, although I quite understand the people of the

opposite part, from their point of view.

"I do not understand what the Press meant by my casting a slur on his

memory. Did any slur attach to him from the 'Arabian Nights'? On the

contrary, great praise, and fame, and gain! Why, then, should a slur

come from the 'Scented Garden'? It was not the world's slur that was

to be feared. I did not think I could laugh now, but I did when I read

'that I appealed to the public for sympathy and acclaim for my own

purity--at his expense,' for there is no cause for sympathy--I never

thought about being pure or impure--I felt no sacrifice. I know what I

saw. I knew what I had to do, and I did it. It is no use explaining,

because the world would not understand me--and there is no need why

it should. It never understood _him_ whilst he lived, and it will not

understand _me_ while I live.

"Some articles in the Press say that I am uneducated. I am not going

to deny it, but my husband found that I had quite sufficient common

sense to trust me unreservedly with the whole of his business of

whatever nature for thirty years, and he never had cause to regret it,

nor did he ever do the slightest thing without consulting me. This

is the only instance in which I have not co-operated. I am accused

of doing it to earn money, which is rather illogical. If that was

my object, why did I not quietly pocket my six thousand guineas,

hold my tongue, and pass the manuscript quietly to a man who is

incapable of betraying me? Out of the many hundreds of letters which

I have received since the 20th of June, three offered to start public

subscriptions for me, but I declined them, because this subject is, to

me, too sacred for barter. The only money I have ever asked for was

for the monument. I forgive those who have heaped me with unmeasured

abuse, but I shall never forget it, and I thank them for showing me

what sort of people were waiting for the book, and how right I was

to burn it. Yet I am quite sure that more than two-thirds of this

particular school would condemn what has been said and written to me,

did they know it. At any rate, I am quite certain that none of it

(either private letters or Press) was penned by any true friend of Sir

Richard's to his wife.

"ISABEL BURTON."

* * * * *

"My confession has been twisted and turned into the following:--'That

my poor husband had been engaged on a most beautiful and scientific

work for thirty years, that he had finished it all but the last page,

that it contained gems of science, that it was full of transcendental

Oriental poetry, and that I brutally burnt it, the day after he was

dead, in either wanton ignorance or bigotry.' Now, the truth is this.

Ever since 1842, whenever my husband came across any information

on _any_ subject, he collected it and pigeon-holed it, and at this

particular time the accumulations of twenty-seven years (since

Grindlay's fire, which lost all preceding ones) were pigeon-holed in

different compartments, on as many as twenty different subjects. As

fast as he had finished one book, he opened a compartment to produce

another, and sometimes had several books on the stocks at the same

time, on as many different large plain deal tables.

"It was towards the end of 1888, that he pulled out of its nook the

material which would go towards the 'Scented Garden,' and occasionally

he translated bits from an Arabic manuscript called the 'Perfumed

Garden,'[1] by the Shaykh El Nefzáwih, a Kabyle Arab of the early

sixth century (Hegira), the French translation of which is as poor, as

a translation of the original, as all the translations of the 'Arabian

Nights' were (except Mr. John Payne's) until Richard's came out, which

was the perfect one. The only value in the book at all, consisted in

his annotations, and there was no poetry. He was engaged on Catullus

at the same time, and he threw all his strength and style into the

more virile work at the expense of the other. His journal of 31st

of March, 1890, contains this sentence--'Began, or rather resumed,

"Scented Garden," and don't much care about it, but it is a good

pot-boiler,' which I interpret that he knew it was not up to the mark;

but the time he was actually seriously occupied on it was from 31st

of March, 1890, till the 19th of October--not quite seven months. I

have often bewailed my own folly in considering that I was in any way

responsible to or owed any explanation to the public respecting my

husband's writings, and the only object, as I said, of my letter was

to deliver myself from the bother of the letters and visits of a very

large number of would-be purchasers. I never supposed for an instant

that my action would excite any comment, one way or the other, much

less did I suppose that any one would attach any kind of blame to my

husband, any more than to the printing of the 'Arabian Nights,' which

gave him so much _kudos_ and plenty of money.

"I know that no one would have _dared_ to blame him had he been alive,

nor to have represented me as throwing a blight on his reputation,

for whom I would at any moment, during a period of forty years, have

cheerfully given my life. I knew that this book, being the outcome

of sickness during the last two years of his life, was not up to the

standard of his former works. Turner's executors burnt a few of his

last pictures under similar circumstances to leave his reputation as a

painter at its zenith. I acted from the same motive. I should not have

dared to burn any autobiography, and every word that he wrote about

himself to be given to the public is given. I consider that I have

done infinitely more for his reputation and memory by burning it than

by printing it. People must not tell me that I am no judge, because I

wrote _with_ him, and _for_ him, and also copied everything for him,

for the first twenty-six of our thirty years' married life, till I

broke down myself, and the 'Arabian Nights' was then handed over to

another copyist, I doing all the rest. He laid no stress on bringing

it out, except for money's sake. When he had done the 'Arabian

Nights,' he said, in his joking, honest way, 'I have struggled for

forty-seven years, distinguishing myself honourably in every way that

I possibly could. I never had a compliment, nor a "thank you," nor

a single farthing. I translate a doubtful book in my old age, and I

immediately make sixteen thousand guineas. Now that I know the tastes

of England, we need never be without money.'

"Had we lived to come home together, I should have talked him off

printing it, as I did another manuscript, quite on a different

subject, and he knew that if I had my will, I would burn it. This did

not prevent him, about eight weeks before he died, leaving me sole

executrix of all he possessed, with instructions '_to sift thoroughly,

and publish anything that I thought would not misrepresent him to the

public_,' adding, '_having been my sole helper for thirty years, I

wish you to act solely on your own judgment and discretion_.' Now,

I judged, after long thinking, that the subject would be unpopular;

that had he lived to explain it, to talk about it in the clubs amongst

his men-friends, it would have been different; that I probably should

have worked the financial part of it, as I did that of the 'Arabian

Nights,' because I should not have read it, and large sums would

doubtless have accrued from it. He always wrote over the heads of his

public, and sixty years in advance of his time: I think that about

fifteen people would possibly have understood it and his motives

(which were always noble) if the germ was big enough to produce the

good intended.

"Given fifteen people to read and understand, given a dead hero who

could no longer profit from the money, who could not explain or defend

himself if he were attacked by the press, who could not enjoy the

praise of a small section of his fellow-men; given two thousand or

more other men who could buy the book and in course of time would tire

of it and sell it. It would be bought by rich Tom, Dick, and Harry. It

would by degrees descend amongst the populace out of Holywell Street,

the _very opposite result_ to what the upright manly translator would

have desired, and the whole contents might be so misunderstood by the

uneducated that the good, noble, glorious life of Richard Burton, of

which I and thousands of others are most proud and delight to honour,

might sixty years hence receive a very different colouring from the

truth, and be handed down to posterity in a false light.

"Many people will regret that Richard did not leave his manuscripts in

the hands of a literary man, a lawyer, or a so-called friend. If he

had, little men without a name would have profited by it, by tacking

on theirs to his big name, money would have been made, and everybody,

without distinction, who could have paid would have been pandered to,

but _nobody_ would have thought of the dead man, the soldier, the

chivalrous gentleman in his tomb--he knew this. I _alone_ stand here,

and I think it an honour, for his sake, to bear with the epithets of

scorn that the brutality of the athlete, and the dyspepsia of the

effete--mostly anonymous Braves--have showered upon me. All that he

has left will be given to the public by degrees, if it is more than a

mere sketch, but it is cruel to the dead to give their sketches to the

world and pretend that they are their best work, simply because they

fetch money."[2]

* * * * *

The _Leicester Post_, a little while ago, wrote:--

"I don't think that Lady Burton's coming book will contain any

explanation of her action in destroying the manuscript which Sir

Richard endeavoured to complete on his death-bed. It is now said,

with some show of authority, that the work contained but one chapter,

which in a _virginibus puerisque_ light, might have given offence; if

this were so, it seems appalling that the whole work should have been

consigned to the flames. Lady Burton cannot know of this report, or

she would hasten to relieve the literary minds, whose plaint is bitter

because anything has perished which came from the translator of the

'Arabian Nights.'"

Now, it is absurd to suppose that Richard tried to complete a

manuscript on a death-bed of three hours. As to _authority_, there were

only three people who ever read that manuscript--Richard who wrote

it, the copyist who copied it, and myself. I can relieve the literary

minds at once. The first two chapters were a raw translation of part

of the works of "Numa Numantius," without any annotations at all, or

comments of any kind on Richard's part, and twenty chapters translation

of Shaykh el Nafzáwih from Arabic. In fact, it was _all translation_,

excepting the annotations on the Arabic work. I asked the copyist, who

is a woman, "what she would have done with it," and she said, "I think

I should most likely have been tempted with the money, but if I cared

for my husband as much as you did, and if he was dead, I hope I might

have burned it." I asked her "upon what grounds she would have burnt

it," and she said, "Because the Press would assuredly have criticized

it. If he were alive he could answer for himself, and explain--he being

dead, _you_ could not; and we all know what men-friends are, and how

many would have put themselves in the slightest difficulty to take his

part. Sir Richard had the courage of his opinions, but his friends have

not, and would only come forward if it could aggrandize their own names

a little bit. You have done very well." It makes me sick to hear all

this anxiety of the Press and the literary world, lest they should miss

a word he ever wrote. When he came back in 1882, after being sent to

look after Palmer, he had a good deal of information to give, and he

could not get a magazine or paper to take his most valuable article

till it was quite stale. We used to boil over with rage when his books

or articles were rejected. Only the other day I sent a most valuable

letter of his, written in 1886, to a Liberal and a Conservative

paper, and neither of them would take it. And _now_, because a few

chapters, which were of no particular value to the world, have been

burnt, the whole country's literary minds are "full of bitter plaint

because anything has perished which came from the translator of the

'Arabian Nights.'" Such are the waves and whims of such people. They

are (privately of course), selling down at Soho a "Scented Garden,"

translated by the bookseller himself, from a miserable little French

copy, which they pretend is "Sir Richard Burton's Scented Garden,"

gulling people who ought to know better--but not scholars--and who

deserve to lose their money, paying for trash that my husband never

saw. I hope the seller charges them enormous sums, and I hope that some

of the purchasers will have the common sense to bring an action against

him for obtaining money under false pretences.

I have done no evil and am unharmed. I am not afraid of slander which I

have not deserved; it will die out and I shall live.

Those who say I have failed in my trust, wish it to be so, mean that

it shall be so, if it depends upon them. Slander is very cruel; it

tracks its victims like a bloodhound, but it generally crushes its own

begetter.

* * * * *

"THE SECOND BONE OF CONTENTION IS RELIGION.

"No, no; it is not there the sorrow lies,

Not in the lack of hands that could applaud,

But in the lack of hearts that, answering, rise

As loadstones to the magnet, the replies

Electric of a sympathy which cries:

'The truth is with thee!'"

----MAARTEN MAARTENS.

[Sidenote: _And to the New Review_.]

"Heredity is a strong thing, and cannot always be shaken off. It

breeds alike forms of body, forms of soul, disease to this, good

teeth or scanty hair to that, or colour, or talents, or creed. My

Burtons mostly have Catholic-phobia; they hate it without knowing

what it is, because their ancestors seceded from it at the time of

the Reformation; but one of the most anti-Catholic of them, at the

age of seventeen, wrote me more than one beautiful letter imploring

me to take her, and get her baptised and received into the Catholic

Church. I have them amongst my treasures now; but I did not do so,

because it would have been an act of treachery to her mother, and

dishonourable to take advantage of a girl, and she has since been very

grateful for it. Another Burton, whilst labouring from the effects

of an Indian sunstroke, used always to turn his face alternately

towards Mecca (evidently thinking of my husband), and then turn the

other way and say his rosary: something Catholic having come into

his unbiased, unconscious brain. Richard, when he was out in India,

had no one to keep him in order. As soon as he was well emancipated

and untrammelled, he answered the call of his Bourbon blood, and

transferred himself to the Catholic Church, and this is the way he

describes it to the public--he always spoke lightly of the things he

felt the most: 'What added not a little to the general astonishment

was, that I left off "sitting under" the garrison chaplain, and betook

myself to the Catholic chapel of the chocolate-coloured Goanese priest

who adhibited spiritual consolation to the buttrels, butlers, and

head servants, and other servants of the camp.' He frequently spoke

in after writings of 'the Portuguese priest who had charge of his

soul,' who, when Richard committed some escapade, 'was like a hen

who had hatched a duckling.' These writings were lent by Richard to

Mr. Hitchman, with other notes, in 1887, but he did not understand

the importance of it, nor what it pointed to, and left it amongst

the parts he did not use.[3] When I asked Richard how it was that it

escaped public comment, he said, 'Because, when I mention that I went

to the chocolate-coloured priest of the Goanese Church, the English

only think it is some black tribe, where I have been probably tarred

and feathered, whilst I was very much in earnest; but since it is no

use annoying my people, and as it has escaped Mr. Hitchman, and as

it only concerns you and me, and is no business of any outsider, I

do not wish you to say anything about it till my death-bed, or some

time after my death, and that only if you are put in any difficulty.'

Cardinal Wiseman knew it, for he passed Richard through all the

missions in wild places all over the world as a Catholic officer, and

was willing to patronize my marriage. But Richard never let _me_ know

anything about it until after we were married, and I have kept it all

my life a secret. I have always steadily said that '_I did not know_,'

because I never meant to tell it to any one but those who had a right

to ask, as I did not see how it concerned the public.

"The public have allowed me to think it unworthy of having anything

but _public_ events related to it by the result of my stupid

confidence about the burnt manuscript; one almost begrudges it the

truth. Look at Grant Allen, a strong and clever man, who stated a

while ago in the _Athenæum_ in a paragraph, 'The worm will turn,'

that he had been asked to write something personal, that he threw his

whole soul and religion into a book, and that when he gave it to

his publisher he besought him to destroy it, or 'no one would ever

read one of his books again.' It is the same with me; but I have one

advantage; I want _nothing_ of the public except what it accords to

me freely and out of its own courteous sympathy, and I do want it to

understand its departed hero--therefore I sacrifice myself for the

public good.

"I think that the World, if a man speaks its own shibboleth, if

he wears its last new-fashioned coat in the Park, has no right to

complain if he does not show it the colour of the singlet that he

wears next to his skin, or the talisman that he wears round his neck,

which his wife happens to see, because she helps him to dress and

undress.

"Richard was so beautifully reserved, such a past master in concealing

his real thoughts and feelings, whilst talking most freely, so as

never to hurt his surroundings by letting them imagine that he did not

trust them with everything. I used to tell him that he was like the

'Man with the Iron Mask.' He did not see what right any one had to

know anything, except what he just absolutely chose them to know.

"I feel with Walt Whitman:--

'I think I could turn and live with animals, they are so placid

and self-contained.

I stand and look at them long and long.

They do not sweat and whine about their condition;

They do not lie awake in the dark and weep for their sins;

They do not make me sick discussing their duty to God;

Not one is dissatisfied, not one is demented with the mania of

owning things.'

"I am by no means going to tell you that his Catholicity was a

life-long, fixed, and steady thing, like mine. It was not. He had

long and wild fits of Eastern Mysticism, but not the Agnosticism

that I have seen in England since my widowhood. It was the mysticism

of the East--Sufiism. Periodically he had equal Catholic fits, and

practised it, hiding it sometimes even from me, though I knew it. In

every place we lived in, except Trieste, he had a priest from whom he

took lessons, but even this stopped, after he had resident doctors

and could not go out by himself. From Trieste he used formerly to go

to Gorizia, two hours express inland, and other towns. He was worse

than ever _in talk_ the three last years, but the things that he said

were so innocent and so witty that I was often compelled to laugh or

to go away and laugh. Still, as I saw his health declining I grew

frightfully anxious, nay agonized, and in 1888, two years before he

died, I made a general appeal for prayers in our Church, which he saw

and kept a copy of in a drawer."

* * * * *

[Sidenote: _Religion_.]

There are three people in the world who might possibly be able to

write sections of his life. Most of his intimate friends are dead,

but there are still a few left. One would describe him as a Deist,

one as an Agnostic, and one as an Atheist and Freethinker, but I can

only describe the Richard that I knew, not the Richard that they

knew. I, his wife, who lived with him day and night for thirty years,

believed him to be half-Sufi, half-Catholic, or I prefer to say (as

nearer the truth) alternately Sufi and Catholic, because I did not in

the least count all his wild talk at table or in Society, nor what he

wrote; I minded only what he _thought_ and what he _did_, and this is

why I cannot truthfully join in the general opinion. He was like the

Druzes, who adopt the national religion for peace' sake; but they have

their own private religion all the same. I can distinctly remember a

speech which he made in London--I believe it was in 1865, I think at

the Anthropological--in which he said, "My religious opinions are of

no importance to anybody but myself; _no one_ knows what my religious

views are. I object to confessions, and I will _not_ confess. My

standpoint is, and I hope ever will be, 'The Truth' as far as it is

in me, but known only to myself." This was a public statement, and

_might_ silence those who jabber upon things of which they are entirely

ignorant.

How beautiful and how sad a mentor is friendship! A noble character

must contain three qualities to contend with this one great element

of our lives--a sincere, staunch, loyal heart, philosophy, and

discernment. The World is a kind, pleasant place to live in, whatever

cynics may say. Be in trouble, and you must wonder at the innumerable

kind hearts who will call and write, and offer every assistance and

consolation in their power. This will not prevent your nearest and

dearest relative from snubbing you if you want anything; nor that

friend to whom you clung with all your soul, as to a rock, failing you

just at the crisis of your life when you most counted upon his support.

Then you must call in your philosophy. Again, if a cloud comes over

you, how many will disappear, and reappear again as soon as the world

has decided in your favour, to join in the applause. Do not blame the

weaklings, but your own discernment; they do not want to hurt you, but

they hold themselves ready to go on the popular side, whichever way it

turns. And why should they not? It is not because they dislike you, but

because they fear others more than they love you. In sensitive youth

these facts make our misery; but we should learn to rejoice in our

riper years when a weak, uncertain friend falls away. Carry the true

gold about your own strong heart, and shake off the dross, which is but

the superfluous ballast which clogs and impedes the ship's free sailing.

Now, I ask, who is unjust enough, inhuman enough, to grudge me this

last consolation? From 1842 to 1890, for forty-eight years, he was

before the public; he had a strong band of friends, a strong band

of admirers; but the world at large, and notably England, never

understood him because he was so above his time, and the larger part

did not know how to appreciate him. Who from 1856 to 1859 kept him so

supplied with daily written journals of news, of daily cuttings from

the newspapers, that when he returned, people said to him, "How come

you so well informed of all that has been passing, just as if you had

never been away, and you living beyond the pale of civilization?" "Ah,

how?" he said. By many mails he never received a line from any one but

me. Who cheered him on in danger, toil, and heart-breaking sickness?

Who, when he came back from Tanganyika (Africa) in 1859, coldly looked

upon by the Government, bullied by the India House, rejected by the

Geographical Society, almost tabooed by Society on account of the

machinations of Captain Speke, so that he scarcely had ten friends to

say good-morning to him,--who sought his side to comfort him? I did!

Then we married. Who for thirty years daily attended to his comforts,

watched his going out and coming in, had his slippers, dressing-gown,

and pipe ready for him every evening, sat sick at heart if he was an

hour late, watched all night and till morning if he did not come back?

Who copied and worked for and with him? Who fought for thirty years to

raise his official position all she could, and wept bitter tears over

his being neglected? I did. My only complaint is, that I believe he

would have got infinitely more, if he had asked for things himself,

and not perpetually stuck me forward; but he was too modest, and I had

to obey orders. Who rode or walked at his side through hunger, thirst,

cold, and burning heat, with hardships and privations and danger, in

all his travels? Who nursed him through seven long illnesses, before

his last illness, some lasting two or three months, and never left his

bed-head day or night, and did everything for him? I did! Why, I was

wife, and mother, and comrade, and secretary, and aide-de-camp, and

agent to him; and I was proud, happy, and glad to do it all, and never

tired day or night for thirty years. I would rather have had a crust

and a tent with him, than be a Queen elsewhere. At the moment of his

death I had done all I could for the body, and then I tried to follow

his soul. I _am_ following the soul, and I _shall_ reach it before

long. There we shall nevermore part. Agnostics! "Burnt manuscript"

readers! where were _you_ all then? Hail-fellow-well-met, when the

world went well; running away when it pursed up its stupid lips. And

do any of _you_ pretend or wish to take _him_ away from _me_ in death?

Oh, for shame, for shame! Let him rest where he wanted to rest, and

be silent, or do not boast of your "free country" where a man may not

even be buried where he will; where he may not speak his mind, and tell

the truth. Be ashamed that History may have to say, that the only

honour that England accorded to Richard Burton, having failed to do him

justice in this life, was to bespatter his wife with mud after he was

dead, and could not defend her.

Do not be so hard and prosaic as to suppose that our Dead cannot, in

rare instances, come back and tell us how it is with them.

"He lives and moves, he is not dead,

He does not alter nor grow strange,

His love is still around me shed,

Untouched by time, or chance, or change;

And when he walks beside me, then

As shadows seem all living men."

----MARY MACLEOD.

[Sidenote: _I take my Leave_.]

He said always, "I am gone--pay, pack, and follow."

Reader! I have paid, I have packed, I have suffered. I am waiting to

join his Caravan. I am waiting for a welcome sound--

"THE TINKLING OF HIS CAMEL-BELL."

* * * * *

"THE SELF-EXILED."

"'Now, open the gate, and let her in,

And fling it wide,

For she hath been cleansed from stain of sin,'

St. Peter cried.

And the angels were all silent.

"'Though I am cleansed from stain of sin,'

She answered low,

'I came not hither to enter in,

Nor may I go.'

And the angels were all silent.

* * * * *

"'But I may not enter there,' she said,

'For I must go

Across the gulf, where the guilty dead

Lie in their woe.'

And the angels were all silent.

"'If I enter heaven, I may not speak

My soul's desire,

For them that are lying distraught and weak

In flaming fire.'

And the angels were all silent.

"St. Peter he turned the keys about,

And answered grim:

'Can you love the Lord, and abide without

Afar from Him?'

And the angels were all silent.

"'Should I be nearer Christ,' she said

'By pitying less

The sinful living, or woeful dead,

In their helplessness?'

And the angels were all silent.

"'Should I be liker Christ, were I

To love no more

The loved, who in their anguish lie

Outside the door?'

And the angels were all silent.

* * * * *

"'Did He not hang on the cursed tree,

And bear its shame,

And clasp to His heart, for love of me,

My guilt and blame?'

And the angels were all silent.

"'Should I be liker, nearer Him,

Forgetting this,

Singing all day with the Seraphim,

In selfish bliss?'

And the angels were all silent.

"The Lord Himself stood by the gate

And heard her speak

Those tender words compassionate,

Gentle and meek.

And the angels were all silent.

"Now, pity is the touch of God

In human hearts,

And from that way He ever trod

He ne'er departs.

And the angels were all silent.

"And He said, 'Now will I go with you,

Dear child of Love;

I am weary of all this glory, too.

In heaven above.'

And the angels were all silent.

"'We will go and seek and save the lost,

If they will hear.

They who are worst but need Me most;

And all are dear.'

And the angels were all silent."

----WALTER C. SMITH, _Hilda among the Brother Gods_.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: _Good-bye_.]

[Illustration: Isabel Burton

"I beg of you, I beg of you, my brother,

For an alms this very day;

I am standing at your doorstep as a _Beggar_,

Who will not be turned away;

And the charity you give my soul shall be--Pray for me!"]

[1] This is a work of Arabian erotology--the Arab art of love--and

would have been brought out with the same privacy and a limited number,

and at a prohibitive price, like the "Arabian Nights," so that the

general public have sustained no loss, and the penny-a-liner would

never have seen it.--I. B.

[2] "I was told lately that a 'Scented Garden,' from a mild French

translation, is being sold and passed off to the uneducated, not to

scholars, as Burton's 'Scented Garden,' under the false plea that I

carried away with me from Trieste a copy of it. I now state upon my

oath, that there were but two copies of Richard Burton's 'Scented

Garden;' one was his own original, and one a clean copy; that I burnt

them both, and that no other copy was made from them, on the solemn

written declaration of the copyist, and I warn the world against buying

a spurious article. I also was told that people talk about bringing

out works in collaboration with my husband. There is only one genuine

collaboration, and that will appear in time; that is Catullus; Richard

Burton's poetry, Mr. Leonard Smithers' prose. Richard, to save me, used

to pretend to his men-friends that I knew nothing of these works, and

people who want notoriety pretend that they were collaborating with

him, thinking they can do so _now_ with impunity. Richard _did_ tell

me everything, although he did not allow me to read the works; but

now that he has left me his literary executrix I find it necessary to

say that I _do_ know my own business, that I warn people from taking

liberties with my husband's name and my property to sell spurious

literature. About six weeks before Richard died (not because he

contemplated his death, but because we were going away for four months

to Greece and Constantinople, which would leave us very little time on

our return for the actual exodus on the following July 1st) we took,

a week together, in the early morning, a list of all the manuscripts,

published and unpublished, and their destinations when packed up for

England. Hence, when I was offered assistance in the sorting and

arrangements from numbers of people after his death, I replied, That

I did not want help, because I knew them "as a shepherd knows his

sheep"--hence a few bitter enemies. The so-called collaborations are

all in my husband's handwriting, and I have them, or rather I keep all

my literary treasures in a bank for safety, and take them out piecemeal

as I need them. Three of his diaries have indeed been abstracted

since his death, 1859, 1860, and 1861, but fortunately they are not

the _private_ ones, which were always kept under lock and key, but

those containing public remarks, memoranda, and so on, which were left

about. Numbers of our best books have also disappeared, notably an old

Shakespeare of twelve vols., which he charged me never to part with.

Of course it is impossible to say where they may have been lost during

a period of seventeen months; I only got them housed March, 1892; only

after I am dead let no one exhibit them as 'gifts from my intimate

friend and fellow-worker, Richard Burton.' There is also missing £200

worth of scrip shares in African mines."

[3] "Mr. Hitchman returned all these writings to Richard, who wanted to

use them for his own autobiography, which he was to begin in 1891, and

I have them now for his biography."

APPENDIX A.

LIST OF CAPTAIN SIR RICHARD F. BURTON'S WORKS.

A Grammar of the Játaki or Belochi Dialect. Bombay Branch of the Royal

Asiatic Society, India. 1849.

Grammar of the Mooltanee Language. India, 1849.

Critical Remarks on Dr. Dorn's Chrestomathy of Pushtoo or Afghan

Dialect. India, 1849.

Reports to Bombay: (1) General Notes on Sind; (2) Notes on the

Population of Sind. Printed in the Government records.

Goa and the Blue Mountains. 1851.

Scinde; or, the Unhappy Valley. 2 vols. 1851.

Sindh, and the Races that inhabit the Valley of the Indus. 1851.

Falconry in the Valley of the Indus. 1852.

A Complete System of Bayonet Exercise. 1853.

Pilgrimage to Mecca and El-Medinah. 3 vols. 1855.

First Footsteps in East Africa. 1856.

Lake Regions of Equatorial Africa. 2 vols. 1860.

The whole of Vol. XXXIII. of the Royal Geographical Society. 1860.

The City of the Saints (Mormon). 1861.

Wanderings in West Africa. 2 vols. 1863.

Abeokuta and the Cameroons. 2 vols. 1863.

The Nile Basin. 1864.

A Mission to the King of Dahomé. 2 vols. 1864.

Wit and Wisdom from West Africa. 1864.

The Highlands of the Brazil. 2 vols. 1869.

Vikram and the Vampire. Hindú Tales. 1870.

Marcy's Prairie Traveller. Notes by R. F. Burton. _Anthropological

Review_, 1864.

Psychic Facts. Stone Talk, by F. Baker. 1865.

Paraguay. 1870.

Proverba Communia Syriaca. Royal Asiatic Society. 1871.

Zanzibar: City, Island, and Coast. 2 vols. 1872.

Unexplored Syria. Richard and Isabel Burton. 2 vols. 1872.

The Lands of the Cazembe, and a small pamphlet of Supplementary papers.

Royal Geographical Society. 1873.

The Captivity of Hans Stadt. Hakluyt Society. 1874.

Articles on Rome. Two Papers. _Macmillan's Magazine_, 1874-5.

The Castellieri of Istria: a Pamphlet. Anthropological Society. 1874.

Gerber's Province of Minas Geraes. Translated and annotated by R. F.

Burton. Royal Geographical Society. 1874.

New System of Sword Exercise: a Manual. 1875.

Ultima Thule: a Summer in Iceland. 2 vols. 1875.

Gorilla Land; or, the Cataracts of the Congo. 2 vols. 1875.

The Long Wall of Salona, and the Ruined Cities of Pharia and Gelsa di

Lesina: a Pamphlet. Anthropological Society. 1875.

The Port of Trieste, Ancient and Modern. _Journal of the Society of

Arts_, October 29th and November 5th, 1875.

Etruscan Bologna. 1876.

Sind Revisited. 1877.

The Gold Mines of Midian, and the Ruined Midianite Cities. 1878.

The Land of Midian (Revisited). 2 vols. 1879.

The Kasîdah.

Camoens. 6 vols. of 10. First publication. 1880.

--I. The Lusiads. Englished by R. F. Burton. Edited by his wife,

Isabel Burton. 2 vols.

--II. The Commentary, Life, and Lusiads. R. F. Burton. 2 vols.,

containing a Glossary, and Reviewers reviewed by Isabel Burton.

--III. The Lyrics of Camoens. 2 vols. R. F. Burton.

A Glance at the Passion Play. 1881. 8vo.

To the Gold Coast for Gold. 2 vols. 1883.

The Book of the Sword. 1 large vol. of 3. By R. F. Burton, Maître

d'Armes. 1884.

Iraçema, or Honey Lips; and Manoel de Moraes, the Convert. Translated

from the Brazilian by Richard and Isabel Burton. 1 vol. 1886.

Arabian Nights. Printed by private subscription, 1885-8. 1000 sets of

10 vols., followed by 1000 sets of 6 Supplementary vols. (Lady Burton's

Edition).

Besides which, Sir Richard Burton has written extensively for _Fraser,

Blackwood,_ and a host of Magazines, Pamphlets, and Periodicals; has

lectured in many lands: has largely contributed to the newspaper Press

in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America (both North and South), to say

nothing of poetry and anonymous writings.

LIST OF LADY BURTON'S BOOKS.

Inner Life of Syria. 2 vols. 1875.

A. E. I. (Arabia, Egypt, and India). 1879.

LIST OF SIR RICHARD BURTON'S _UNPUBLISHED_ WORKS.

Uruguay. Translated from Brazilian author by Richard and Isabel Burton.

Ladislas Magyar's African Travels. )

Pentamerone. ) These are quite complete.

A book on the Jews. )

Catullus. (Almost complete.)

In a semi-state of completion, or only materials and notes, are--

More Notes on Paraguay.

Personal Experiences in Syria.

Lowlands of Brazil.

North America.

South America.

Central America.

A book on Istria--More Castellieri.

Materials for four more books of Camoens.

Materials towards another book on the Sword.

Materials for a book of Greek Proverbs (Greek Anthology).

Materials towards a book on the Gypsies.

Ditto Slavonic Proverbs.

Ditto Dr. Wetstein's Haurán.

Ditto Apuleius, or the Golden Ass.

Ditto Ausonius (Epigrams).

The Uniform Library will bring out a cheap edition for the people,

first, of all his hitherto published works, to which will gradually be

added his unpublished works as fast as they can be produced, that the

British Public may be made familiar with all that he has written.

This Life will be followed by 2 vols, collecting all his Pamphlets,

Essays, Correspondence with the Press, Letters, and the pith of the

work he has endeavoured to do for the benefit of the human race during

his seventy years; and this will occupy me another year, or, let us

say, two whole years, and will be called "The Labours and Wisdom of

Richard Burton."

APPENDIX B.

NOTES ON "THE KASÎDAH."

"NOTE I.--HÂJÎ ABDÛ, THE MAN.

"Hâjî Abdû has been known to me for more years than I care to record.

A native, it is believed, of Darâbghird in the Yezd Province, he

always preferred to style himself El-Hichmakâni, a facetious 'lackab'

or surname, meaning 'Of No-hall, Nowhere.' He had travelled far and

wide with his eyes open; as appears by his 'couplets.' To a natural

facility, a knack of language-learning, he added a store of desultory

various reading; scraps of Chinese and old Egyptian; of Hebrew and

Syriac; of Sanskrit and Prakrit; of Slav, especially Lithuanian; of

Latin and Greek, including Romaic; of Berber, the Nubian dialect, and

of Zend and Akkadian, besides Persian, his mother-tongue, and Arabic,

the classic of the schools. Nor was he ignorant of 'the -ologies' and

the triumphs of modern scientific discovery. Briefly, his memory was

well stored; and he had every talent save that of using his talents.

"But no one thought that he 'woo'd the Muse,' to speak in the style of

the last century. Even his intimates were ignorant of the fact that he

had a skeleton in his cupboard, his Kasîdah or distichs. He confided

to me his secret, and when so doing he held in hand the long and hoary

honours of his chin with the points towards me, as if to say with the

Island-King--

'There is a touch of Winter in my beard,

A sign the Gods will guard me from imprudence.'

And yet the piercing eye, clear as an onyx, seemed to protest against

the plea of age. The MS. was in the vilest 'Shikastah' or running-hand;

and, as I carried it off, the writer declined to take the trouble of

copying out his cacograph.

"We, his old friends, had long addressed Hâjî Abdû by the sobriquet of

_Nabbianâ_ ('our Prophet'); and the reader will see that the Pilgrim

has, or believes he has, a message to deliver. He evidently aspires

to preach a Faith of his own; an Eastern Version of Humanitarianism

blended with the sceptical or, as we now say, the scientific habit of

mind. This religion, of which Fetishism, Hinduism, and Heathendom,

Judaism, Christianity, and Islamism, are mere fractions, may, methinks,

be accepted by the Philosopher: it worships with single-minded

devotion the Holy Cause of Truth, of Truth for its own sake, not for

the goods it may bring; and this belief is equally acceptable to honest

ignorance, and to the highest attainments in nature-study.

"With Confucius the Hâjî cultivates what Strauss has called the 'stern

common sense of mankind;' while the reign of order is a paragraph

of his 'Higher Law.' He traces from its rudest beginnings the all

but absolute universality of some perception by man, called 'Faith;'

that _sensus Numinis_ which, by inheritance or communication, is now

universal except in those who force themselves to oppose it. And he

evidently holds this general consent of mankind to be so far divine

that it primarily discovered for itself, if it did not create, a

divinity. He does not cry with the Christ of Novalis, 'Children, you

have no father;' and perhaps he would join Renan in exclaiming, _Un

monde sans Dieu est horrible!_

"But he recognizes the incompatibility of the Infinite with the

Definite; of a Being who loves, who thinks, who hates; of an _Actus

purus_ who is called jealous, wrathful, and revengeful, with an

'Eternal that makes for righteousness.' In the presence of the endless

contradictions, which spring from the idea of a Personal Deity, with

the Synthesis, the _Begriff_ of Providence, our Agnostic takes refuge

in the sentiment of an unknown and an unknowable. He objects to the

countless variety of forms assumed by the perception of a _Causa

Causans_ (a misnomer), and to that intellectual adoption of general

propositions, capable of distinct statement but incapable of proofs,

which we term Belief.

"He looks with impartial eye upon the endless variety of systems,

maintained with equal confidence and self-sufficiency, by men of

equal ability and honesty. He is weary of wandering over the world,

and of finding every petty race wedded to its own opinions; claiming

the monopoly of Truth; holding all others to be in error, and raising

disputes whose violence, acerbity, and virulence are in inverse ratio

to the importance of the disputed matter. A peculiarly active and acute

observation taught him that many of these jarring families, especially

those of the same blood, are par in the intellectual processes of

perception and reflection; that in the business of the visible working

world they are confessedly by no means superior to one another; whereas

in abstruse matters of mere Faith, not admitting direct and sensual

evidence, one in a hundred will claim to be right, and immodestly

charge the other ninety-nine with being wrong.

"Thus he seeks to discover a system which will prove them all right,

and all wrong; which will reconcile their differences; will unite

past creeds; will account for the present, and will anticipate the

future with a continuous and uninterrupted development; this, too,

by a process, not negative and distinctive, but, on the contrary,

intensely positive and constructive. I am not called upon to sit in

the seat of judgment; but I may say that it would be singular if the

attempt succeeded. Such a system would be all-comprehensive, because

not limited by space, time, or race; its principle would be extensive

as Matter itself, and, consequently, eternal. Meanwhile he satisfies

himself,--the main point.

"Students of metaphysics have of late years defined the abuse

of their science as 'the morphology of common opinion.'

Contemporary investigators, they say, have been too much

occupied with introspection; their labours have become merely

physiologico-biographical, and they have greatly neglected the study of

averages. For, says La Rochefoucauld, _Il est plus aisé de connoître

l'homme en général que de connoître un homme en particulier_; and on so

wide a subject all views must be one-sided.

"But this is not the fashion of Easterns. They have still to treat

great questions _ex analogiâ universi_, instead of _ex analogiâ

hominis_. They must learn the basis of sociology, the philosophic

conviction that mankind should be studied, not as a congeries of

individuals, but as an organic whole. Hence the _Zeitgeist_, or

historical evolution of the collective consciousness of the age,

despises the obsolete opinion that Society, the State, is bound by the

same moral duties as the simple citizen. Hence, too, it holds that the

'spirit of man, being of equal and uniform substance, doth usually

suppose and feign in nature a greater equality and uniformity than is

in Truth.'

"Christianity and Islamism have been on their trial for the last

eighteen and twelve centuries. They have been ardent in proselytizing,

yet they embrace only one-tenth and one-twentieth of the human race.

Hâjî Abdû would account for the tardy and unsatisfactory progress of

what their votaries call 'pure truths,' by the innate imperfections

of the same. Both propose a reward for mere belief, and a penalty

for simple unbelief; rewards and punishments being, by the way,

very disproportionate. Thus they reduce everything to the scale of

a somewhat unrefined egotism; and their demoralizing effects become

clearer to every progressive age.

"Hâjî Abdû seeks Truth only, truth as far as man, in the present phase

of his development, is able to comprehend it. He disdains to associate

utility, like Bacon ('Nov. Org.' I. Aph. 124), the High Priest of the

English Creed, _les gros bon sens_, with the _lumen siccum ac purum

notionum verarum_. He seems to see the injury inflicted upon the sum

of thought by the _à posteriori_ superstition, the worship of 'facts,'

and the deification of synthesis. Lastly, came the reckless way in

which Locke 'freed philosophy from the incubus of innate ideas.' Like

Luther and the leaders of the great French Revolution, he broke with

the Past; and he threw overboard the whole cargo of human tradition.

The result has been an immense movement of the mind which we love to

call Progress, when it has often been retrograde; together with a

mighty development of egotism resulting from the pampered sentiment of

personality.

"The Hâjî regrets the excessive importance attached to a possible

future state: he looks upon this as a psychical stimulant, a daydream,

whose revulsion and reaction disorder waking life. The condition may

appear humble and prosaic to those exalted by the fumes of Fancy, by a

spiritual dram-drinking which, like the physical, is the pursuit of an

ideal happiness. But he is too wise to affirm or to deny the existence

of another world. For life beyond the grave there is no consensus of

mankind, no Catholic opinion held _semper, et ubique, et ab omnibus_.

The intellectual faculties (perception and reflection) are mute upon

the subject: they bear no testimony to facts; they show no proof. Even

the instinctive sense of our kind is here dumb. We may believe what

we are taught: we can know nothing. He would, therefore, cultivate

that receptive mood which, marching under the shadow of mighty events,

leads to the highest of goals,--the development of Humanity. With him

suspension of judgment is a system.

"Man has done much during the sixty-eight centuries which represent

his history. This assumes the first Egyptian Empire, following the

prehistoric, to begin with B.C. 5000, and to end with B.C. 3249. It was

the Old, as opposed to the Middle, the New, and the Low: it contained

the Dynasties from I. to X., and it was the age of the Pyramids, at

once simple, solid, and grand. When the praiser of the Past contends

that modern civilization has improved in nothing upon Homer and

Herodotus, he is apt to forget that every schoolboy is a miracle of

learning compared with the Cave-man and the palæolithic race. And, as

the Past has been, so shall the Future be.

"The Pilgrim's view of life is that of the Soofi, with the usual dash

of Buddhistic pessimism. The profound sorrow of existence, so often

sung by the dreamy Eastern poet, has now passed into the practical

European mind. Even the light Frenchman murmurs--

'Moi, moi, chaque jour courbant plus bas ma tête

Je passe--et refroidi sous ce soleil joyeux,

Je m'en irai bientôt, au milieu de la fête,

Sans que rien manque au monde immense et radieux.'

But our Hâjî is not Nihilistic in the 'no-nothing' sense of Hood's

poem, or, as the American phrases it, 'There is nothing new, nothing

true, and it don't signify.' His is a healthy wail over the shortness

and the miseries of life, because he finds all created things--

'Measure the world, with "Me" immense.'

"He reminds us of St. Augustine ('Med.' c. 21). 'Vita hæc, vita misera,

vita caduca, vita incerta, vita laboriosa, vita immunda, vita domina

malorum, regina superborum, plena miseriis et erroribus.... Quam

humores tumidant, escæ inflant, jejunia macerant, joci dissolvunt,

tristitiæ consumunt; sollicitudo coarctat, securitas hebetat, divitiæ

inflant et jactant. Paupertas dejicit, juventus extollit, senectus

incurvat, importunitas frangit, mæror deprimit. Et his malis omnibus

mors furibunda succedit.' But for _furibunda_ the Pilgrim would,

perhaps, read _benedicta_.

"With Cardinal Newman, one of the glories of our age, Hâjî Abdû finds

'the Light of the world nothing else than the Prophet's scroll, full

of lamentations and mourning and woe.' I cannot refrain from quoting

all this fine passage, if it be only for the sake of its lame and

shallow deduction. 'To consider the world in its length and breadth,

its various history and the many races of men, their starts, their

fortunes, their mutual alienation, their conflicts, and then their

ways, habits, governments, forms of worship; their enterprises, their

aimless courses, their random achievements and acquirements, the

impotent conclusion of long-standing facts, the tokens so faint and

broken of a superintending design, the blind evolution (!) of what

turn out to be great powers or truths, the progress of things as if

from unreasoning elements, not towards final causes; the greatness

and littleness of man, his far-reaching aims and short duration, the

curtain hung over his futurity, the disappointments of life, the

defeat of good, the success of evil, physical pain, mental anguish,

the prevalence and intensity of sin, the pervading idolatries, the

corruptions, the dreary hopeless irreligion, that condition of the

whole race so fearfully yet exactly described in the Apostle's words,

"having no hope and without God in the world"--_all this is a vision

to dizzy and appal, and inflicts upon the mind the sense of a profound

mystery which is absolutely without human solution_.' Hence that

admirable writer postulates some 'terrible original calamity;' and thus

the hateful doctrine, theologically called 'original sin,' becomes to

him almost as certain as that 'the world exists, and as the existence

of God.' Similarly the 'Schedule of Doctrines' of the most liberal

Christian Church insists upon human depravity, and the 'absolute need

of the Holy Spirit's agency in man's regeneration and sanctification.'

"But what have we here? The 'original calamity' was either caused by

God or arose without leave of God, in either case degrading God to man.

It is the old dilemma whose horns are the irreconcilable attributes of

goodness and omniscience in the supposed Creator of sin and suffering.

If the one quality be predicable, the other cannot be predicable of

the same subject. Far better and wiser is the essayist's poetical

explanation, now apparently despised because it was the fashionable

doctrine of the sage bard's day--

'All nature is but art . . .

All discord harmony not understood;

All partial evil universal good.'

----(Essay, 289-292.)

The Pilgrim holds with St. Augustine Absolute Evil is impossible

because it is always rising up into good. He considers the theory of a

beneficent or maleficent deity a purely sentimental fancy, contradicted

by human reason and the aspect of the world. Evil is often the active

form of good; as F. W. Newman says, 'so likewise is Evil the revelation

of Good.' With him all existences are equal: so long as they possess

the Hindú Agasa, Life-fluid or vital force, it matters not they be

'Fungus or oak or worm or man.'

War, he says, brings about countless individual miseries, but it

forwards general progress by raising the stronger upon the ruins of

the weaker races. Earthquakes and cyclones ravage small areas; but the

former builds up earth for man's habitation, and the latter renders the

atmosphere fit for him to breathe. Hence he echoes--

'--The universal Cause

Acts not by partial but by general laws.'

Ancillary to the churchman's immoral view of 'original sin' is the

unscientific theory that evil came into the world with Adam and his

seed. Let us ask what was the state of our globe in the pre-Adamite

days, when the tyrants of the Earth, the huge Saurians and other

monsters lived in perpetual strife, in a destructiveness of which we

have now only the feeblest examples? What is the actual state of the

world of waters, where the only object of life is death, where the Law

of murder is the Law of Development?

"Some will charge the Hâjî with irreverence, and hold him a 'lieutenant

of Satan who sits in the chair of pestilence.' But he is not

intentionally irreverent. Like men of far higher strain, who deny

divinely the divine, he speaks the things that others think and hide.

With the author of 'Supernatural Religion,' he holds that we 'gain

infinitely more than we lose in abandoning belief in the reality of

revelation;' and he looks forward to the day when 'the old tyranny

shall have been broken, and when the anarchy of transition shall

have passed away.' But he is an Eastern. When he repeats the Greek's

'Remember not to believe,' he means, Strive to learn, to know, for

right ideas lead to right actions. Among the couplets not translated

for this eclogue is--

'Of all the safest ways of Life the safest way is still to doubt;

Men win the future world with Faith, the present world they win

without.'

This is the Spaniard's--

'De las cosas mas seguras, mas seguro es duvidar;'

a typically modern sentiment of the Brazen Age of Science following the

Golden Age of Sentiment. But the Pilgrim continues--

'The sages say: I tell thee no! with equal faith all Faiths receive;

None more, none less, for Doubt is Death: they live the most who most

believe.'

"Here, again, is an Oriental subtlety; a man who believes in everything

equally and generally may be said to believe in nothing. It is not a

simple European view which makes honest Doubt worth a dozen of the

Creeds. And it is in direct opposition to the noted writer who holds

that the man of simple faith is worth ninety-nine of those who hold

only to the egotistic interests of their own individuality. This dark

saying means (if it mean anything), that the so-called moral faculties

of man, fancy and ideality, must lord it over the perceptive and

reflective powers,--a simple absurdity! It produced a Turricremata,

alias Torquemada, who, shedding floods of honest tears, caused his

victims to be burnt alive; and an Anchieta, the Thaumaturgist of

Brazil, who beheaded a converted heretic lest the latter by lapse from

grace lose his immortal soul.

"But this vein of speculation, which bigots brand as 'Doubt, Denial,

and Destruction;' this earnest religious scepticism; this curious

inquiry, 'Has the universal tradition any base of fact?' this craving

after the secrets and mysteries of the future, the unseen, the unknown,

is common to all races and to every age. Even amongst the Romans, whose

model man in Augustus' day was Horace, the philosophic, the epicurean,

we find Propertius asking--

'An ficta in miseras descendit fabula gentes

Et timor haud ultra quam rogus esse potest?'

"To return: the Pilgrim's doctrines upon the subject of conscience and

repentance will startle those who do not follow his train of thought--

'Never repent because thy will with will of Fate be not at one:

Think, an thou please, before thou dost, but never rue the deed when done.'

This again is his modified fatalism. He would not accept the boisterous

mode of cutting the Gordian-knot proposed by the noble British

Philister--'we know we're free and there's an end on it!' He prefers

Lamarck's, 'The will is, in truth, never free.' He believes man to

be a co-ordinate term of Nature's great progression; a result of

the interaction of organism and environment, working through cosmic

sections of time. He views the human machine, the pipe of flesh, as

depending upon the physical theory of life. Every corporeal fact

and phenomenon which, like the tree, grows from within or without,

is a mere product of organization; living bodies being subject to

the natural law governing the lifeless and the inorganic. Whilst

the religionist assures us that man is not a mere toy of fate, but

a free agent responsible to himself, with work to do and duties to

perform, the Hâjî, with many modern schools, holds Mind to be a word

describing a special operation of matter; the faculties generally to be

manifestations of movements in the central nervous system; and every

idea, even of the Deity, to be a certain little pulsation of a certain

little mass of animal pap,--the brain. Thus he would not object to

relationship with a tailless catarrhine anthropoid ape, descended from

a monad or a primal ascidian.

"Hence he virtually says, 'I came into the world without having

applied for or having obtained permission; nay, more, without my leave

being asked or given. Here I find myself hand-tied by conditions, and

fettered by laws and circumstances, in making which my voice had no

part. While in the womb I was an automaton; and death will find me a

mere machine. Therefore not I, but the Law, or, if you please, the

Lawgiver, is answerable for all my actions.' Let me here observe that

to the Western mind 'Law' postulates a Lawgiver; not so to the Eastern,

and especially to the Soofi, who holds these ideas to be human,

unjustifiably extended to interpreting the non-human, which men call

the Divine.

"Further he would say, 'I am an individual (_qui nil habet dividui_), a

circle touching and intersecting my neighbours at certain points, but

nowhere corresponding, nowhere blending. Physically I am not identical

in all points with other men. Morally I differ from them: in nothing

do the approaches of knowledge, my five organs of sense (with their

Shelleyan "interpenetration"), exactly resemble those of any other

being. _Ergo_, the effect of the world, of life, of natural objects,

will not in my case be the same as with the beings most resembling me.

Thus I claim the right of creating or modifying for my own and private

use, the system which most imports me; and if the reasonable leave be

refused to me, I take it without leave.

"'But my individuality, however all-sufficient for myself, is an

infinitesimal point, an atom subject in all things to the Law of Storms

called Life. I feel, I know that Fate _is_. But I cannot know what

is or what is not fated to befall me. Therefore in the pursuit of

perfection as an individual lies my highest, and indeed my only duty,

the "I" being duly blended with the "We." I object to be a "self-less

man," which to me denotes an inverted moral sense. I am bound to take

careful thought concerning the consequences of every word and deed.

When, however, the Future has become the Past, it would be the merest

vanity for me to grieve or to repent over that which was decreed by

universal Law.'

"The usual objection is that of man's practice. It says, 'This is well

in theory; but how carry it out? For instance, why would you kill,

or give, over to be killed, the man compelled by Fate to kill your

father?' Hâjî Abdû replies, 'I do as others do, not because the murder

was done by him, but because the murderer should not be allowed another

chance of murdering. He is a tiger who has tasted blood and who should

be shot. I am convinced that he was a tool in the hands of Fate, but

that will not prevent my taking measures, whether predestined or not,

in order to prevent his being similarly used again.'

"As with repentance so with conscience. Conscience may be a 'fear which

is the shadow of justice;' even as pity is the shadow of love. Though

simply a geographical and chronological accident, which changes with

every age of the world, it may deter men from seeking and securing the

prize of successful villany. But this incentive to beneficence must be

applied to actions that will be done, not to deeds that have been done.

"The Hâjî, moreover, carefully distinguishes between the working of

fate under a personal God, and under the Reign of Law. In the former

case the contradiction between the foreknowledge of a Creator, and

the free-will of a Creature, is direct, palpable, absolute. We might

as well talk of black-whiteness and of white-blackness. A hundred

generations of divines have never been able to ree the riddle; a

million will fail. The difficulty is insurmountable to the Theist

whose Almighty is perforce Omniscient, and as Omniscient, Prescient.

But it disappears when we convert the Person into Law, or a settled

order of events; subject, moreover, to certain exceptions fixed and

immutable, but at present unknown to man. The difference is essential

as that between the penal code with its narrow forbiddal, and the broad

commandment which is a guide rather than a taskmaster.

"Thus, too, the belief in fixed Law, _versus_ arbitrary will, modifies

the Hâjî's opinions concerning the pursuit of happiness. Mankind, _das

rastlose Ursachenthier_, is born to be on the whole equally happy and

miserable. The highest organisms, the fine porcelain of our family,

enjoy the most and suffer the most: they have a capacity for rising to

the empyrean of pleasure and for plunging deep into the swift-flowing

river of woe and pain. Thus Dante ('Inf.' vi. 106)--

'--tua scienza

Che vuol, quanto la cosa è più perfetta

Più senta 'l bene, e cosi la doglienza.'

So Buddhism declares that existence in itself implies effort, pain, and

sorrow; and, the higher the creature, the more it suffers. The common

clay enjoys little and suffers little. Sum up the whole and distribute

the mass; the result will be an average; and the beggar is, on the

whole, happy as the prince. Why, then, asks the objector, does man ever

strive and struggle to change, to rise; a struggle which involves the

idea of improving his condition? The Hâjî answers, 'Because such is the

Law under which man is born: it may be fierce as famine, cruel as the

grave, but man must obey it with blind obedience.' He does not enter

into the question whether life is worth living, whether man should

elect to be born. Yet his Eastern pessimism, which contrasts so sharply

with the optimism of the West, re-echoes the lines--

'--a life,

With large results so little rife,

Though bearable seems hardly worth

This pomp of words, this pain of birth.'

"Life, whatever may be its consequence, is built upon a basis of

sorrow. Literature, the voice of humanity, and the verdict of mankind

proclaim that all existence is a state of sadness. The 'physicians of

the Soul' would save her melancholy from degenerating into despair by

doses of steadfast belief in the presence of God, in the assurance of

Immortality, and in visions of the final victory of good. Were Hâjî

Abdû a mere Theologist, he would add that Sin, not the possibility of

revolt, but the revolt itself against conscience, is the primary form

of evil, because it produces error, moral and intellectual. This man,

who omits to read the Conscience-law, however it may differ from the

Society-law, is guilty of negligence. That man, who obscures the light

of Nature with sophistries, becomes incapable of discerning his own

truths. In both cases error, deliberately adopted, is succeeded by

suffering which, we are told, comes in justice and benevolence as a

warning, a remedy, and a chastisement.

"But the Pilgrim is dissatisfied with the idea that evil originates

in the individual actions of free agents, ourselves and others. This

doctrine fails to account for its characteristics,--essentiality and

universality. That creatures endowed with the mere possibility of

liberty should not always choose the Good appears natural. But that of

the milliards of human beings who have inhabited Earth, not one should

have been found invariably to choose Good, proves how insufficient is

the solution. Hence no one believes in the existence of the complete

man under the present state of things. The Hâjî rejects all popular

and mythical explanation by the Fall of 'Adam,' the innate depravity

of human nature, and the absolute perfection of certain Incarnations,

which argues their divinity. He can only wail over the prevalence of

evil, assume its foundation to be error, and purpose to abate it by

uprooting that Ignorance which bears and feeds it.

"His 'eschatology,' like that of the Soofis generally, is vague and

shadowy. He may lean towards the doctrine of Marc Aurelius, 'The unripe

grape, the ripe and the dried: all things are changes not into nothing,

but into that which is not at present.' This is one of the _monstruosa

opinionum portenta_ mentioned by the Nineteenth General Council,

alias the First Council of the Vatican. But he only accepts it with a

limitation. He cleaves to the ethical, not the intellectual, worship of

'Nature,' which moderns define to be an 'unscientific and imaginary

synonym for the sum total of observed phenomena.' Consequently he

holds to the 'dark and degrading doctrines of the Materialist,' the

'_Hylotheist_;' in opposition to the spiritualist, a distinction far

more marked in the West than in the East. Europe draws a hard, dry line

between Spirit and Matter: Asia does not.

"Among us the Idealist objects to the Materialists that the latter

cannot agree upon fundamental points; that they cannot define what is

an atom; that they cannot account for the transformation of physical

action and molecular motion into consciousness; and _vice versâ_, that

they cannot say what matter is; and, lastly, that Berkeley and his

school have proved the existence of spirit while denying that of matter.

"The Materialists reply that the want of agreement shows only a study

insufficiently advanced; that man cannot describe an atom, because he

is still an infant in science, yet there is no reason why his mature

manhood should not pass through error and incapacity to truth and

knowledge; that consciousness becomes a property of matter when certain

conditions are present; that Hyle (ὔλη) or Matter may be provisionally

defined as 'phenomena with a substructure of their own, transcendental

and eternal, subject to the action, direct or indirect, of the five

senses, whilst its properties present themselves in three states,

the solid, the liquid, and the gaseous.' To casuistical Berkeley

they prefer the common sense of mankind. They ask the idealist and

the spiritualist why they cannot find names for themselves without

borrowing from a 'dark and degraded' school; why the former must

call himself after his eye (_idein_); the latter after his breath

(_spiritus_)? Thus the Hâjî twits them with affixing their own

limitations to their own Almighty Power, and, as Socrates said, with

bringing down Heaven to the market-place.

"Modern thought tends more and more to reject crude idealism and to

support the monistic theory, the double aspect, the transfigured

realism. It discusses the Nature of Things in Themselves. To the

question, is there anything outside of us which corresponds with our

sensations? that is to say, is the whole world simply 'I,' they reply

that obviously there is a something else; and that this something else

produces the brain-disturbance which is called sensation. Instinct

orders us to do something; Reason (the balance of faculties) directs;

and the strongest motive controls. Modern Science, by the discovery

of Radiant Matter, a fourth condition, seems to conciliate the two

schools. 'La découverte d'un quatrième état de la matière,' says a

Reviewer, 'c'est la porte ouverte à l'infini de ses transformations;

c'est l'homme invisible et impalpable de même possible sans cesser

d'être substantiel; c'est le monde des esprits entrant sans absurdité

dans la domaine des hypothèses scientifiques; c'est la possibilité

pour le matérialiste de croire à la vie d'outre tombe, sans renoncer

au substratum matériel qu'il croit nécessaire au maintien de

l'individualité.'

"With Hâjî Abdû the soul is not material, for that would be a

contradiction of terms. He regards it, with many moderns, as a state

of things, not a thing; a convenient word denoting the sense of

personality, of individual identity. In its ghostly signification he

discovers an artificial dogma which could hardly belong to the brutal

savages of the Stone Age. He finds it in the funereal books of ancient

Egypt, whence probably it passed to the Zendavesta and the Vedas. In

the Hebrew Pentateuch, of which part is still attributed to Moses, it

is unknown, or, rather, it is deliberately ignored by the author or

authors. The early Christians could not agree upon the subject; Origen

advocated the pre-existence of men's souls, supposing them to have been

all created at one time and successively embodied. Others make Spirit

born with the hour of birth: and so forth.

"But the brain-action, or, if you so phrase it, the mind, is not

confined to the reasoning faculties; nor can we afford to ignore

the sentiments, the affections which are, perhaps, the most potent

realities of life. Their loud affirmative voice contrasts strongly with

the titubant accents of the intellect. They seem to demand a future

life, even a state of rewards and punishments from the Maker of the

world, the _Ortolano Eterno_,[1] the Potter of the East, the Watchmaker

of the West. They protest against the idea of annihilation. They revolt

at the notion of eternal parting from parents, kinsmen, and friends.

Yet the dogma of a future life is by no means catholic and universal.

The Anglo-European race apparently cannot exist without it, and we

have lately heard of the 'Aryan Soul-land.' On the other hand, many of

the Buddhist and even the Brahman Schools preach Nirwâna (comparative

non-existence) and Parinirwâna (absolute nothingness). Moreover, the

great Turanian family, actually occupying all Eastern Asia, has ever

ignored it; and the 200,000,000 of Chinese Confucians, the mass of

the nation, protest emphatically against the mainstay of the Western

creeds, because it 'unfits men for the business and duty of life, by

fixing their speculations on an unknown world.' And even its votaries,

in all ages, races, and faiths, cannot deny that the next world is

a copy, more or less idealized, of the present; and that it lacks a

single particular savouring of originality. It is, in fact, a mere

continuation; and the continuation is 'not proven.'

'It is most hard to be a man;'

and the Pilgrim's sole consolation is in self-cultivation, and in

the pleasures of the affections. This sympathy may be an indirect

self-love, a reflection of the light of egotism: still it is so

transferred as to imply a different system of convictions. It requires

a different name: to call benevolence 'self-love' is to make the fruit

or flower not only depend upon a root for development (which is true),

but the very root itself (which is false). And, finally, his ideal is

of the highest: his praise is reserved for

'--Lives

Lived in obedience to the inner law

Which cannot alter.'

"NOTE II.

"A few words concerning the Kasîdah itself. Our Hâjî begins with

a _mise-en-scène_; and takes leave of the Caravan setting out for

Mecca. He sees the 'Wolf's tail' (_Dum-i-gurg_), the υκαυγές, or

wolf-gleam, the Diluculum, the Zodiacal dawn-light, the first faint

brushes of white radiating from below the Eastern horizon. It is

accompanied by the morning-breath (_Dam-i-Subh_), the current of air,

almost imperceptible except by the increase of cold, which Moslem

physiologists suppose to be the early prayer offered by Nature to

the First Cause. The Ghoul-i-Biyâbân (Desert-Demon) is evidently

the personification of man's fears and of the dangers that surround

travelling in the wilds. The 'wold-where-none-save-He (Allah)-can

dwell' is a great and terrible wilderness (_Dash-i-la-siwa Hu_); and

Allah's Holy Hill is Arafât, near Mecca, which the Caravan reaches

after passing through Medina. The first section ends with a sore

lament that the 'meetings of this world take place upon the highway of

Separation;' and the original also has--

'The chill of sorrow numbs my thought: methinks I hear the passing knell;

As dies across yon thin blue line the tinkling of the Camel-bell.'

"The next section quotes the various aspects under which Life appeared

to the wise and foolish teachers of humanity. First comes Hafiz, whose

well-known lines are quoted beginning with Shab-i-târîk o bîm-i-mauj,

etc. Hûr is the plural of Ahwar, in full Ahwar el-Ayn, a maid whose

eyes are intensely white where they should be white, and black

elsewhere: hence our silly 'Houries.' Follows Umar-i-Khayyâm, who

spiritualized Tasawwof, or Sooffeism, even as the Soofis (Gnostics)

spiritualized Moslem Puritanism. The verses alluded to are--

'You know, my friends, with what a brave carouse

I made a second marriage in my house,

Divorced old barren Reason from my bed

And took the Daughter of the Vine to spouse.'

(St. 60, Mr. Fitzgerald's translation.)

"Here 'Wine' is used in its mystic sense of entranced Love for the

Soul of Souls. Umar was hated and feared because he spoke boldly

when his brethren the Soofis dealt in innuendoes. A third quotation

has been trained into a likeness of the 'Hymn of Life,' despite the

commonplace and the _navrante vulgarité_ which characterize the

pseudo-Schiller-Anglo-American School. The same has been done to the

words of Isâ (Jesus); for the author, who is well-read in the Ingîl

(Evangel), evidently intended the allusion. Mansur el-Hallâj (the

Cotton-Cleaner) was stoned for crudely uttering the Pantheistic dogma

_Ana'l Hakk_ (I am the Truth, _i.e._ God), _wa laysa fi-jubbatî il'

Allah_ (and within my coat is nought but God). His blood traced on

the ground the first-quoted sentence. Lastly, there is a quotation

from 'Sardanapalus, son of Anacyndaraxes,' etc.: here παῑζε may mean

sport; but the context determines the kind of sport intended. The

Zâhid is the literal believer in the letter of the Law, opposed to

the Soofi, who believes in its spirit: hence the former is called a

Zâhiri (outsider), and the latter a Bâtini, an insider. Moses is quoted

because he ignored future rewards and punishments. As regards the 'two

Eternities,' Persian and Arab metaphysicians split Eternity, _i.e._

the negation of Time, into two halves, _Azal_ (beginninglessness)

and _Abad_ (endlessness); both being mere words, gatherings of

letters with a subjective significance. In English we use 'Eternal'

(_Æviternus_, age-long, life-long) as loosely, by applying it to three

distinct ideas; (1) the habitual, in popular parlance; (2) the exempt

from duration; and (3) the everlasting, which embraces all duration.

'Omniscience-Maker' is the old Roman sceptic's _Homo fecit Deos_.

"The next section is one long wail over the contradictions, the

mysteries, the dark end, the infinite sorrowfulness of all existence,

and the arcanum of grief which, Luther said, underlies all life. As

with Euripides 'to live is to die, to die is to live.' Hâjî Abdû

borrows the Hindu idea of the human body. 'It is a mansion,' says

Menu, 'with bones for its beams and rafters; with nerves and tendons

for cords; with muscles and blood for cement; with skin for its outer

covering; filled with no sweet perfume, but loaded with impurities; a

mansion infested by age and sorrow; the seat of malady; harassed with

pains; haunted with the quality of darkness (Tama-guna), and incapable

of standing.' The Pot and Potter began with the ancient Egyptians.

'Sitting as a potter at the wheel, Cneph (at Philæ) moulds clay,

and gives the spirit of life to the nostrils of Osiris.' Hence the

Genesitic 'breath.' Then we meet him in the Vedas, the Being, 'by whom

the fictile vase is formed; the clay out of which it is fabricated.'

We find him next in Jeremiah's 'Arise and go down unto the Potter's

house,' etc. (xviii. 2), and lastly in Romans (ix. 20), 'Hath not the

potter power over the clay?' No wonder that the first Hand who moulded

the man-mud is a _lieu commun_ in Eastern thought. The 'waste of agony

'is Buddhism, or Schopenhauerism pure and simple. I have moulded 'Earth

on Earth' upon 'Seint Ysidre''s well-known rhymes (A.D. 1440)--

'Erthe out of Erthe is wondirli wrouȝt,

Erthe of Erth had gete a dignite of nouȝt,

Erthe upon Erthe had sett all his thouȝt

How that Erthe upon Erthe may be his brouȝt': etc.

"The 'Camel-rider,' suggests Ossian, 'yet a few years and the blast of

the desert comes.' The dromedary was chosen as Death's vehicle by the

Arabs, probably because it bears the Bedouin's corpse to the distant

burial-ground, where he will lie among his kith and kin. The end of

this section reminds us of--

'How poor, how rich, how abject, how august,

How complicate, how wonderful is Man!'

"The Hâjî now passes to the results of his long and anxious thoughts: I

have purposely twisted his exordium into an echo of Milton--

'Till old experience doth attain

To something of prophetic strain.'

"He boldly declares that there is no God as man has created his

Creator. Here he is at one with modern thought:--'En général les

croyants font le Dieu comme ils sont eux-mêmes' (says J. J. Rousseau,

'Confessions,' I. 6): 'les bons le font bon: les méchants le font

méchant: les dévots haineux et bilieux, ne voient que l'enfer, parce

qu'ils voudraient damner tout le monde; les âmes aimantes et douces n'y

croient guère; et l'un des étonnements dont je ne reviens pas est de

voir le bon Fénélon en parler dans son Télémaque comme s'il y croyoit

tout de bon: mais j'espère qu'il mentoit alors; car enfin quelque

véridique qu'on soit, il faut bien mentir quelquefois quand on est

évêque.' 'Man depicts himself in his gods,' says Schiller. Hence the

_Naturgott_, the deity of all ancient peoples, and with which every

system began, allowed and approved of actions distinctly immoral, often

diabolical. Belief became moralized only when the conscience of the

community, and with it of the individual items, began aspiring to its

golden age,--Perfection. 'Dieu est le superlatif, dont le positif est

l'homme,' says Carl Vogt; meaning, that the popular idea of a _numen_

is that of a magnified and non-natural man.

"He then quotes his authorities. Buddha, whom the Catholic Church

converted to Saint Josaphat, refused to recognize Ishwara (the deity),

on account of the mystery of the 'cruelty of things.' Schopenhauer,

Miss Cobbe's model pessimist, who at the humblest distance represents

Buddha in the world of Western thought, found the vision of man's

unhappiness, irrespective of his actions, so overpowering that he

concluded the Supreme Will to be malevolent, 'heartless, cowardly, and

arrogant.' Confucius, the 'Throneless king, more powerful than all

kings,' denied a personal deity. The Epicurean idea rules the China

of the present day. 'God is great, but He lives too far off,' say the

Turanian Santâls in Aryan India; and this is the general language of

man in the Turanian East.

"Hâjî Abdû evidently holds that idolatry begins with a personal

deity. And let us note that the latter is deliberately denied by

the 'Thirty-nine Articles.' With them God is 'a Being without Parts

(personality) or Passions.' He professes a vague Agnosticism, and

attributes popular faith to the fact that Timor fecit Deos; 'every

religion being, without exception, the child of fear and ignorance'

(Carl Vogt). He now speaks as the 'Drawer of the Wine,' the 'Ancient

Taverner,' the 'Old Magus,' the 'Patron of the Mughân or Magians;' all

titles applied to the Soofi as opposed to the Zâhid. His 'idols' are

the _eidola_ (illusions) of Bacon, 'having their foundations in the

very constitution of man,' and therefore appropriately called _fabulæ_.

That 'Nature's Common Course' is subject to various interpretation, may

be easily proved. Aristotle was as great a subverter as Alexander; but

the quasi-prophetical Stagyrite of the Dark Ages, who ruled the world

till the end of the thirteenth century, became the 'twice execrable' of

Martin Luther and was finally abolished by Galileo and Newton. Here I

have excised two stanzas. The first is--

'Theories for truths, fable for fact, system for science, vex the thought.

Life's one great lesson you despise--to know that all we know is nought.'

This is in fact--

'Well didst thou say, Athena's noblest son,

The most we know is nothing can be known.'

The next is--

'Essence and substance, sequence, cause, beginning, ending, space and time,

These be the toys of manhood's mind, at once ridiculous and sublime.'

"He is not the only one who so regards 'bothering Time and Space.' A

late definition of the 'infinitely great,' viz. that the idea arises

from denying form to any figure; of the 'infinitely small,' from

refusing magnitude to any figure, is a fair specimen of the 'dismal

science'--metaphysics.

"Another omitted stanza reads--

'How canst thou, Phenomen! pretend the Noumenon to mete and span?

Say which were easier probed and proved, Absolute Being or mortal man?'

"One would think that he had read Kant on the 'Knowable and the

Unknowable,' or had heard of the Yankee lady, who could 'differentiate

between the Finite and the Infinite.' It is a commonplace of the age,

in the West as well as the East, that Science is confined to phenomena,

and cannot reach the Noumena, the things themselves. This is the

scholastic realism, the 'residuum of a bad metaphysic,' which deforms

the system of Comte. With all its pretensions, it simply means that

there are, or can be conceived, things in themselves (_i.e._ unrelated

to thought); that we know them to exist; and, at the same time, that we

cannot know what they are. But who dares say 'cannot'? Who can measure

man's work when he shall be as superior to our present selves as we are

to the Caveman of part time?

"The 'Chain of Universe' alludes to the Jain idea that the whole,

consisting of intellectual as well as of natural principles, existed

from all eternity; and that it has been subject to endless revolutions,

whose causes are the inherent powers of nature, intellectual as

well as physical, without the intervention of a deity. But the Poet

ridicules the 'non-human,' _i.e._ the not-ourselves, the negation of

ourselves and consequently a non-existence. Most Easterns confuse the

contradictories, in which one term stands for something, and the other

for nothing (_e.g._ ourselves and not-ourselves), with the contraries

(_e.g._ rich and not-rich = poor), in which both terms express a

something. So the positive-negative 'infinite' is not the complement

of 'finite,' but its negation. The Western man derides the process by

making 'not-horse' the complementary entity of 'horse.' The Pilgrim

ends with the favourite Soofi tenet that the five (six?) senses are

the doors of all human knowledge, and that no form of man, incarnation

of the deity, prophet, apostle or sage, has ever produced an idea

not conceived within his brain by the sole operation of these vulgar

material agents. Evidently he is neither spiritualist nor idealist.

"He then proceeds to show that man depicts himself in his God, and

that 'God is the racial expression'; a pedagogue on the Nile, an

abstraction in India, and an astrologer in Chaldæa: where Abraham, says

Berosus (Josephus, 'Ant.' I. 7, § 2, and II. 9, § 2), was 'skilful in

the celestial science.' He notices the Akârana-Zamân (endless Time)

of the Guebres, and the working dual, Hormuzd and Ahriman. He brands

the God of the Hebrews with pugnacity and cruelty. He has heard of

the beautiful creations of Greek fancy which, not attributing a moral

nature to the deity, included Theology in Physics; and which, like

Professor Tyndall, seemed to consider all matter everywhere alive.

We have adopted a very different Unitarianism; Theology, with its

one Creator; Pantheism with its 'one Spirit's plastic stress'; and

Science with its one Energy. He is hard upon Christianity and its

'trinal God': I have not softened his expression (لغز = a riddle),

although it may offend readers. There is nothing more enigmatical to

the Moslem mind than Christian Trinitarianism: all other objections

they can get over, not this. Nor is he any lover of Islamism, which,

like Christianity, has its ascetic Hebraism and its Hellenic hedonism;

with the world of thought moving between these two extremes. The

former, defined as predominant or exclusive care for the practice

of right, is represented by Semitic and Arab influence, Korânic and

Hadîsic. The latter, the religion of humanity, a passion for life and

light, for culture and intelligence; for art, poetry and science, is

represented in Islamism by the fondly and impiously cherished memory of

the old Guebre kings and heroes, beauties, bards and sages. Hence the

mention of Zâl and his son Rostam; of Cyrus and of the Jâmi-i-Jamshîd,

which may be translated either grail (cup) or mirror: it showed the

whole world within its rim; and hence it was called Jâm-i-Jehân-numâ

(universe-exposing). The contemptuous expressions about the diet of

camel's milk and the meat of the Susmâr, or green lizard, are evidently

quoted from Firdausi's famous lines beginning--

'Arab-râ be-jât rasîd'est kâr.'

"The Hâjî is severe upon those who make of the Deity a Khwân-i-yaghmâ

(or tray of plunder), as the Persians phrase it. He looks upon the

shepherds as men,

'--Who rob the sheep themselves to clothe.'

So Schopenhauer (Leben, etc., by Wilhelm Gewinner) furiously shows how

the 'English nation ought to treat that set of hypocrites, impostors

and money-graspers, the clergy, that annually devours £3,500,000.'

"The Hâjî broadly asserts that there is no Good and no Evil in the

absolute sense as man has made them. Here he is one with Pope:--

'And spite of pride, in erring nature's spite

One truth is clear--whatever is, is right.'

Unfortunately the converse is just as true:--whatever is, is wrong.

Khizr is the Elijah who puzzled Milman. He represents the Soofi, the

Bâtini, while Musâ (Moses) is the Zâhid, the Zâhiri; and the strange

adventures of the twain, invented by the Jews, have been appropriated

by the Moslems. He derides the Freewill of man; and, like Diderot,

he detects 'pantaloon in a prelate, a satyr in a president, a pig in

a priest, an ostrich in a minister, and a goose in a chief clerk.'

He holds to Fortune, the Τύχη of Alcman, which is, Εὐυομίας τε καὶ

Πειθοῡϛ ἀδελφὰ, καὶ Προμαθνίας θυγάτηρ,--Chance, the sister of Order

and Trust, and the daughter of Forethought. The Scandinavian Spinners

of Fate were Urd (the Was, the Past), Verdandi (the Becoming, or

Present), and Skuld (the To-be, or Future). He alludes to Plato, who

made the Demiourgos create the worlds by the Logos (the Hebrew Dabar)

or Creative Word, through the Æons. These Αἰῶυερ of the Mystics were

spiritual emanations from Αἰών, lit. a wave of influx, an age, period,

or day; hence the Latin _ævum_, and the Welsh Awen, the stream of

inspiration falling upon a bard. Basilides, the Egypto-Christian, made

the Creator evolve seven Æons or Pteromata (fulnesses); from two of

whom, Wisdom and Power, proceeded the 365 degrees of Angels. All were

subject to a Prince of Heaven, called Abraxas, who was himself under

guidance of the chief Æon, Wisdom. Others represent the first Cause to

have produced an Æon or Pure Intelligence; the first a second, and so

forth till the tenth. This was material enough to affect Hyle, which

thereby assumed a spiritual form. Thus the two incompatibles combined

in the Scheme of Creation.

"He denies the three ages of the Buddhists: the wholly happy; the

happy mixed with misery, and the miserable tinged with happiness,--the

present. The Zoroastrians had four, each of 3000 years. In the first,

Hormuzd, the good-god, ruled alone; then Ahriman, the bad-god, began to

work subserviently; in the third both ruled equally; and in the last,

now current, Ahriman has gained the day.

"Against the popular idea that man has caused the misery of this world,

he cites the ages, when the Old Red Sandstone bred gigantic cannibal

fishes; when the Oolites produced the mighty reptile tyrants of air,

earth, and sea; and when the monsters of the Eocene and Miocene periods

shook the ground with their ponderous tread. And the world of waters is

still a hideous scene of cruelty, carnage, and destruction.

"He declares Conscience to be a geographical and chronological

accident. Thus he answers the modern philosopher whose soul was

overwhelmed by the marvel and the awe of two things, 'the starry

heaven above and the moral law within.' He makes the latter sense a

development of the gregarious and social instincts; and so travellers

have observed that the moral is the last step in mental progress. His

Moors are the savage Dankali and other negroid tribes, who offer a cup

of milk with one hand and stab with the other. He translates literally

the Indian word Hâthî (an elephant), the animal with the Hâth (hand, or

trunk). Finally he alludes to the age of active volcanoes, the present,

which is merely temporary, the shifting of the Pole, and the spectacle

to be seen from Mushtari, or the planet Jupiter.

"The Hâjî again asks the old, old question, What is Truth? And he

answers himself, after the fashion of the wise Emperor of China,

'Truth hath not an unchanging name.' A modern English writer says: 'I

have long been convinced by the experience of my life, as a pioneer

of various heterodoxies which are rapidly becoming orthodoxies, that

nearly all truth is temperamental to us, or given in the affections and

intuitions; and that discussion and injury do little more than feed

temperament.' Our poet seems to mean that the Perceptions, when they

perceive truly, convey objective truth, which is universal; whereas the

Reflectives and the Sentiments, the working of the moral region, or

the middle lobe of the phrenologists, supplies only subjective truth,

personal and individual. Thus to one man the axiom, _Opes irritamenta

malorum_, represents a distinct fact; while another holds wealth to be

an incentive for good. Evidently both are right, according to their

lights.

"Hâjî Abdû cites Plato and Aristotle, as usual with Eastern songsters,

who delight in Mantik (logic). Here he appears to mean that a false

proposition is as real a proposition as one that is true. 'Faith moves

mountains' and 'Manet immota fides' are evidently quotations. He

derides the teaching of the 'First Council of the Vatican' (cap. v.),

'all the faithful are little children listening to the voice of St.

Peter,' who is the 'Prince of the Apostles.' He glances at the fancy of

certain modern physicists, 'devotion is a definite molecular change in

the convolution of grey pulp.' He notices with contumely the riddle of

which Milton speaks so glibly, where the Dialoguists,

'--reasoned high

Of providence, foreknowledge, will and fate,

Fixed fate, free-will, foreknowledge absolute.'

"In opposition to the orthodox Mohammedan tenets which make Man's

soul his percipient Ego, an entity, a unity, the Soofi considers it a

fancy, opposed to body, which is a fact; at most a state of things,

not a thing; a consensus of faculties whereof our frames are but the

phenomena. This is not contrary to Genesitic legend. The Hebrew Ruach

and Arabic Ruh, now perverted to mean soul or spirit, simply signify

wind or breath, the outward and visible sign of life. Their later

schools are even more explicit: 'For that which befalls man befalls

beasts; as the one dies, so does the other; they have all one death;

all go unto one place' (Eccles. iii. 19). But the modern soul, a

nothing, a string of negations, a negative in chief, is thus described

in the Mahâbhârat: 'It is indivisible, inconceivable, inconceptible:

it is eternal, universal, permanent, immovable: it is invisible

and unalterable.' Hence the modern spiritualism which, rejecting

materialism, can use only material language.

"These, says the Hâjî, are mere sounds. He would not assert 'Verba

gignunt verba,' but 'Verba gignunt res,' a step further. The idea is

Bacon's 'idola fori, omnium molestissima,' the twofold illusions of

language; either the names of things that have no existence in fact, or

the names of things whose idea is confused and ill-defined.

"He derives the Soul-idea from the 'savage ghost' which Dr. Johnson

defined to be a 'kind of shadowy being.' He justly remarks that it

arose (perhaps) in Egypt: and was not invented by the 'People of the

Book.' By this term Moslems denote Jews and Christians who have a

recognized revelation, while their ignorance refuses it to Guebres,

Hindus, and Confucians.

"He evidently holds to the doctrine of progress. With him protoplasm

is the Yliastron, the Prima Materies. Our word matter is derived from

the Sanskrit माढ़ा (mâtrâ), which, however, signifies properly the

invisible type of visible matter; in modern language, the substance

distinct from the sum of its physical and chemical properties. Thus,

Mâtrâ exists only in thought, and is not recognizable by the action

of the five senses. His 'Chain of Being' reminds us of Prof. Huxley's

Pedigree of the Horse, Orohippus, Mesohippus, Meiohippus, Protohippus,

Pleiohippus, and Equus. He has evidently heard of modern biology, or

Hylozoism, which holds its quarter-million species of living beings,

animal and vegetable, to be progressive modifications of one great

fundamental unity, an unity of so-called 'mental faculties' as well

as of bodily structure. And this is the jelly-speck. He scoffs at the

popular idea that man is the great central figure round which all

things gyrate like marionettes; in fact, the anthropocentric era of

Draper, which, strange to say, lives by the side of the telescope and

the microscope. As man is of recent origin, and may end at an early

epoch of the macrocosm, so before his birth all things revolved round

nothing, and may continue to do so after his death.

"The Hâjî, who elsewhere denounces 'compound ignorance,' holds that

all evil comes from error; and that all knowledge has been developed

by overthrowing error, the ordinary channel of human thought. He ends

this section with a great truth. There are things which human Reason

or Instinct matured, in its undeveloped state, cannot master; but

Reason is a Law to itself. Therefore we are not bound to believe, or

to attempt belief in, anything which is contrary or contradictory to

Reason. Here he is diametrically opposed to Rome, who says, 'Do not

appeal to History; that is private judgment. Do not appeal to Holy

Writ; that is heresy. Do not appeal to Reason; that is Rationalism.'

"He holds with the Patriarchs of Hebrew Holy Writ, that the present

life is all-sufficient for an intellectual (not a sentimental) being;

and, therefore, that there is no want of a Heaven or a Hell. With far

more contradiction the Western poet sings--

'Hell hath no limits, nor is circumscribed

In one self-place; but when we are in hell,

And where hell is, there must we ever be;

And, to be short, when all this world dissolves,

And every creature shall be purified,

All places shall be hell which are not heaven.'

For what want is there of a Hell when all are pure? He enlarges upon

the ancient Buddhist theory, that Happiness and Misery are equally

distributed among men and beasts; some enjoy much and suffer much;

others the reverse. Hence Diderot declares, 'Sober passions produce

only the commonplace ... the man of moderate passion lives and dies

like a brute.' And again we have the half-truth--

'That the mark of rank in nature

Is capacity for pain.'

The latter implies an equal capacity for pleasure, and thus the balance

is kept.

"Hâjî Abdû then proceeds to show that Faith is an accident of birth.

One of his omitted distichs says--

'Race makes religion; true! but aye upon the Maker acts the made.

A finite God, an infinite sin, in lieu of raising man, degrade.'

In a manner of dialogue he introduces the various races each fighting

to establish his own belief. The Frank (Christian) abuses the Hindu,

who retorts that he is of Mlenchha, mixed or impure, blood, a term

applied to all non-Hindus. The same is done by Nazarene and Mohammedan;

by the Confucian, who believes in nothing, and by the Soofi, who

naturally has the last word. The association of the Virgin Mary and

Saint Joseph with the Trinity, in the Roman and Greek Churches, makes

many Moslems conclude that Christians believe not in three but in

five Persons. So an Englishman writes of the early Fathers, 'They

not only said that 3 = 1, and that 1 = 3: they professed to explain

how that curious arithmetical combination had been brought about.

The Indivisible had been divided, and yet was not divided: it was

divisible, and yet it was indivisible; black was white, and white was

black; and yet there were not two colours but one colour; and whoever

did not believe it would be damned.' The Arab quotation runs in the

original--

'_Ahsanu 'l-Makâni l' il-Falâ 'l-Jehannamu_,

The best of places for (the generous) youth is Gehenna:'

Gehenna, alias Jahim, being the fiery place of eternal punishment. And

the second saying, _Al-nâr wa lâ 'l-'Ar_'--'Fire (of Hell) rather than

Shame,'--is equally condemned by the Koranist. The Gustâkhi (insolence)

of Fate is the expression of Umar-i-Khayyâm (St. xxx.)--

'What, without asking hither hurried _whence?_

And, without asking _whither_ hurried hence!

Oh many a cup of this forbidden wine

Must drown the memory of that insolence.'

"Soofistically, the word means 'the coquetry of the beloved one,' the

divinæ particula auræ. And the section ends with Pope's--

'He can't be wrong whose life is in the right.'

"CONCLUSION.

"Here the Hâjî ends his practical study of mankind. The image of

Destiny playing with men as pieces is a view common amongst Easterns.

His idea of wisdom is once more Pope's--

'And all our knowledge is ourselves to know.'

----(Essay IV., 398.)

"Regret, _i.e._ repentance, was one of the forty-two deadly sins

of the Ancient Egyptians. 'Thou shalt not consume thy heart,' says

the Ritual of the Dead, the negative justification of the soul or

ghost (Lepsius, 'Alteste Texte des Todtenbuchs'). We have borrowed

competitive examination from the Chinese; and, in these morbid days of

weak introspection and retrospection, we might learn wisdom from the

sturdy old Khemites. When he sings 'Abjure the Why and seek the How,'

he refers to the old Scholastic difference of the _Demonstratio propter

quid_ (why is a thing?), as opposed to _Demonstratio quia_ (_i.e._ that

a thing is). The 'great Man' shall end with becoming deathless, as

Shakespeare says in his noble sonnet--

'And Death once dead, there's no more dying then!'

The Life of Captain Sir Richard F. Burton, volume 2 (of 2) By His Wife, Isabel Burton · 第 18 / 22 章