THE TWO CONTESTED POINTS BETWEEN A SMALL SECTION OF ANTAGONISTS AND
MYSELF.
"Because I'm with the swallow, however far he flies;
Because the lark within me leaps upwards to the skies;
Because, where'er there's singing of birds on hill or plain,
We catch each other's meaning and join in one refrain;
Because the forest temples where God has made His throne
Can rustle to a rising chant they sing to me alone;
Because, where'er I find them among the waving grass,
The daisies and the violets nod shyly as I pass;
Because the flowers have secrets that few men seem to see,
And yet they ope their bosoms and tell their tales to me;
Because the earth is fairer; because the roses blow
With a loveliness and purity that few men care to know;
Because the heavens are higher than many dare to think;
Because the heavens are nearer, I tremble on their brink;
And oh, because to all the joys of birds and beasts and flies,
The myriad joys that move the earth and fill the summer skies,
There's something in this heart of mine, there's something that replies;
Because those other singers whom death has granted fame
Stand by my side in solemn hours and call me by my name;
Because I dare to meet their gaze, and seem to understand
The language which proclaims them all of one great father-land;
Because their touch is on me; because in accents mild
They hail me as a follower, a servant, yet a child;
Because the fairies hearken, I call them at mine ease;
Because I hear the angels' harps in the pauses of the breeze;
Because a spirit's with me, where'er my steps have trod,
Whose eyes have something of myself, and, oh, far more of God;
Because, when night is silent, I watch the planets roll,
And hear their solemn melodies in the centre of my soul;
Because of one great action I feel myself the part,
A life whose sphere is nature, a life whose voice is art,
And in my breast re-echo the pulsings of its heart;
Because my thoughts are splendour, because my thoughts are sin,
With a shock, as if of armies amid the battle's din;
Because the shades of former days go with me on my way,
And because to-morrow's sunshine is on my path to-day;
Because my heart-strings tremble to the pressure of thy hand,
And because I live a sorrow which none can understand."
----MAARTEN MAARTENS.
THE "SCENTED GARDEN" CONTROVERSY.
I must now revert, I hope for the last time, to the "Scented Garden."
I made the greatest mistake in the world; I did not know my public,
I did not know England. I was under some delusion which I have often
bewailed, that I was responsible to, or owed some explanation to,
the would-be buyers of that book, nor can I _now_ think how I could
have imagined that it was, or described it as, my husband's _magnum
opus_--perhaps it was because it was the first work of the kind I had
ever read--as it certainly was the _least_ of his works, and I should
say that his "Mecca and Medinah" and his "Arabian Nights" were his
best. The abuse I got by a portion of the Press, and eventually volumes
of anonymous letters, which were far coarser than the "Scented Garden,"
and which would have shocked Whitechapel, induced me a month later to
write a second letter to the _Echo_, which I reproduce, and, as it went
on, a further explanation in the _New Review_.
_Lady Burton's Last Words to the "Echo."_
[Sidenote: _My Defence about the burnt MS. to the "Echo."_]
"On reading my own letter in the _Morning Post_, which paper has
always been my best friend, I see that the few lines that explained
my _reasons_ for taking the public into my confidence are cut out,
probably on account of its length. I quite understand, and see exactly
what the opposite side think of it. I wrote to the _Morning Post_,
'I am obliged to confess this, because there are fifteen hundred
men expecting the book, and I do not quite know how to get at them,
also I want to avoid unpleasant hints by telling the truth.' My
_reasons_ were, that there were too many people after the book, too
many inconvenient letters and questions from those who expected it
and wanted to buy it, and had I not told what I did, my few bitter
enemies--we all have some--would hint and not speak out, which is the
worst of all things. Will you believe that I have been four months
in England, and quite unable to wind-up half our affairs because my
whole mornings have been taken up with answering such letters? I can
satisfy all the objections. Had my husband lived, the book would now
have been in the printing press; I should never have been allowed to
read it, and I should have done exactly what I did to the 'Arabian
Nights'--worked the financial part of it. I intended privately to
offer it for three thousand guineas to a bookseller with whom my
husband and I had had a long-standing friendship, in order to save
myself the trouble of all I went through with the 'Arabian Nights,'
and it was only on getting the double offer from the unknown man,
which was more than I could ever have hoped for--not the next day,
as the Press has it--that I sat down to read it. The money was quite
a secondary consideration with me, though I like money as much as
most women, and have got none; but no woman who truly loved a man,
and cared for his interests after death, would have coveted that
class of monument for his beloved memory, and only the most selfish
or thoughtless of men could have expected me to give it up. Such
men would not have risked one little corner of their good names,
or reputations, or profession, or money, or family, or society, in
connection with any book on this subject. No! they would have shoved
him forward into the breach; they would have egged him on with the
bravado of schoolboys to his face, in good fellowship--how often have
I seen it!--and, if anything went wrong, would probably have pretended
that they did not know anything about it. He would have been perfectly
justified, had he lived, in carrying out his work. He would have been
surrounded by friends to whom he could have explained any objections
or controversies, and would have done everything to guard against the
incalculable harm of his purchasers lending it to their women-friends,
and to their boyish acquaintances, which I could not guarantee.
"Was it a classic? No! it was not a classic; it was a translation from
Arabic manuscripts very difficult to get in the original, with copious
notes and explanations of his own. But it is very difficult for me, as
a woman, to tell you exactly what it was.
"I have received hundreds of letters, with all sorts of opinions,
all except a few thoroughly approving my act, and some of these are
anonymous, showing how careful people are with their own skins, but
the most curious trait is that so many agree with me privately and
write in the papers against me. I did not expect my confession to be
noticed at all; it was a great surprise to me to find it discussed. I
only meant to stop the letters asking for it. Moreover, I only burnt
what was my own property, and at my own loss. If my husband had been
alive I should not have read it, and I should not have done it. He
and I both supposed that he would live for many, many years; but,
nevertheless, one day, several weeks before he died, when we were
travelling in Switzerland, he called me into his room, and dictated
to me a list of such things as he wished burnt in case I survived
him, and three documents, which he signed. One of them, amongst other
things, contained the following:--
"'In the event of my death, I bequeath especially to my wife,
Isabel Burton, every book, paper, or manuscript, to be overhauled
and examined by her only, and to be dealt with entirely at her own
discretion, and in the manner she thinks best, having been my sole
helper for thirty years,' etc., etc., etc., etc.
"'(Signed) RICHARD F BURTON.'
"I need hardly tell you that the 'Scented Garden' was not included in
the list of things to be burnt. I did it purely out of love for my
husband, and all the censure is as nothing to me in comparison to his
memory and our speedy reunion.
"Shortly after we married we lost all we possessed in the world in
Grindlay's fire, and when the news was brought to him he remained
silent for a few minutes, and then turning to me, said, 'The worst
part of the loss is that there were boxes full of priceless Arabic
and Persian manuscripts, which I picked up in out-of-the-way places;
but,' he added, smiling, 'the world will be all the better for the
loss.'
"When I wrote to the _Morning Post_ I never calculated or thought
of either praise, or blame, or gain; in fact, I think any one may
see I never thought of myself at all, or I should have been more
worldly-wise. I shall never regret what I have done, but I shall
regret all my life having confessed it, though I could scarcely have
helped it, as I was ordered to do so. My husband did no wrong; he had
a high purpose, and he thought no evil of printing it, and could one
have secured the one per cent. of individuals to whom it would have
been merely a study, it probably would have done no harm; but once you
get a thing in print in England you have lost all hold of it, and the
merest schoolgirl, if she is bent upon seeing it, will get to do so,
and the more the mystery the keener they are.
"You will pardon me, who have spent the best part of thirty years on
foreign stations, for saying, that if what people tell me be true,
and if England progresses in this line at the rate she has done for
the last fifteen or twenty years, let us say in another sixty or
seventy years, my husband's 'Scented Garden' would have become a
Christmas book for boys, on the plea that the mind should be trained
to everything. I shall not have done the world such an injury as they
make out. Thousands, millions, admire my husband, and many talk of
their great love for him, in many instances truly, but I am the only
being in the world to whom he was _everything_, whose soul is mine,
whose interests are mine, and therefore I am obliged to harden myself
against all abuse, although I quite understand the people of the
opposite part, from their point of view.
"I do not understand what the Press meant by my casting a slur on his
memory. Did any slur attach to him from the 'Arabian Nights'? On the
contrary, great praise, and fame, and gain! Why, then, should a slur
come from the 'Scented Garden'? It was not the world's slur that was
to be feared. I did not think I could laugh now, but I did when I read
'that I appealed to the public for sympathy and acclaim for my own
purity--at his expense,' for there is no cause for sympathy--I never
thought about being pure or impure--I felt no sacrifice. I know what I
saw. I knew what I had to do, and I did it. It is no use explaining,
because the world would not understand me--and there is no need why
it should. It never understood _him_ whilst he lived, and it will not
understand _me_ while I live.
"Some articles in the Press say that I am uneducated. I am not going
to deny it, but my husband found that I had quite sufficient common
sense to trust me unreservedly with the whole of his business of
whatever nature for thirty years, and he never had cause to regret it,
nor did he ever do the slightest thing without consulting me. This
is the only instance in which I have not co-operated. I am accused
of doing it to earn money, which is rather illogical. If that was
my object, why did I not quietly pocket my six thousand guineas,
hold my tongue, and pass the manuscript quietly to a man who is
incapable of betraying me? Out of the many hundreds of letters which
I have received since the 20th of June, three offered to start public
subscriptions for me, but I declined them, because this subject is, to
me, too sacred for barter. The only money I have ever asked for was
for the monument. I forgive those who have heaped me with unmeasured
abuse, but I shall never forget it, and I thank them for showing me
what sort of people were waiting for the book, and how right I was
to burn it. Yet I am quite sure that more than two-thirds of this
particular school would condemn what has been said and written to me,
did they know it. At any rate, I am quite certain that none of it
(either private letters or Press) was penned by any true friend of Sir
Richard's to his wife.
"ISABEL BURTON."
* * * * *
"My confession has been twisted and turned into the following:--'That
my poor husband had been engaged on a most beautiful and scientific
work for thirty years, that he had finished it all but the last page,
that it contained gems of science, that it was full of transcendental
Oriental poetry, and that I brutally burnt it, the day after he was
dead, in either wanton ignorance or bigotry.' Now, the truth is this.
Ever since 1842, whenever my husband came across any information
on _any_ subject, he collected it and pigeon-holed it, and at this
particular time the accumulations of twenty-seven years (since
Grindlay's fire, which lost all preceding ones) were pigeon-holed in
different compartments, on as many as twenty different subjects. As
fast as he had finished one book, he opened a compartment to produce
another, and sometimes had several books on the stocks at the same
time, on as many different large plain deal tables.
"It was towards the end of 1888, that he pulled out of its nook the
material which would go towards the 'Scented Garden,' and occasionally
he translated bits from an Arabic manuscript called the 'Perfumed
Garden,'[1] by the Shaykh El Nefzáwih, a Kabyle Arab of the early
sixth century (Hegira), the French translation of which is as poor, as
a translation of the original, as all the translations of the 'Arabian
Nights' were (except Mr. John Payne's) until Richard's came out, which
was the perfect one. The only value in the book at all, consisted in
his annotations, and there was no poetry. He was engaged on Catullus
at the same time, and he threw all his strength and style into the
more virile work at the expense of the other. His journal of 31st
of March, 1890, contains this sentence--'Began, or rather resumed,
"Scented Garden," and don't much care about it, but it is a good
pot-boiler,' which I interpret that he knew it was not up to the mark;
but the time he was actually seriously occupied on it was from 31st
of March, 1890, till the 19th of October--not quite seven months. I
have often bewailed my own folly in considering that I was in any way
responsible to or owed any explanation to the public respecting my
husband's writings, and the only object, as I said, of my letter was
to deliver myself from the bother of the letters and visits of a very
large number of would-be purchasers. I never supposed for an instant
that my action would excite any comment, one way or the other, much
less did I suppose that any one would attach any kind of blame to my
husband, any more than to the printing of the 'Arabian Nights,' which
gave him so much _kudos_ and plenty of money.
"I know that no one would have _dared_ to blame him had he been alive,
nor to have represented me as throwing a blight on his reputation,
for whom I would at any moment, during a period of forty years, have
cheerfully given my life. I knew that this book, being the outcome
of sickness during the last two years of his life, was not up to the
standard of his former works. Turner's executors burnt a few of his
last pictures under similar circumstances to leave his reputation as a
painter at its zenith. I acted from the same motive. I should not have
dared to burn any autobiography, and every word that he wrote about
himself to be given to the public is given. I consider that I have
done infinitely more for his reputation and memory by burning it than
by printing it. People must not tell me that I am no judge, because I
wrote _with_ him, and _for_ him, and also copied everything for him,
for the first twenty-six of our thirty years' married life, till I
broke down myself, and the 'Arabian Nights' was then handed over to
another copyist, I doing all the rest. He laid no stress on bringing
it out, except for money's sake. When he had done the 'Arabian
Nights,' he said, in his joking, honest way, 'I have struggled for
forty-seven years, distinguishing myself honourably in every way that
I possibly could. I never had a compliment, nor a "thank you," nor
a single farthing. I translate a doubtful book in my old age, and I
immediately make sixteen thousand guineas. Now that I know the tastes
of England, we need never be without money.'
"Had we lived to come home together, I should have talked him off
printing it, as I did another manuscript, quite on a different
subject, and he knew that if I had my will, I would burn it. This did
not prevent him, about eight weeks before he died, leaving me sole
executrix of all he possessed, with instructions '_to sift thoroughly,
and publish anything that I thought would not misrepresent him to the
public_,' adding, '_having been my sole helper for thirty years, I
wish you to act solely on your own judgment and discretion_.' Now,
I judged, after long thinking, that the subject would be unpopular;
that had he lived to explain it, to talk about it in the clubs amongst
his men-friends, it would have been different; that I probably should
have worked the financial part of it, as I did that of the 'Arabian
Nights,' because I should not have read it, and large sums would
doubtless have accrued from it. He always wrote over the heads of his
public, and sixty years in advance of his time: I think that about
fifteen people would possibly have understood it and his motives
(which were always noble) if the germ was big enough to produce the
good intended.
"Given fifteen people to read and understand, given a dead hero who
could no longer profit from the money, who could not explain or defend
himself if he were attacked by the press, who could not enjoy the
praise of a small section of his fellow-men; given two thousand or
more other men who could buy the book and in course of time would tire
of it and sell it. It would be bought by rich Tom, Dick, and Harry. It
would by degrees descend amongst the populace out of Holywell Street,
the _very opposite result_ to what the upright manly translator would
have desired, and the whole contents might be so misunderstood by the
uneducated that the good, noble, glorious life of Richard Burton, of
which I and thousands of others are most proud and delight to honour,
might sixty years hence receive a very different colouring from the
truth, and be handed down to posterity in a false light.
"Many people will regret that Richard did not leave his manuscripts in
the hands of a literary man, a lawyer, or a so-called friend. If he
had, little men without a name would have profited by it, by tacking
on theirs to his big name, money would have been made, and everybody,
without distinction, who could have paid would have been pandered to,
but _nobody_ would have thought of the dead man, the soldier, the
chivalrous gentleman in his tomb--he knew this. I _alone_ stand here,
and I think it an honour, for his sake, to bear with the epithets of
scorn that the brutality of the athlete, and the dyspepsia of the
effete--mostly anonymous Braves--have showered upon me. All that he
has left will be given to the public by degrees, if it is more than a
mere sketch, but it is cruel to the dead to give their sketches to the
world and pretend that they are their best work, simply because they
fetch money."[2]
* * * * *
The _Leicester Post_, a little while ago, wrote:--
"I don't think that Lady Burton's coming book will contain any
explanation of her action in destroying the manuscript which Sir
Richard endeavoured to complete on his death-bed. It is now said,
with some show of authority, that the work contained but one chapter,
which in a _virginibus puerisque_ light, might have given offence; if
this were so, it seems appalling that the whole work should have been
consigned to the flames. Lady Burton cannot know of this report, or
she would hasten to relieve the literary minds, whose plaint is bitter
because anything has perished which came from the translator of the
'Arabian Nights.'"
Now, it is absurd to suppose that Richard tried to complete a
manuscript on a death-bed of three hours. As to _authority_, there were
only three people who ever read that manuscript--Richard who wrote
it, the copyist who copied it, and myself. I can relieve the literary
minds at once. The first two chapters were a raw translation of part
of the works of "Numa Numantius," without any annotations at all, or
comments of any kind on Richard's part, and twenty chapters translation
of Shaykh el Nafzáwih from Arabic. In fact, it was _all translation_,
excepting the annotations on the Arabic work. I asked the copyist, who
is a woman, "what she would have done with it," and she said, "I think
I should most likely have been tempted with the money, but if I cared
for my husband as much as you did, and if he was dead, I hope I might
have burned it." I asked her "upon what grounds she would have burnt
it," and she said, "Because the Press would assuredly have criticized
it. If he were alive he could answer for himself, and explain--he being
dead, _you_ could not; and we all know what men-friends are, and how
many would have put themselves in the slightest difficulty to take his
part. Sir Richard had the courage of his opinions, but his friends have
not, and would only come forward if it could aggrandize their own names
a little bit. You have done very well." It makes me sick to hear all
this anxiety of the Press and the literary world, lest they should miss
a word he ever wrote. When he came back in 1882, after being sent to
look after Palmer, he had a good deal of information to give, and he
could not get a magazine or paper to take his most valuable article
till it was quite stale. We used to boil over with rage when his books
or articles were rejected. Only the other day I sent a most valuable
letter of his, written in 1886, to a Liberal and a Conservative
paper, and neither of them would take it. And _now_, because a few
chapters, which were of no particular value to the world, have been
burnt, the whole country's literary minds are "full of bitter plaint
because anything has perished which came from the translator of the
'Arabian Nights.'" Such are the waves and whims of such people. They
are (privately of course), selling down at Soho a "Scented Garden,"
translated by the bookseller himself, from a miserable little French
copy, which they pretend is "Sir Richard Burton's Scented Garden,"
gulling people who ought to know better--but not scholars--and who
deserve to lose their money, paying for trash that my husband never
saw. I hope the seller charges them enormous sums, and I hope that some
of the purchasers will have the common sense to bring an action against
him for obtaining money under false pretences.
I have done no evil and am unharmed. I am not afraid of slander which I
have not deserved; it will die out and I shall live.
Those who say I have failed in my trust, wish it to be so, mean that
it shall be so, if it depends upon them. Slander is very cruel; it
tracks its victims like a bloodhound, but it generally crushes its own
begetter.
* * * * *
"THE SECOND BONE OF CONTENTION IS RELIGION.
"No, no; it is not there the sorrow lies,
Not in the lack of hands that could applaud,
But in the lack of hearts that, answering, rise
As loadstones to the magnet, the replies
Electric of a sympathy which cries:
'The truth is with thee!'"
----MAARTEN MAARTENS.
[Sidenote: _And to the New Review_.]
"Heredity is a strong thing, and cannot always be shaken off. It
breeds alike forms of body, forms of soul, disease to this, good
teeth or scanty hair to that, or colour, or talents, or creed. My
Burtons mostly have Catholic-phobia; they hate it without knowing
what it is, because their ancestors seceded from it at the time of
the Reformation; but one of the most anti-Catholic of them, at the
age of seventeen, wrote me more than one beautiful letter imploring
me to take her, and get her baptised and received into the Catholic
Church. I have them amongst my treasures now; but I did not do so,
because it would have been an act of treachery to her mother, and
dishonourable to take advantage of a girl, and she has since been very
grateful for it. Another Burton, whilst labouring from the effects
of an Indian sunstroke, used always to turn his face alternately
towards Mecca (evidently thinking of my husband), and then turn the
other way and say his rosary: something Catholic having come into
his unbiased, unconscious brain. Richard, when he was out in India,
had no one to keep him in order. As soon as he was well emancipated
and untrammelled, he answered the call of his Bourbon blood, and
transferred himself to the Catholic Church, and this is the way he
describes it to the public--he always spoke lightly of the things he
felt the most: 'What added not a little to the general astonishment
was, that I left off "sitting under" the garrison chaplain, and betook
myself to the Catholic chapel of the chocolate-coloured Goanese priest
who adhibited spiritual consolation to the buttrels, butlers, and
head servants, and other servants of the camp.' He frequently spoke
in after writings of 'the Portuguese priest who had charge of his
soul,' who, when Richard committed some escapade, 'was like a hen
who had hatched a duckling.' These writings were lent by Richard to
Mr. Hitchman, with other notes, in 1887, but he did not understand
the importance of it, nor what it pointed to, and left it amongst
the parts he did not use.[3] When I asked Richard how it was that it
escaped public comment, he said, 'Because, when I mention that I went
to the chocolate-coloured priest of the Goanese Church, the English
only think it is some black tribe, where I have been probably tarred
and feathered, whilst I was very much in earnest; but since it is no
use annoying my people, and as it has escaped Mr. Hitchman, and as
it only concerns you and me, and is no business of any outsider, I
do not wish you to say anything about it till my death-bed, or some
time after my death, and that only if you are put in any difficulty.'
Cardinal Wiseman knew it, for he passed Richard through all the
missions in wild places all over the world as a Catholic officer, and
was willing to patronize my marriage. But Richard never let _me_ know
anything about it until after we were married, and I have kept it all
my life a secret. I have always steadily said that '_I did not know_,'
because I never meant to tell it to any one but those who had a right
to ask, as I did not see how it concerned the public.
"The public have allowed me to think it unworthy of having anything
but _public_ events related to it by the result of my stupid
confidence about the burnt manuscript; one almost begrudges it the
truth. Look at Grant Allen, a strong and clever man, who stated a
while ago in the _Athenæum_ in a paragraph, 'The worm will turn,'
that he had been asked to write something personal, that he threw his
whole soul and religion into a book, and that when he gave it to
his publisher he besought him to destroy it, or 'no one would ever
read one of his books again.' It is the same with me; but I have one
advantage; I want _nothing_ of the public except what it accords to
me freely and out of its own courteous sympathy, and I do want it to
understand its departed hero--therefore I sacrifice myself for the
public good.
"I think that the World, if a man speaks its own shibboleth, if
he wears its last new-fashioned coat in the Park, has no right to
complain if he does not show it the colour of the singlet that he
wears next to his skin, or the talisman that he wears round his neck,
which his wife happens to see, because she helps him to dress and
undress.
"Richard was so beautifully reserved, such a past master in concealing
his real thoughts and feelings, whilst talking most freely, so as
never to hurt his surroundings by letting them imagine that he did not
trust them with everything. I used to tell him that he was like the
'Man with the Iron Mask.' He did not see what right any one had to
know anything, except what he just absolutely chose them to know.
"I feel with Walt Whitman:--
'I think I could turn and live with animals, they are so placid
and self-contained.
I stand and look at them long and long.
They do not sweat and whine about their condition;
They do not lie awake in the dark and weep for their sins;
They do not make me sick discussing their duty to God;
Not one is dissatisfied, not one is demented with the mania of
owning things.'
"I am by no means going to tell you that his Catholicity was a
life-long, fixed, and steady thing, like mine. It was not. He had
long and wild fits of Eastern Mysticism, but not the Agnosticism
that I have seen in England since my widowhood. It was the mysticism
of the East--Sufiism. Periodically he had equal Catholic fits, and
practised it, hiding it sometimes even from me, though I knew it. In
every place we lived in, except Trieste, he had a priest from whom he
took lessons, but even this stopped, after he had resident doctors
and could not go out by himself. From Trieste he used formerly to go
to Gorizia, two hours express inland, and other towns. He was worse
than ever _in talk_ the three last years, but the things that he said
were so innocent and so witty that I was often compelled to laugh or
to go away and laugh. Still, as I saw his health declining I grew
frightfully anxious, nay agonized, and in 1888, two years before he
died, I made a general appeal for prayers in our Church, which he saw
and kept a copy of in a drawer."
* * * * *
[Sidenote: _Religion_.]
There are three people in the world who might possibly be able to
write sections of his life. Most of his intimate friends are dead,
but there are still a few left. One would describe him as a Deist,
one as an Agnostic, and one as an Atheist and Freethinker, but I can
only describe the Richard that I knew, not the Richard that they
knew. I, his wife, who lived with him day and night for thirty years,
believed him to be half-Sufi, half-Catholic, or I prefer to say (as
nearer the truth) alternately Sufi and Catholic, because I did not in
the least count all his wild talk at table or in Society, nor what he
wrote; I minded only what he _thought_ and what he _did_, and this is
why I cannot truthfully join in the general opinion. He was like the
Druzes, who adopt the national religion for peace' sake; but they have
their own private religion all the same. I can distinctly remember a
speech which he made in London--I believe it was in 1865, I think at
the Anthropological--in which he said, "My religious opinions are of
no importance to anybody but myself; _no one_ knows what my religious
views are. I object to confessions, and I will _not_ confess. My
standpoint is, and I hope ever will be, 'The Truth' as far as it is
in me, but known only to myself." This was a public statement, and
_might_ silence those who jabber upon things of which they are entirely
ignorant.
How beautiful and how sad a mentor is friendship! A noble character
must contain three qualities to contend with this one great element
of our lives--a sincere, staunch, loyal heart, philosophy, and
discernment. The World is a kind, pleasant place to live in, whatever
cynics may say. Be in trouble, and you must wonder at the innumerable
kind hearts who will call and write, and offer every assistance and
consolation in their power. This will not prevent your nearest and
dearest relative from snubbing you if you want anything; nor that
friend to whom you clung with all your soul, as to a rock, failing you
just at the crisis of your life when you most counted upon his support.
Then you must call in your philosophy. Again, if a cloud comes over
you, how many will disappear, and reappear again as soon as the world
has decided in your favour, to join in the applause. Do not blame the
weaklings, but your own discernment; they do not want to hurt you, but
they hold themselves ready to go on the popular side, whichever way it
turns. And why should they not? It is not because they dislike you, but
because they fear others more than they love you. In sensitive youth
these facts make our misery; but we should learn to rejoice in our
riper years when a weak, uncertain friend falls away. Carry the true
gold about your own strong heart, and shake off the dross, which is but
the superfluous ballast which clogs and impedes the ship's free sailing.
Now, I ask, who is unjust enough, inhuman enough, to grudge me this
last consolation? From 1842 to 1890, for forty-eight years, he was
before the public; he had a strong band of friends, a strong band
of admirers; but the world at large, and notably England, never
understood him because he was so above his time, and the larger part
did not know how to appreciate him. Who from 1856 to 1859 kept him so
supplied with daily written journals of news, of daily cuttings from
the newspapers, that when he returned, people said to him, "How come
you so well informed of all that has been passing, just as if you had
never been away, and you living beyond the pale of civilization?" "Ah,
how?" he said. By many mails he never received a line from any one but
me. Who cheered him on in danger, toil, and heart-breaking sickness?
Who, when he came back from Tanganyika (Africa) in 1859, coldly looked
upon by the Government, bullied by the India House, rejected by the
Geographical Society, almost tabooed by Society on account of the
machinations of Captain Speke, so that he scarcely had ten friends to
say good-morning to him,--who sought his side to comfort him? I did!
Then we married. Who for thirty years daily attended to his comforts,
watched his going out and coming in, had his slippers, dressing-gown,
and pipe ready for him every evening, sat sick at heart if he was an
hour late, watched all night and till morning if he did not come back?
Who copied and worked for and with him? Who fought for thirty years to
raise his official position all she could, and wept bitter tears over
his being neglected? I did. My only complaint is, that I believe he
would have got infinitely more, if he had asked for things himself,
and not perpetually stuck me forward; but he was too modest, and I had
to obey orders. Who rode or walked at his side through hunger, thirst,
cold, and burning heat, with hardships and privations and danger, in
all his travels? Who nursed him through seven long illnesses, before
his last illness, some lasting two or three months, and never left his
bed-head day or night, and did everything for him? I did! Why, I was
wife, and mother, and comrade, and secretary, and aide-de-camp, and
agent to him; and I was proud, happy, and glad to do it all, and never
tired day or night for thirty years. I would rather have had a crust
and a tent with him, than be a Queen elsewhere. At the moment of his
death I had done all I could for the body, and then I tried to follow
his soul. I _am_ following the soul, and I _shall_ reach it before
long. There we shall nevermore part. Agnostics! "Burnt manuscript"
readers! where were _you_ all then? Hail-fellow-well-met, when the
world went well; running away when it pursed up its stupid lips. And
do any of _you_ pretend or wish to take _him_ away from _me_ in death?
Oh, for shame, for shame! Let him rest where he wanted to rest, and
be silent, or do not boast of your "free country" where a man may not
even be buried where he will; where he may not speak his mind, and tell
the truth. Be ashamed that History may have to say, that the only
honour that England accorded to Richard Burton, having failed to do him
justice in this life, was to bespatter his wife with mud after he was
dead, and could not defend her.
Do not be so hard and prosaic as to suppose that our Dead cannot, in
rare instances, come back and tell us how it is with them.
"He lives and moves, he is not dead,
He does not alter nor grow strange,
His love is still around me shed,
Untouched by time, or chance, or change;
And when he walks beside me, then
As shadows seem all living men."
----MARY MACLEOD.
[Sidenote: _I take my Leave_.]
He said always, "I am gone--pay, pack, and follow."
Reader! I have paid, I have packed, I have suffered. I am waiting to
join his Caravan. I am waiting for a welcome sound--
"THE TINKLING OF HIS CAMEL-BELL."
* * * * *
"THE SELF-EXILED."
"'Now, open the gate, and let her in,
And fling it wide,
For she hath been cleansed from stain of sin,'
St. Peter cried.
And the angels were all silent.
"'Though I am cleansed from stain of sin,'
She answered low,
'I came not hither to enter in,
Nor may I go.'
And the angels were all silent.
* * * * *
"'But I may not enter there,' she said,
'For I must go
Across the gulf, where the guilty dead
Lie in their woe.'
And the angels were all silent.
"'If I enter heaven, I may not speak
My soul's desire,
For them that are lying distraught and weak
In flaming fire.'
And the angels were all silent.
"St. Peter he turned the keys about,
And answered grim:
'Can you love the Lord, and abide without
Afar from Him?'
And the angels were all silent.
"'Should I be nearer Christ,' she said
'By pitying less
The sinful living, or woeful dead,
In their helplessness?'
And the angels were all silent.
"'Should I be liker Christ, were I
To love no more
The loved, who in their anguish lie
Outside the door?'
And the angels were all silent.
* * * * *
"'Did He not hang on the cursed tree,
And bear its shame,
And clasp to His heart, for love of me,
My guilt and blame?'
And the angels were all silent.
"'Should I be liker, nearer Him,
Forgetting this,
Singing all day with the Seraphim,
In selfish bliss?'
And the angels were all silent.
"The Lord Himself stood by the gate
And heard her speak
Those tender words compassionate,
Gentle and meek.
And the angels were all silent.
"Now, pity is the touch of God
In human hearts,
And from that way He ever trod
He ne'er departs.
And the angels were all silent.
"And He said, 'Now will I go with you,
Dear child of Love;
I am weary of all this glory, too.
In heaven above.'
And the angels were all silent.
"'We will go and seek and save the lost,
If they will hear.
They who are worst but need Me most;
And all are dear.'
And the angels were all silent."
----WALTER C. SMITH, _Hilda among the Brother Gods_.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: _Good-bye_.]
[Illustration: Isabel Burton
"I beg of you, I beg of you, my brother,
For an alms this very day;
I am standing at your doorstep as a _Beggar_,
Who will not be turned away;
And the charity you give my soul shall be--Pray for me!"]
[1] This is a work of Arabian erotology--the Arab art of love--and
would have been brought out with the same privacy and a limited number,
and at a prohibitive price, like the "Arabian Nights," so that the
general public have sustained no loss, and the penny-a-liner would
never have seen it.--I. B.
[2] "I was told lately that a 'Scented Garden,' from a mild French
translation, is being sold and passed off to the uneducated, not to
scholars, as Burton's 'Scented Garden,' under the false plea that I
carried away with me from Trieste a copy of it. I now state upon my
oath, that there were but two copies of Richard Burton's 'Scented
Garden;' one was his own original, and one a clean copy; that I burnt
them both, and that no other copy was made from them, on the solemn
written declaration of the copyist, and I warn the world against buying
a spurious article. I also was told that people talk about bringing
out works in collaboration with my husband. There is only one genuine
collaboration, and that will appear in time; that is Catullus; Richard
Burton's poetry, Mr. Leonard Smithers' prose. Richard, to save me, used
to pretend to his men-friends that I knew nothing of these works, and
people who want notoriety pretend that they were collaborating with
him, thinking they can do so _now_ with impunity. Richard _did_ tell
me everything, although he did not allow me to read the works; but
now that he has left me his literary executrix I find it necessary to
say that I _do_ know my own business, that I warn people from taking
liberties with my husband's name and my property to sell spurious
literature. About six weeks before Richard died (not because he
contemplated his death, but because we were going away for four months
to Greece and Constantinople, which would leave us very little time on
our return for the actual exodus on the following July 1st) we took,
a week together, in the early morning, a list of all the manuscripts,
published and unpublished, and their destinations when packed up for
England. Hence, when I was offered assistance in the sorting and
arrangements from numbers of people after his death, I replied, That
I did not want help, because I knew them "as a shepherd knows his
sheep"--hence a few bitter enemies. The so-called collaborations are
all in my husband's handwriting, and I have them, or rather I keep all
my literary treasures in a bank for safety, and take them out piecemeal
as I need them. Three of his diaries have indeed been abstracted
since his death, 1859, 1860, and 1861, but fortunately they are not
the _private_ ones, which were always kept under lock and key, but
those containing public remarks, memoranda, and so on, which were left
about. Numbers of our best books have also disappeared, notably an old
Shakespeare of twelve vols., which he charged me never to part with.
Of course it is impossible to say where they may have been lost during
a period of seventeen months; I only got them housed March, 1892; only
after I am dead let no one exhibit them as 'gifts from my intimate
friend and fellow-worker, Richard Burton.' There is also missing £200
worth of scrip shares in African mines."
[3] "Mr. Hitchman returned all these writings to Richard, who wanted to
use them for his own autobiography, which he was to begin in 1891, and
I have them now for his biography."
APPENDIX A.
LIST OF CAPTAIN SIR RICHARD F. BURTON'S WORKS.
A Grammar of the Játaki or Belochi Dialect. Bombay Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society, India. 1849.
Grammar of the Mooltanee Language. India, 1849.
Critical Remarks on Dr. Dorn's Chrestomathy of Pushtoo or Afghan
Dialect. India, 1849.
Reports to Bombay: (1) General Notes on Sind; (2) Notes on the
Population of Sind. Printed in the Government records.
Goa and the Blue Mountains. 1851.
Scinde; or, the Unhappy Valley. 2 vols. 1851.
Sindh, and the Races that inhabit the Valley of the Indus. 1851.
Falconry in the Valley of the Indus. 1852.
A Complete System of Bayonet Exercise. 1853.
Pilgrimage to Mecca and El-Medinah. 3 vols. 1855.
First Footsteps in East Africa. 1856.
Lake Regions of Equatorial Africa. 2 vols. 1860.
The whole of Vol. XXXIII. of the Royal Geographical Society. 1860.
The City of the Saints (Mormon). 1861.
Wanderings in West Africa. 2 vols. 1863.
Abeokuta and the Cameroons. 2 vols. 1863.
The Nile Basin. 1864.
A Mission to the King of Dahomé. 2 vols. 1864.
Wit and Wisdom from West Africa. 1864.
The Highlands of the Brazil. 2 vols. 1869.
Vikram and the Vampire. Hindú Tales. 1870.
Marcy's Prairie Traveller. Notes by R. F. Burton. _Anthropological
Review_, 1864.
Psychic Facts. Stone Talk, by F. Baker. 1865.
Paraguay. 1870.
Proverba Communia Syriaca. Royal Asiatic Society. 1871.
Zanzibar: City, Island, and Coast. 2 vols. 1872.
Unexplored Syria. Richard and Isabel Burton. 2 vols. 1872.
The Lands of the Cazembe, and a small pamphlet of Supplementary papers.
Royal Geographical Society. 1873.
The Captivity of Hans Stadt. Hakluyt Society. 1874.
Articles on Rome. Two Papers. _Macmillan's Magazine_, 1874-5.
The Castellieri of Istria: a Pamphlet. Anthropological Society. 1874.
Gerber's Province of Minas Geraes. Translated and annotated by R. F.
Burton. Royal Geographical Society. 1874.
New System of Sword Exercise: a Manual. 1875.
Ultima Thule: a Summer in Iceland. 2 vols. 1875.
Gorilla Land; or, the Cataracts of the Congo. 2 vols. 1875.
The Long Wall of Salona, and the Ruined Cities of Pharia and Gelsa di
Lesina: a Pamphlet. Anthropological Society. 1875.
The Port of Trieste, Ancient and Modern. _Journal of the Society of
Arts_, October 29th and November 5th, 1875.
Etruscan Bologna. 1876.
Sind Revisited. 1877.
The Gold Mines of Midian, and the Ruined Midianite Cities. 1878.
The Land of Midian (Revisited). 2 vols. 1879.
The Kasîdah.
Camoens. 6 vols. of 10. First publication. 1880.
--I. The Lusiads. Englished by R. F. Burton. Edited by his wife,
Isabel Burton. 2 vols.
--II. The Commentary, Life, and Lusiads. R. F. Burton. 2 vols.,
containing a Glossary, and Reviewers reviewed by Isabel Burton.
--III. The Lyrics of Camoens. 2 vols. R. F. Burton.
A Glance at the Passion Play. 1881. 8vo.
To the Gold Coast for Gold. 2 vols. 1883.
The Book of the Sword. 1 large vol. of 3. By R. F. Burton, Maître
d'Armes. 1884.
Iraçema, or Honey Lips; and Manoel de Moraes, the Convert. Translated
from the Brazilian by Richard and Isabel Burton. 1 vol. 1886.
Arabian Nights. Printed by private subscription, 1885-8. 1000 sets of
10 vols., followed by 1000 sets of 6 Supplementary vols. (Lady Burton's
Edition).
Besides which, Sir Richard Burton has written extensively for _Fraser,
Blackwood,_ and a host of Magazines, Pamphlets, and Periodicals; has
lectured in many lands: has largely contributed to the newspaper Press
in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America (both North and South), to say
nothing of poetry and anonymous writings.
LIST OF LADY BURTON'S BOOKS.
Inner Life of Syria. 2 vols. 1875.
A. E. I. (Arabia, Egypt, and India). 1879.
LIST OF SIR RICHARD BURTON'S _UNPUBLISHED_ WORKS.
Uruguay. Translated from Brazilian author by Richard and Isabel Burton.
Ladislas Magyar's African Travels. )
Pentamerone. ) These are quite complete.
A book on the Jews. )
Catullus. (Almost complete.)
In a semi-state of completion, or only materials and notes, are--
More Notes on Paraguay.
Personal Experiences in Syria.
Lowlands of Brazil.
North America.
South America.
Central America.
A book on Istria--More Castellieri.
Materials for four more books of Camoens.
Materials towards another book on the Sword.
Materials for a book of Greek Proverbs (Greek Anthology).
Materials towards a book on the Gypsies.
Ditto Slavonic Proverbs.
Ditto Dr. Wetstein's Haurán.
Ditto Apuleius, or the Golden Ass.
Ditto Ausonius (Epigrams).
The Uniform Library will bring out a cheap edition for the people,
first, of all his hitherto published works, to which will gradually be
added his unpublished works as fast as they can be produced, that the
British Public may be made familiar with all that he has written.
This Life will be followed by 2 vols, collecting all his Pamphlets,
Essays, Correspondence with the Press, Letters, and the pith of the
work he has endeavoured to do for the benefit of the human race during
his seventy years; and this will occupy me another year, or, let us
say, two whole years, and will be called "The Labours and Wisdom of
Richard Burton."
APPENDIX B.
NOTES ON "THE KASÎDAH."
"NOTE I.--HÂJÎ ABDÛ, THE MAN.
"Hâjî Abdû has been known to me for more years than I care to record.
A native, it is believed, of Darâbghird in the Yezd Province, he
always preferred to style himself El-Hichmakâni, a facetious 'lackab'
or surname, meaning 'Of No-hall, Nowhere.' He had travelled far and
wide with his eyes open; as appears by his 'couplets.' To a natural
facility, a knack of language-learning, he added a store of desultory
various reading; scraps of Chinese and old Egyptian; of Hebrew and
Syriac; of Sanskrit and Prakrit; of Slav, especially Lithuanian; of
Latin and Greek, including Romaic; of Berber, the Nubian dialect, and
of Zend and Akkadian, besides Persian, his mother-tongue, and Arabic,
the classic of the schools. Nor was he ignorant of 'the -ologies' and
the triumphs of modern scientific discovery. Briefly, his memory was
well stored; and he had every talent save that of using his talents.
"But no one thought that he 'woo'd the Muse,' to speak in the style of
the last century. Even his intimates were ignorant of the fact that he
had a skeleton in his cupboard, his Kasîdah or distichs. He confided
to me his secret, and when so doing he held in hand the long and hoary
honours of his chin with the points towards me, as if to say with the
Island-King--
'There is a touch of Winter in my beard,
A sign the Gods will guard me from imprudence.'
And yet the piercing eye, clear as an onyx, seemed to protest against
the plea of age. The MS. was in the vilest 'Shikastah' or running-hand;
and, as I carried it off, the writer declined to take the trouble of
copying out his cacograph.
"We, his old friends, had long addressed Hâjî Abdû by the sobriquet of
_Nabbianâ_ ('our Prophet'); and the reader will see that the Pilgrim
has, or believes he has, a message to deliver. He evidently aspires
to preach a Faith of his own; an Eastern Version of Humanitarianism
blended with the sceptical or, as we now say, the scientific habit of
mind. This religion, of which Fetishism, Hinduism, and Heathendom,
Judaism, Christianity, and Islamism, are mere fractions, may, methinks,
be accepted by the Philosopher: it worships with single-minded
devotion the Holy Cause of Truth, of Truth for its own sake, not for
the goods it may bring; and this belief is equally acceptable to honest
ignorance, and to the highest attainments in nature-study.
"With Confucius the Hâjî cultivates what Strauss has called the 'stern
common sense of mankind;' while the reign of order is a paragraph
of his 'Higher Law.' He traces from its rudest beginnings the all
but absolute universality of some perception by man, called 'Faith;'
that _sensus Numinis_ which, by inheritance or communication, is now
universal except in those who force themselves to oppose it. And he
evidently holds this general consent of mankind to be so far divine
that it primarily discovered for itself, if it did not create, a
divinity. He does not cry with the Christ of Novalis, 'Children, you
have no father;' and perhaps he would join Renan in exclaiming, _Un
monde sans Dieu est horrible!_
"But he recognizes the incompatibility of the Infinite with the
Definite; of a Being who loves, who thinks, who hates; of an _Actus
purus_ who is called jealous, wrathful, and revengeful, with an
'Eternal that makes for righteousness.' In the presence of the endless
contradictions, which spring from the idea of a Personal Deity, with
the Synthesis, the _Begriff_ of Providence, our Agnostic takes refuge
in the sentiment of an unknown and an unknowable. He objects to the
countless variety of forms assumed by the perception of a _Causa
Causans_ (a misnomer), and to that intellectual adoption of general
propositions, capable of distinct statement but incapable of proofs,
which we term Belief.
"He looks with impartial eye upon the endless variety of systems,
maintained with equal confidence and self-sufficiency, by men of
equal ability and honesty. He is weary of wandering over the world,
and of finding every petty race wedded to its own opinions; claiming
the monopoly of Truth; holding all others to be in error, and raising
disputes whose violence, acerbity, and virulence are in inverse ratio
to the importance of the disputed matter. A peculiarly active and acute
observation taught him that many of these jarring families, especially
those of the same blood, are par in the intellectual processes of
perception and reflection; that in the business of the visible working
world they are confessedly by no means superior to one another; whereas
in abstruse matters of mere Faith, not admitting direct and sensual
evidence, one in a hundred will claim to be right, and immodestly
charge the other ninety-nine with being wrong.
"Thus he seeks to discover a system which will prove them all right,
and all wrong; which will reconcile their differences; will unite
past creeds; will account for the present, and will anticipate the
future with a continuous and uninterrupted development; this, too,
by a process, not negative and distinctive, but, on the contrary,
intensely positive and constructive. I am not called upon to sit in
the seat of judgment; but I may say that it would be singular if the
attempt succeeded. Such a system would be all-comprehensive, because
not limited by space, time, or race; its principle would be extensive
as Matter itself, and, consequently, eternal. Meanwhile he satisfies
himself,--the main point.
"Students of metaphysics have of late years defined the abuse
of their science as 'the morphology of common opinion.'
Contemporary investigators, they say, have been too much
occupied with introspection; their labours have become merely
physiologico-biographical, and they have greatly neglected the study of
averages. For, says La Rochefoucauld, _Il est plus aisé de connoître
l'homme en général que de connoître un homme en particulier_; and on so
wide a subject all views must be one-sided.
"But this is not the fashion of Easterns. They have still to treat
great questions _ex analogiâ universi_, instead of _ex analogiâ
hominis_. They must learn the basis of sociology, the philosophic
conviction that mankind should be studied, not as a congeries of
individuals, but as an organic whole. Hence the _Zeitgeist_, or
historical evolution of the collective consciousness of the age,
despises the obsolete opinion that Society, the State, is bound by the
same moral duties as the simple citizen. Hence, too, it holds that the
'spirit of man, being of equal and uniform substance, doth usually
suppose and feign in nature a greater equality and uniformity than is
in Truth.'
"Christianity and Islamism have been on their trial for the last
eighteen and twelve centuries. They have been ardent in proselytizing,
yet they embrace only one-tenth and one-twentieth of the human race.
Hâjî Abdû would account for the tardy and unsatisfactory progress of
what their votaries call 'pure truths,' by the innate imperfections
of the same. Both propose a reward for mere belief, and a penalty
for simple unbelief; rewards and punishments being, by the way,
very disproportionate. Thus they reduce everything to the scale of
a somewhat unrefined egotism; and their demoralizing effects become
clearer to every progressive age.
"Hâjî Abdû seeks Truth only, truth as far as man, in the present phase
of his development, is able to comprehend it. He disdains to associate
utility, like Bacon ('Nov. Org.' I. Aph. 124), the High Priest of the
English Creed, _les gros bon sens_, with the _lumen siccum ac purum
notionum verarum_. He seems to see the injury inflicted upon the sum
of thought by the _à posteriori_ superstition, the worship of 'facts,'
and the deification of synthesis. Lastly, came the reckless way in
which Locke 'freed philosophy from the incubus of innate ideas.' Like
Luther and the leaders of the great French Revolution, he broke with
the Past; and he threw overboard the whole cargo of human tradition.
The result has been an immense movement of the mind which we love to
call Progress, when it has often been retrograde; together with a
mighty development of egotism resulting from the pampered sentiment of
personality.
"The Hâjî regrets the excessive importance attached to a possible
future state: he looks upon this as a psychical stimulant, a daydream,
whose revulsion and reaction disorder waking life. The condition may
appear humble and prosaic to those exalted by the fumes of Fancy, by a
spiritual dram-drinking which, like the physical, is the pursuit of an
ideal happiness. But he is too wise to affirm or to deny the existence
of another world. For life beyond the grave there is no consensus of
mankind, no Catholic opinion held _semper, et ubique, et ab omnibus_.
The intellectual faculties (perception and reflection) are mute upon
the subject: they bear no testimony to facts; they show no proof. Even
the instinctive sense of our kind is here dumb. We may believe what
we are taught: we can know nothing. He would, therefore, cultivate
that receptive mood which, marching under the shadow of mighty events,
leads to the highest of goals,--the development of Humanity. With him
suspension of judgment is a system.
"Man has done much during the sixty-eight centuries which represent
his history. This assumes the first Egyptian Empire, following the
prehistoric, to begin with B.C. 5000, and to end with B.C. 3249. It was
the Old, as opposed to the Middle, the New, and the Low: it contained
the Dynasties from I. to X., and it was the age of the Pyramids, at
once simple, solid, and grand. When the praiser of the Past contends
that modern civilization has improved in nothing upon Homer and
Herodotus, he is apt to forget that every schoolboy is a miracle of
learning compared with the Cave-man and the palæolithic race. And, as
the Past has been, so shall the Future be.
"The Pilgrim's view of life is that of the Soofi, with the usual dash
of Buddhistic pessimism. The profound sorrow of existence, so often
sung by the dreamy Eastern poet, has now passed into the practical
European mind. Even the light Frenchman murmurs--
'Moi, moi, chaque jour courbant plus bas ma tête
Je passe--et refroidi sous ce soleil joyeux,
Je m'en irai bientôt, au milieu de la fête,
Sans que rien manque au monde immense et radieux.'
But our Hâjî is not Nihilistic in the 'no-nothing' sense of Hood's
poem, or, as the American phrases it, 'There is nothing new, nothing
true, and it don't signify.' His is a healthy wail over the shortness
and the miseries of life, because he finds all created things--
'Measure the world, with "Me" immense.'
"He reminds us of St. Augustine ('Med.' c. 21). 'Vita hæc, vita misera,
vita caduca, vita incerta, vita laboriosa, vita immunda, vita domina
malorum, regina superborum, plena miseriis et erroribus.... Quam
humores tumidant, escæ inflant, jejunia macerant, joci dissolvunt,
tristitiæ consumunt; sollicitudo coarctat, securitas hebetat, divitiæ
inflant et jactant. Paupertas dejicit, juventus extollit, senectus
incurvat, importunitas frangit, mæror deprimit. Et his malis omnibus
mors furibunda succedit.' But for _furibunda_ the Pilgrim would,
perhaps, read _benedicta_.
"With Cardinal Newman, one of the glories of our age, Hâjî Abdû finds
'the Light of the world nothing else than the Prophet's scroll, full
of lamentations and mourning and woe.' I cannot refrain from quoting
all this fine passage, if it be only for the sake of its lame and
shallow deduction. 'To consider the world in its length and breadth,
its various history and the many races of men, their starts, their
fortunes, their mutual alienation, their conflicts, and then their
ways, habits, governments, forms of worship; their enterprises, their
aimless courses, their random achievements and acquirements, the
impotent conclusion of long-standing facts, the tokens so faint and
broken of a superintending design, the blind evolution (!) of what
turn out to be great powers or truths, the progress of things as if
from unreasoning elements, not towards final causes; the greatness
and littleness of man, his far-reaching aims and short duration, the
curtain hung over his futurity, the disappointments of life, the
defeat of good, the success of evil, physical pain, mental anguish,
the prevalence and intensity of sin, the pervading idolatries, the
corruptions, the dreary hopeless irreligion, that condition of the
whole race so fearfully yet exactly described in the Apostle's words,
"having no hope and without God in the world"--_all this is a vision
to dizzy and appal, and inflicts upon the mind the sense of a profound
mystery which is absolutely without human solution_.' Hence that
admirable writer postulates some 'terrible original calamity;' and thus
the hateful doctrine, theologically called 'original sin,' becomes to
him almost as certain as that 'the world exists, and as the existence
of God.' Similarly the 'Schedule of Doctrines' of the most liberal
Christian Church insists upon human depravity, and the 'absolute need
of the Holy Spirit's agency in man's regeneration and sanctification.'
"But what have we here? The 'original calamity' was either caused by
God or arose without leave of God, in either case degrading God to man.
It is the old dilemma whose horns are the irreconcilable attributes of
goodness and omniscience in the supposed Creator of sin and suffering.
If the one quality be predicable, the other cannot be predicable of
the same subject. Far better and wiser is the essayist's poetical
explanation, now apparently despised because it was the fashionable
doctrine of the sage bard's day--
'All nature is but art . . .
All discord harmony not understood;
All partial evil universal good.'
----(Essay, 289-292.)
The Pilgrim holds with St. Augustine Absolute Evil is impossible
because it is always rising up into good. He considers the theory of a
beneficent or maleficent deity a purely sentimental fancy, contradicted
by human reason and the aspect of the world. Evil is often the active
form of good; as F. W. Newman says, 'so likewise is Evil the revelation
of Good.' With him all existences are equal: so long as they possess
the Hindú Agasa, Life-fluid or vital force, it matters not they be
'Fungus or oak or worm or man.'
War, he says, brings about countless individual miseries, but it
forwards general progress by raising the stronger upon the ruins of
the weaker races. Earthquakes and cyclones ravage small areas; but the
former builds up earth for man's habitation, and the latter renders the
atmosphere fit for him to breathe. Hence he echoes--
'--The universal Cause
Acts not by partial but by general laws.'
Ancillary to the churchman's immoral view of 'original sin' is the
unscientific theory that evil came into the world with Adam and his
seed. Let us ask what was the state of our globe in the pre-Adamite
days, when the tyrants of the Earth, the huge Saurians and other
monsters lived in perpetual strife, in a destructiveness of which we
have now only the feeblest examples? What is the actual state of the
world of waters, where the only object of life is death, where the Law
of murder is the Law of Development?
"Some will charge the Hâjî with irreverence, and hold him a 'lieutenant
of Satan who sits in the chair of pestilence.' But he is not
intentionally irreverent. Like men of far higher strain, who deny
divinely the divine, he speaks the things that others think and hide.
With the author of 'Supernatural Religion,' he holds that we 'gain
infinitely more than we lose in abandoning belief in the reality of
revelation;' and he looks forward to the day when 'the old tyranny
shall have been broken, and when the anarchy of transition shall
have passed away.' But he is an Eastern. When he repeats the Greek's
'Remember not to believe,' he means, Strive to learn, to know, for
right ideas lead to right actions. Among the couplets not translated
for this eclogue is--
'Of all the safest ways of Life the safest way is still to doubt;
Men win the future world with Faith, the present world they win
without.'
This is the Spaniard's--
'De las cosas mas seguras, mas seguro es duvidar;'
a typically modern sentiment of the Brazen Age of Science following the
Golden Age of Sentiment. But the Pilgrim continues--
'The sages say: I tell thee no! with equal faith all Faiths receive;
None more, none less, for Doubt is Death: they live the most who most
believe.'
"Here, again, is an Oriental subtlety; a man who believes in everything
equally and generally may be said to believe in nothing. It is not a
simple European view which makes honest Doubt worth a dozen of the
Creeds. And it is in direct opposition to the noted writer who holds
that the man of simple faith is worth ninety-nine of those who hold
only to the egotistic interests of their own individuality. This dark
saying means (if it mean anything), that the so-called moral faculties
of man, fancy and ideality, must lord it over the perceptive and
reflective powers,--a simple absurdity! It produced a Turricremata,
alias Torquemada, who, shedding floods of honest tears, caused his
victims to be burnt alive; and an Anchieta, the Thaumaturgist of
Brazil, who beheaded a converted heretic lest the latter by lapse from
grace lose his immortal soul.
"But this vein of speculation, which bigots brand as 'Doubt, Denial,
and Destruction;' this earnest religious scepticism; this curious
inquiry, 'Has the universal tradition any base of fact?' this craving
after the secrets and mysteries of the future, the unseen, the unknown,
is common to all races and to every age. Even amongst the Romans, whose
model man in Augustus' day was Horace, the philosophic, the epicurean,
we find Propertius asking--
'An ficta in miseras descendit fabula gentes
Et timor haud ultra quam rogus esse potest?'
"To return: the Pilgrim's doctrines upon the subject of conscience and
repentance will startle those who do not follow his train of thought--
'Never repent because thy will with will of Fate be not at one:
Think, an thou please, before thou dost, but never rue the deed when done.'
This again is his modified fatalism. He would not accept the boisterous
mode of cutting the Gordian-knot proposed by the noble British
Philister--'we know we're free and there's an end on it!' He prefers
Lamarck's, 'The will is, in truth, never free.' He believes man to
be a co-ordinate term of Nature's great progression; a result of
the interaction of organism and environment, working through cosmic
sections of time. He views the human machine, the pipe of flesh, as
depending upon the physical theory of life. Every corporeal fact
and phenomenon which, like the tree, grows from within or without,
is a mere product of organization; living bodies being subject to
the natural law governing the lifeless and the inorganic. Whilst
the religionist assures us that man is not a mere toy of fate, but
a free agent responsible to himself, with work to do and duties to
perform, the Hâjî, with many modern schools, holds Mind to be a word
describing a special operation of matter; the faculties generally to be
manifestations of movements in the central nervous system; and every
idea, even of the Deity, to be a certain little pulsation of a certain
little mass of animal pap,--the brain. Thus he would not object to
relationship with a tailless catarrhine anthropoid ape, descended from
a monad or a primal ascidian.
"Hence he virtually says, 'I came into the world without having
applied for or having obtained permission; nay, more, without my leave
being asked or given. Here I find myself hand-tied by conditions, and
fettered by laws and circumstances, in making which my voice had no
part. While in the womb I was an automaton; and death will find me a
mere machine. Therefore not I, but the Law, or, if you please, the
Lawgiver, is answerable for all my actions.' Let me here observe that
to the Western mind 'Law' postulates a Lawgiver; not so to the Eastern,
and especially to the Soofi, who holds these ideas to be human,
unjustifiably extended to interpreting the non-human, which men call
the Divine.
"Further he would say, 'I am an individual (_qui nil habet dividui_), a
circle touching and intersecting my neighbours at certain points, but
nowhere corresponding, nowhere blending. Physically I am not identical
in all points with other men. Morally I differ from them: in nothing
do the approaches of knowledge, my five organs of sense (with their
Shelleyan "interpenetration"), exactly resemble those of any other
being. _Ergo_, the effect of the world, of life, of natural objects,
will not in my case be the same as with the beings most resembling me.
Thus I claim the right of creating or modifying for my own and private
use, the system which most imports me; and if the reasonable leave be
refused to me, I take it without leave.
"'But my individuality, however all-sufficient for myself, is an
infinitesimal point, an atom subject in all things to the Law of Storms
called Life. I feel, I know that Fate _is_. But I cannot know what
is or what is not fated to befall me. Therefore in the pursuit of
perfection as an individual lies my highest, and indeed my only duty,
the "I" being duly blended with the "We." I object to be a "self-less
man," which to me denotes an inverted moral sense. I am bound to take
careful thought concerning the consequences of every word and deed.
When, however, the Future has become the Past, it would be the merest
vanity for me to grieve or to repent over that which was decreed by
universal Law.'
"The usual objection is that of man's practice. It says, 'This is well
in theory; but how carry it out? For instance, why would you kill,
or give, over to be killed, the man compelled by Fate to kill your
father?' Hâjî Abdû replies, 'I do as others do, not because the murder
was done by him, but because the murderer should not be allowed another
chance of murdering. He is a tiger who has tasted blood and who should
be shot. I am convinced that he was a tool in the hands of Fate, but
that will not prevent my taking measures, whether predestined or not,
in order to prevent his being similarly used again.'
"As with repentance so with conscience. Conscience may be a 'fear which
is the shadow of justice;' even as pity is the shadow of love. Though
simply a geographical and chronological accident, which changes with
every age of the world, it may deter men from seeking and securing the
prize of successful villany. But this incentive to beneficence must be
applied to actions that will be done, not to deeds that have been done.
"The Hâjî, moreover, carefully distinguishes between the working of
fate under a personal God, and under the Reign of Law. In the former
case the contradiction between the foreknowledge of a Creator, and
the free-will of a Creature, is direct, palpable, absolute. We might
as well talk of black-whiteness and of white-blackness. A hundred
generations of divines have never been able to ree the riddle; a
million will fail. The difficulty is insurmountable to the Theist
whose Almighty is perforce Omniscient, and as Omniscient, Prescient.
But it disappears when we convert the Person into Law, or a settled
order of events; subject, moreover, to certain exceptions fixed and
immutable, but at present unknown to man. The difference is essential
as that between the penal code with its narrow forbiddal, and the broad
commandment which is a guide rather than a taskmaster.
"Thus, too, the belief in fixed Law, _versus_ arbitrary will, modifies
the Hâjî's opinions concerning the pursuit of happiness. Mankind, _das
rastlose Ursachenthier_, is born to be on the whole equally happy and
miserable. The highest organisms, the fine porcelain of our family,
enjoy the most and suffer the most: they have a capacity for rising to
the empyrean of pleasure and for plunging deep into the swift-flowing
river of woe and pain. Thus Dante ('Inf.' vi. 106)--
'--tua scienza
Che vuol, quanto la cosa è più perfetta
Più senta 'l bene, e cosi la doglienza.'
So Buddhism declares that existence in itself implies effort, pain, and
sorrow; and, the higher the creature, the more it suffers. The common
clay enjoys little and suffers little. Sum up the whole and distribute
the mass; the result will be an average; and the beggar is, on the
whole, happy as the prince. Why, then, asks the objector, does man ever
strive and struggle to change, to rise; a struggle which involves the
idea of improving his condition? The Hâjî answers, 'Because such is the
Law under which man is born: it may be fierce as famine, cruel as the
grave, but man must obey it with blind obedience.' He does not enter
into the question whether life is worth living, whether man should
elect to be born. Yet his Eastern pessimism, which contrasts so sharply
with the optimism of the West, re-echoes the lines--
'--a life,
With large results so little rife,
Though bearable seems hardly worth
This pomp of words, this pain of birth.'
"Life, whatever may be its consequence, is built upon a basis of
sorrow. Literature, the voice of humanity, and the verdict of mankind
proclaim that all existence is a state of sadness. The 'physicians of
the Soul' would save her melancholy from degenerating into despair by
doses of steadfast belief in the presence of God, in the assurance of
Immortality, and in visions of the final victory of good. Were Hâjî
Abdû a mere Theologist, he would add that Sin, not the possibility of
revolt, but the revolt itself against conscience, is the primary form
of evil, because it produces error, moral and intellectual. This man,
who omits to read the Conscience-law, however it may differ from the
Society-law, is guilty of negligence. That man, who obscures the light
of Nature with sophistries, becomes incapable of discerning his own
truths. In both cases error, deliberately adopted, is succeeded by
suffering which, we are told, comes in justice and benevolence as a
warning, a remedy, and a chastisement.
"But the Pilgrim is dissatisfied with the idea that evil originates
in the individual actions of free agents, ourselves and others. This
doctrine fails to account for its characteristics,--essentiality and
universality. That creatures endowed with the mere possibility of
liberty should not always choose the Good appears natural. But that of
the milliards of human beings who have inhabited Earth, not one should
have been found invariably to choose Good, proves how insufficient is
the solution. Hence no one believes in the existence of the complete
man under the present state of things. The Hâjî rejects all popular
and mythical explanation by the Fall of 'Adam,' the innate depravity
of human nature, and the absolute perfection of certain Incarnations,
which argues their divinity. He can only wail over the prevalence of
evil, assume its foundation to be error, and purpose to abate it by
uprooting that Ignorance which bears and feeds it.
"His 'eschatology,' like that of the Soofis generally, is vague and
shadowy. He may lean towards the doctrine of Marc Aurelius, 'The unripe
grape, the ripe and the dried: all things are changes not into nothing,
but into that which is not at present.' This is one of the _monstruosa
opinionum portenta_ mentioned by the Nineteenth General Council,
alias the First Council of the Vatican. But he only accepts it with a
limitation. He cleaves to the ethical, not the intellectual, worship of
'Nature,' which moderns define to be an 'unscientific and imaginary
synonym for the sum total of observed phenomena.' Consequently he
holds to the 'dark and degrading doctrines of the Materialist,' the
'_Hylotheist_;' in opposition to the spiritualist, a distinction far
more marked in the West than in the East. Europe draws a hard, dry line
between Spirit and Matter: Asia does not.
"Among us the Idealist objects to the Materialists that the latter
cannot agree upon fundamental points; that they cannot define what is
an atom; that they cannot account for the transformation of physical
action and molecular motion into consciousness; and _vice versâ_, that
they cannot say what matter is; and, lastly, that Berkeley and his
school have proved the existence of spirit while denying that of matter.
"The Materialists reply that the want of agreement shows only a study
insufficiently advanced; that man cannot describe an atom, because he
is still an infant in science, yet there is no reason why his mature
manhood should not pass through error and incapacity to truth and
knowledge; that consciousness becomes a property of matter when certain
conditions are present; that Hyle (ὔλη) or Matter may be provisionally
defined as 'phenomena with a substructure of their own, transcendental
and eternal, subject to the action, direct or indirect, of the five
senses, whilst its properties present themselves in three states,
the solid, the liquid, and the gaseous.' To casuistical Berkeley
they prefer the common sense of mankind. They ask the idealist and
the spiritualist why they cannot find names for themselves without
borrowing from a 'dark and degraded' school; why the former must
call himself after his eye (_idein_); the latter after his breath
(_spiritus_)? Thus the Hâjî twits them with affixing their own
limitations to their own Almighty Power, and, as Socrates said, with
bringing down Heaven to the market-place.
"Modern thought tends more and more to reject crude idealism and to
support the monistic theory, the double aspect, the transfigured
realism. It discusses the Nature of Things in Themselves. To the
question, is there anything outside of us which corresponds with our
sensations? that is to say, is the whole world simply 'I,' they reply
that obviously there is a something else; and that this something else
produces the brain-disturbance which is called sensation. Instinct
orders us to do something; Reason (the balance of faculties) directs;
and the strongest motive controls. Modern Science, by the discovery
of Radiant Matter, a fourth condition, seems to conciliate the two
schools. 'La découverte d'un quatrième état de la matière,' says a
Reviewer, 'c'est la porte ouverte à l'infini de ses transformations;
c'est l'homme invisible et impalpable de même possible sans cesser
d'être substantiel; c'est le monde des esprits entrant sans absurdité
dans la domaine des hypothèses scientifiques; c'est la possibilité
pour le matérialiste de croire à la vie d'outre tombe, sans renoncer
au substratum matériel qu'il croit nécessaire au maintien de
l'individualité.'
"With Hâjî Abdû the soul is not material, for that would be a
contradiction of terms. He regards it, with many moderns, as a state
of things, not a thing; a convenient word denoting the sense of
personality, of individual identity. In its ghostly signification he
discovers an artificial dogma which could hardly belong to the brutal
savages of the Stone Age. He finds it in the funereal books of ancient
Egypt, whence probably it passed to the Zendavesta and the Vedas. In
the Hebrew Pentateuch, of which part is still attributed to Moses, it
is unknown, or, rather, it is deliberately ignored by the author or
authors. The early Christians could not agree upon the subject; Origen
advocated the pre-existence of men's souls, supposing them to have been
all created at one time and successively embodied. Others make Spirit
born with the hour of birth: and so forth.
"But the brain-action, or, if you so phrase it, the mind, is not
confined to the reasoning faculties; nor can we afford to ignore
the sentiments, the affections which are, perhaps, the most potent
realities of life. Their loud affirmative voice contrasts strongly with
the titubant accents of the intellect. They seem to demand a future
life, even a state of rewards and punishments from the Maker of the
world, the _Ortolano Eterno_,[1] the Potter of the East, the Watchmaker
of the West. They protest against the idea of annihilation. They revolt
at the notion of eternal parting from parents, kinsmen, and friends.
Yet the dogma of a future life is by no means catholic and universal.
The Anglo-European race apparently cannot exist without it, and we
have lately heard of the 'Aryan Soul-land.' On the other hand, many of
the Buddhist and even the Brahman Schools preach Nirwâna (comparative
non-existence) and Parinirwâna (absolute nothingness). Moreover, the
great Turanian family, actually occupying all Eastern Asia, has ever
ignored it; and the 200,000,000 of Chinese Confucians, the mass of
the nation, protest emphatically against the mainstay of the Western
creeds, because it 'unfits men for the business and duty of life, by
fixing their speculations on an unknown world.' And even its votaries,
in all ages, races, and faiths, cannot deny that the next world is
a copy, more or less idealized, of the present; and that it lacks a
single particular savouring of originality. It is, in fact, a mere
continuation; and the continuation is 'not proven.'
'It is most hard to be a man;'
and the Pilgrim's sole consolation is in self-cultivation, and in
the pleasures of the affections. This sympathy may be an indirect
self-love, a reflection of the light of egotism: still it is so
transferred as to imply a different system of convictions. It requires
a different name: to call benevolence 'self-love' is to make the fruit
or flower not only depend upon a root for development (which is true),
but the very root itself (which is false). And, finally, his ideal is
of the highest: his praise is reserved for
'--Lives
Lived in obedience to the inner law
Which cannot alter.'
"NOTE II.
"A few words concerning the Kasîdah itself. Our Hâjî begins with
a _mise-en-scène_; and takes leave of the Caravan setting out for
Mecca. He sees the 'Wolf's tail' (_Dum-i-gurg_), the υκαυγές, or
wolf-gleam, the Diluculum, the Zodiacal dawn-light, the first faint
brushes of white radiating from below the Eastern horizon. It is
accompanied by the morning-breath (_Dam-i-Subh_), the current of air,
almost imperceptible except by the increase of cold, which Moslem
physiologists suppose to be the early prayer offered by Nature to
the First Cause. The Ghoul-i-Biyâbân (Desert-Demon) is evidently
the personification of man's fears and of the dangers that surround
travelling in the wilds. The 'wold-where-none-save-He (Allah)-can
dwell' is a great and terrible wilderness (_Dash-i-la-siwa Hu_); and
Allah's Holy Hill is Arafât, near Mecca, which the Caravan reaches
after passing through Medina. The first section ends with a sore
lament that the 'meetings of this world take place upon the highway of
Separation;' and the original also has--
'The chill of sorrow numbs my thought: methinks I hear the passing knell;
As dies across yon thin blue line the tinkling of the Camel-bell.'
"The next section quotes the various aspects under which Life appeared
to the wise and foolish teachers of humanity. First comes Hafiz, whose
well-known lines are quoted beginning with Shab-i-târîk o bîm-i-mauj,
etc. Hûr is the plural of Ahwar, in full Ahwar el-Ayn, a maid whose
eyes are intensely white where they should be white, and black
elsewhere: hence our silly 'Houries.' Follows Umar-i-Khayyâm, who
spiritualized Tasawwof, or Sooffeism, even as the Soofis (Gnostics)
spiritualized Moslem Puritanism. The verses alluded to are--
'You know, my friends, with what a brave carouse
I made a second marriage in my house,
Divorced old barren Reason from my bed
And took the Daughter of the Vine to spouse.'
(St. 60, Mr. Fitzgerald's translation.)
"Here 'Wine' is used in its mystic sense of entranced Love for the
Soul of Souls. Umar was hated and feared because he spoke boldly
when his brethren the Soofis dealt in innuendoes. A third quotation
has been trained into a likeness of the 'Hymn of Life,' despite the
commonplace and the _navrante vulgarité_ which characterize the
pseudo-Schiller-Anglo-American School. The same has been done to the
words of Isâ (Jesus); for the author, who is well-read in the Ingîl
(Evangel), evidently intended the allusion. Mansur el-Hallâj (the
Cotton-Cleaner) was stoned for crudely uttering the Pantheistic dogma
_Ana'l Hakk_ (I am the Truth, _i.e._ God), _wa laysa fi-jubbatî il'
Allah_ (and within my coat is nought but God). His blood traced on
the ground the first-quoted sentence. Lastly, there is a quotation
from 'Sardanapalus, son of Anacyndaraxes,' etc.: here παῑζε may mean
sport; but the context determines the kind of sport intended. The
Zâhid is the literal believer in the letter of the Law, opposed to
the Soofi, who believes in its spirit: hence the former is called a
Zâhiri (outsider), and the latter a Bâtini, an insider. Moses is quoted
because he ignored future rewards and punishments. As regards the 'two
Eternities,' Persian and Arab metaphysicians split Eternity, _i.e._
the negation of Time, into two halves, _Azal_ (beginninglessness)
and _Abad_ (endlessness); both being mere words, gatherings of
letters with a subjective significance. In English we use 'Eternal'
(_Æviternus_, age-long, life-long) as loosely, by applying it to three
distinct ideas; (1) the habitual, in popular parlance; (2) the exempt
from duration; and (3) the everlasting, which embraces all duration.
'Omniscience-Maker' is the old Roman sceptic's _Homo fecit Deos_.
"The next section is one long wail over the contradictions, the
mysteries, the dark end, the infinite sorrowfulness of all existence,
and the arcanum of grief which, Luther said, underlies all life. As
with Euripides 'to live is to die, to die is to live.' Hâjî Abdû
borrows the Hindu idea of the human body. 'It is a mansion,' says
Menu, 'with bones for its beams and rafters; with nerves and tendons
for cords; with muscles and blood for cement; with skin for its outer
covering; filled with no sweet perfume, but loaded with impurities; a
mansion infested by age and sorrow; the seat of malady; harassed with
pains; haunted with the quality of darkness (Tama-guna), and incapable
of standing.' The Pot and Potter began with the ancient Egyptians.
'Sitting as a potter at the wheel, Cneph (at Philæ) moulds clay,
and gives the spirit of life to the nostrils of Osiris.' Hence the
Genesitic 'breath.' Then we meet him in the Vedas, the Being, 'by whom
the fictile vase is formed; the clay out of which it is fabricated.'
We find him next in Jeremiah's 'Arise and go down unto the Potter's
house,' etc. (xviii. 2), and lastly in Romans (ix. 20), 'Hath not the
potter power over the clay?' No wonder that the first Hand who moulded
the man-mud is a _lieu commun_ in Eastern thought. The 'waste of agony
'is Buddhism, or Schopenhauerism pure and simple. I have moulded 'Earth
on Earth' upon 'Seint Ysidre''s well-known rhymes (A.D. 1440)--
'Erthe out of Erthe is wondirli wrouȝt,
Erthe of Erth had gete a dignite of nouȝt,
Erthe upon Erthe had sett all his thouȝt
How that Erthe upon Erthe may be his brouȝt': etc.
"The 'Camel-rider,' suggests Ossian, 'yet a few years and the blast of
the desert comes.' The dromedary was chosen as Death's vehicle by the
Arabs, probably because it bears the Bedouin's corpse to the distant
burial-ground, where he will lie among his kith and kin. The end of
this section reminds us of--
'How poor, how rich, how abject, how august,
How complicate, how wonderful is Man!'
"The Hâjî now passes to the results of his long and anxious thoughts: I
have purposely twisted his exordium into an echo of Milton--
'Till old experience doth attain
To something of prophetic strain.'
"He boldly declares that there is no God as man has created his
Creator. Here he is at one with modern thought:--'En général les
croyants font le Dieu comme ils sont eux-mêmes' (says J. J. Rousseau,
'Confessions,' I. 6): 'les bons le font bon: les méchants le font
méchant: les dévots haineux et bilieux, ne voient que l'enfer, parce
qu'ils voudraient damner tout le monde; les âmes aimantes et douces n'y
croient guère; et l'un des étonnements dont je ne reviens pas est de
voir le bon Fénélon en parler dans son Télémaque comme s'il y croyoit
tout de bon: mais j'espère qu'il mentoit alors; car enfin quelque
véridique qu'on soit, il faut bien mentir quelquefois quand on est
évêque.' 'Man depicts himself in his gods,' says Schiller. Hence the
_Naturgott_, the deity of all ancient peoples, and with which every
system began, allowed and approved of actions distinctly immoral, often
diabolical. Belief became moralized only when the conscience of the
community, and with it of the individual items, began aspiring to its
golden age,--Perfection. 'Dieu est le superlatif, dont le positif est
l'homme,' says Carl Vogt; meaning, that the popular idea of a _numen_
is that of a magnified and non-natural man.
"He then quotes his authorities. Buddha, whom the Catholic Church
converted to Saint Josaphat, refused to recognize Ishwara (the deity),
on account of the mystery of the 'cruelty of things.' Schopenhauer,
Miss Cobbe's model pessimist, who at the humblest distance represents
Buddha in the world of Western thought, found the vision of man's
unhappiness, irrespective of his actions, so overpowering that he
concluded the Supreme Will to be malevolent, 'heartless, cowardly, and
arrogant.' Confucius, the 'Throneless king, more powerful than all
kings,' denied a personal deity. The Epicurean idea rules the China
of the present day. 'God is great, but He lives too far off,' say the
Turanian Santâls in Aryan India; and this is the general language of
man in the Turanian East.
"Hâjî Abdû evidently holds that idolatry begins with a personal
deity. And let us note that the latter is deliberately denied by
the 'Thirty-nine Articles.' With them God is 'a Being without Parts
(personality) or Passions.' He professes a vague Agnosticism, and
attributes popular faith to the fact that Timor fecit Deos; 'every
religion being, without exception, the child of fear and ignorance'
(Carl Vogt). He now speaks as the 'Drawer of the Wine,' the 'Ancient
Taverner,' the 'Old Magus,' the 'Patron of the Mughân or Magians;' all
titles applied to the Soofi as opposed to the Zâhid. His 'idols' are
the _eidola_ (illusions) of Bacon, 'having their foundations in the
very constitution of man,' and therefore appropriately called _fabulæ_.
That 'Nature's Common Course' is subject to various interpretation, may
be easily proved. Aristotle was as great a subverter as Alexander; but
the quasi-prophetical Stagyrite of the Dark Ages, who ruled the world
till the end of the thirteenth century, became the 'twice execrable' of
Martin Luther and was finally abolished by Galileo and Newton. Here I
have excised two stanzas. The first is--
'Theories for truths, fable for fact, system for science, vex the thought.
Life's one great lesson you despise--to know that all we know is nought.'
This is in fact--
'Well didst thou say, Athena's noblest son,
The most we know is nothing can be known.'
The next is--
'Essence and substance, sequence, cause, beginning, ending, space and time,
These be the toys of manhood's mind, at once ridiculous and sublime.'
"He is not the only one who so regards 'bothering Time and Space.' A
late definition of the 'infinitely great,' viz. that the idea arises
from denying form to any figure; of the 'infinitely small,' from
refusing magnitude to any figure, is a fair specimen of the 'dismal
science'--metaphysics.
"Another omitted stanza reads--
'How canst thou, Phenomen! pretend the Noumenon to mete and span?
Say which were easier probed and proved, Absolute Being or mortal man?'
"One would think that he had read Kant on the 'Knowable and the
Unknowable,' or had heard of the Yankee lady, who could 'differentiate
between the Finite and the Infinite.' It is a commonplace of the age,
in the West as well as the East, that Science is confined to phenomena,
and cannot reach the Noumena, the things themselves. This is the
scholastic realism, the 'residuum of a bad metaphysic,' which deforms
the system of Comte. With all its pretensions, it simply means that
there are, or can be conceived, things in themselves (_i.e._ unrelated
to thought); that we know them to exist; and, at the same time, that we
cannot know what they are. But who dares say 'cannot'? Who can measure
man's work when he shall be as superior to our present selves as we are
to the Caveman of part time?
"The 'Chain of Universe' alludes to the Jain idea that the whole,
consisting of intellectual as well as of natural principles, existed
from all eternity; and that it has been subject to endless revolutions,
whose causes are the inherent powers of nature, intellectual as
well as physical, without the intervention of a deity. But the Poet
ridicules the 'non-human,' _i.e._ the not-ourselves, the negation of
ourselves and consequently a non-existence. Most Easterns confuse the
contradictories, in which one term stands for something, and the other
for nothing (_e.g._ ourselves and not-ourselves), with the contraries
(_e.g._ rich and not-rich = poor), in which both terms express a
something. So the positive-negative 'infinite' is not the complement
of 'finite,' but its negation. The Western man derides the process by
making 'not-horse' the complementary entity of 'horse.' The Pilgrim
ends with the favourite Soofi tenet that the five (six?) senses are
the doors of all human knowledge, and that no form of man, incarnation
of the deity, prophet, apostle or sage, has ever produced an idea
not conceived within his brain by the sole operation of these vulgar
material agents. Evidently he is neither spiritualist nor idealist.
"He then proceeds to show that man depicts himself in his God, and
that 'God is the racial expression'; a pedagogue on the Nile, an
abstraction in India, and an astrologer in Chaldæa: where Abraham, says
Berosus (Josephus, 'Ant.' I. 7, § 2, and II. 9, § 2), was 'skilful in
the celestial science.' He notices the Akârana-Zamân (endless Time)
of the Guebres, and the working dual, Hormuzd and Ahriman. He brands
the God of the Hebrews with pugnacity and cruelty. He has heard of
the beautiful creations of Greek fancy which, not attributing a moral
nature to the deity, included Theology in Physics; and which, like
Professor Tyndall, seemed to consider all matter everywhere alive.
We have adopted a very different Unitarianism; Theology, with its
one Creator; Pantheism with its 'one Spirit's plastic stress'; and
Science with its one Energy. He is hard upon Christianity and its
'trinal God': I have not softened his expression (لغز = a riddle),
although it may offend readers. There is nothing more enigmatical to
the Moslem mind than Christian Trinitarianism: all other objections
they can get over, not this. Nor is he any lover of Islamism, which,
like Christianity, has its ascetic Hebraism and its Hellenic hedonism;
with the world of thought moving between these two extremes. The
former, defined as predominant or exclusive care for the practice
of right, is represented by Semitic and Arab influence, Korânic and
Hadîsic. The latter, the religion of humanity, a passion for life and
light, for culture and intelligence; for art, poetry and science, is
represented in Islamism by the fondly and impiously cherished memory of
the old Guebre kings and heroes, beauties, bards and sages. Hence the
mention of Zâl and his son Rostam; of Cyrus and of the Jâmi-i-Jamshîd,
which may be translated either grail (cup) or mirror: it showed the
whole world within its rim; and hence it was called Jâm-i-Jehân-numâ
(universe-exposing). The contemptuous expressions about the diet of
camel's milk and the meat of the Susmâr, or green lizard, are evidently
quoted from Firdausi's famous lines beginning--
'Arab-râ be-jât rasîd'est kâr.'
"The Hâjî is severe upon those who make of the Deity a Khwân-i-yaghmâ
(or tray of plunder), as the Persians phrase it. He looks upon the
shepherds as men,
'--Who rob the sheep themselves to clothe.'
So Schopenhauer (Leben, etc., by Wilhelm Gewinner) furiously shows how
the 'English nation ought to treat that set of hypocrites, impostors
and money-graspers, the clergy, that annually devours £3,500,000.'
"The Hâjî broadly asserts that there is no Good and no Evil in the
absolute sense as man has made them. Here he is one with Pope:--
'And spite of pride, in erring nature's spite
One truth is clear--whatever is, is right.'
Unfortunately the converse is just as true:--whatever is, is wrong.
Khizr is the Elijah who puzzled Milman. He represents the Soofi, the
Bâtini, while Musâ (Moses) is the Zâhid, the Zâhiri; and the strange
adventures of the twain, invented by the Jews, have been appropriated
by the Moslems. He derides the Freewill of man; and, like Diderot,
he detects 'pantaloon in a prelate, a satyr in a president, a pig in
a priest, an ostrich in a minister, and a goose in a chief clerk.'
He holds to Fortune, the Τύχη of Alcman, which is, Εὐυομίας τε καὶ
Πειθοῡϛ ἀδελφὰ, καὶ Προμαθνίας θυγάτηρ,--Chance, the sister of Order
and Trust, and the daughter of Forethought. The Scandinavian Spinners
of Fate were Urd (the Was, the Past), Verdandi (the Becoming, or
Present), and Skuld (the To-be, or Future). He alludes to Plato, who
made the Demiourgos create the worlds by the Logos (the Hebrew Dabar)
or Creative Word, through the Æons. These Αἰῶυερ of the Mystics were
spiritual emanations from Αἰών, lit. a wave of influx, an age, period,
or day; hence the Latin _ævum_, and the Welsh Awen, the stream of
inspiration falling upon a bard. Basilides, the Egypto-Christian, made
the Creator evolve seven Æons or Pteromata (fulnesses); from two of
whom, Wisdom and Power, proceeded the 365 degrees of Angels. All were
subject to a Prince of Heaven, called Abraxas, who was himself under
guidance of the chief Æon, Wisdom. Others represent the first Cause to
have produced an Æon or Pure Intelligence; the first a second, and so
forth till the tenth. This was material enough to affect Hyle, which
thereby assumed a spiritual form. Thus the two incompatibles combined
in the Scheme of Creation.
"He denies the three ages of the Buddhists: the wholly happy; the
happy mixed with misery, and the miserable tinged with happiness,--the
present. The Zoroastrians had four, each of 3000 years. In the first,
Hormuzd, the good-god, ruled alone; then Ahriman, the bad-god, began to
work subserviently; in the third both ruled equally; and in the last,
now current, Ahriman has gained the day.
"Against the popular idea that man has caused the misery of this world,
he cites the ages, when the Old Red Sandstone bred gigantic cannibal
fishes; when the Oolites produced the mighty reptile tyrants of air,
earth, and sea; and when the monsters of the Eocene and Miocene periods
shook the ground with their ponderous tread. And the world of waters is
still a hideous scene of cruelty, carnage, and destruction.
"He declares Conscience to be a geographical and chronological
accident. Thus he answers the modern philosopher whose soul was
overwhelmed by the marvel and the awe of two things, 'the starry
heaven above and the moral law within.' He makes the latter sense a
development of the gregarious and social instincts; and so travellers
have observed that the moral is the last step in mental progress. His
Moors are the savage Dankali and other negroid tribes, who offer a cup
of milk with one hand and stab with the other. He translates literally
the Indian word Hâthî (an elephant), the animal with the Hâth (hand, or
trunk). Finally he alludes to the age of active volcanoes, the present,
which is merely temporary, the shifting of the Pole, and the spectacle
to be seen from Mushtari, or the planet Jupiter.
"The Hâjî again asks the old, old question, What is Truth? And he
answers himself, after the fashion of the wise Emperor of China,
'Truth hath not an unchanging name.' A modern English writer says: 'I
have long been convinced by the experience of my life, as a pioneer
of various heterodoxies which are rapidly becoming orthodoxies, that
nearly all truth is temperamental to us, or given in the affections and
intuitions; and that discussion and injury do little more than feed
temperament.' Our poet seems to mean that the Perceptions, when they
perceive truly, convey objective truth, which is universal; whereas the
Reflectives and the Sentiments, the working of the moral region, or
the middle lobe of the phrenologists, supplies only subjective truth,
personal and individual. Thus to one man the axiom, _Opes irritamenta
malorum_, represents a distinct fact; while another holds wealth to be
an incentive for good. Evidently both are right, according to their
lights.
"Hâjî Abdû cites Plato and Aristotle, as usual with Eastern songsters,
who delight in Mantik (logic). Here he appears to mean that a false
proposition is as real a proposition as one that is true. 'Faith moves
mountains' and 'Manet immota fides' are evidently quotations. He
derides the teaching of the 'First Council of the Vatican' (cap. v.),
'all the faithful are little children listening to the voice of St.
Peter,' who is the 'Prince of the Apostles.' He glances at the fancy of
certain modern physicists, 'devotion is a definite molecular change in
the convolution of grey pulp.' He notices with contumely the riddle of
which Milton speaks so glibly, where the Dialoguists,
'--reasoned high
Of providence, foreknowledge, will and fate,
Fixed fate, free-will, foreknowledge absolute.'
"In opposition to the orthodox Mohammedan tenets which make Man's
soul his percipient Ego, an entity, a unity, the Soofi considers it a
fancy, opposed to body, which is a fact; at most a state of things,
not a thing; a consensus of faculties whereof our frames are but the
phenomena. This is not contrary to Genesitic legend. The Hebrew Ruach
and Arabic Ruh, now perverted to mean soul or spirit, simply signify
wind or breath, the outward and visible sign of life. Their later
schools are even more explicit: 'For that which befalls man befalls
beasts; as the one dies, so does the other; they have all one death;
all go unto one place' (Eccles. iii. 19). But the modern soul, a
nothing, a string of negations, a negative in chief, is thus described
in the Mahâbhârat: 'It is indivisible, inconceivable, inconceptible:
it is eternal, universal, permanent, immovable: it is invisible
and unalterable.' Hence the modern spiritualism which, rejecting
materialism, can use only material language.
"These, says the Hâjî, are mere sounds. He would not assert 'Verba
gignunt verba,' but 'Verba gignunt res,' a step further. The idea is
Bacon's 'idola fori, omnium molestissima,' the twofold illusions of
language; either the names of things that have no existence in fact, or
the names of things whose idea is confused and ill-defined.
"He derives the Soul-idea from the 'savage ghost' which Dr. Johnson
defined to be a 'kind of shadowy being.' He justly remarks that it
arose (perhaps) in Egypt: and was not invented by the 'People of the
Book.' By this term Moslems denote Jews and Christians who have a
recognized revelation, while their ignorance refuses it to Guebres,
Hindus, and Confucians.
"He evidently holds to the doctrine of progress. With him protoplasm
is the Yliastron, the Prima Materies. Our word matter is derived from
the Sanskrit माढ़ा (mâtrâ), which, however, signifies properly the
invisible type of visible matter; in modern language, the substance
distinct from the sum of its physical and chemical properties. Thus,
Mâtrâ exists only in thought, and is not recognizable by the action
of the five senses. His 'Chain of Being' reminds us of Prof. Huxley's
Pedigree of the Horse, Orohippus, Mesohippus, Meiohippus, Protohippus,
Pleiohippus, and Equus. He has evidently heard of modern biology, or
Hylozoism, which holds its quarter-million species of living beings,
animal and vegetable, to be progressive modifications of one great
fundamental unity, an unity of so-called 'mental faculties' as well
as of bodily structure. And this is the jelly-speck. He scoffs at the
popular idea that man is the great central figure round which all
things gyrate like marionettes; in fact, the anthropocentric era of
Draper, which, strange to say, lives by the side of the telescope and
the microscope. As man is of recent origin, and may end at an early
epoch of the macrocosm, so before his birth all things revolved round
nothing, and may continue to do so after his death.
"The Hâjî, who elsewhere denounces 'compound ignorance,' holds that
all evil comes from error; and that all knowledge has been developed
by overthrowing error, the ordinary channel of human thought. He ends
this section with a great truth. There are things which human Reason
or Instinct matured, in its undeveloped state, cannot master; but
Reason is a Law to itself. Therefore we are not bound to believe, or
to attempt belief in, anything which is contrary or contradictory to
Reason. Here he is diametrically opposed to Rome, who says, 'Do not
appeal to History; that is private judgment. Do not appeal to Holy
Writ; that is heresy. Do not appeal to Reason; that is Rationalism.'
"He holds with the Patriarchs of Hebrew Holy Writ, that the present
life is all-sufficient for an intellectual (not a sentimental) being;
and, therefore, that there is no want of a Heaven or a Hell. With far
more contradiction the Western poet sings--
'Hell hath no limits, nor is circumscribed
In one self-place; but when we are in hell,
And where hell is, there must we ever be;
And, to be short, when all this world dissolves,
And every creature shall be purified,
All places shall be hell which are not heaven.'
For what want is there of a Hell when all are pure? He enlarges upon
the ancient Buddhist theory, that Happiness and Misery are equally
distributed among men and beasts; some enjoy much and suffer much;
others the reverse. Hence Diderot declares, 'Sober passions produce
only the commonplace ... the man of moderate passion lives and dies
like a brute.' And again we have the half-truth--
'That the mark of rank in nature
Is capacity for pain.'
The latter implies an equal capacity for pleasure, and thus the balance
is kept.
"Hâjî Abdû then proceeds to show that Faith is an accident of birth.
One of his omitted distichs says--
'Race makes religion; true! but aye upon the Maker acts the made.
A finite God, an infinite sin, in lieu of raising man, degrade.'
In a manner of dialogue he introduces the various races each fighting
to establish his own belief. The Frank (Christian) abuses the Hindu,
who retorts that he is of Mlenchha, mixed or impure, blood, a term
applied to all non-Hindus. The same is done by Nazarene and Mohammedan;
by the Confucian, who believes in nothing, and by the Soofi, who
naturally has the last word. The association of the Virgin Mary and
Saint Joseph with the Trinity, in the Roman and Greek Churches, makes
many Moslems conclude that Christians believe not in three but in
five Persons. So an Englishman writes of the early Fathers, 'They
not only said that 3 = 1, and that 1 = 3: they professed to explain
how that curious arithmetical combination had been brought about.
The Indivisible had been divided, and yet was not divided: it was
divisible, and yet it was indivisible; black was white, and white was
black; and yet there were not two colours but one colour; and whoever
did not believe it would be damned.' The Arab quotation runs in the
original--
'_Ahsanu 'l-Makâni l' il-Falâ 'l-Jehannamu_,
The best of places for (the generous) youth is Gehenna:'
Gehenna, alias Jahim, being the fiery place of eternal punishment. And
the second saying, _Al-nâr wa lâ 'l-'Ar_'--'Fire (of Hell) rather than
Shame,'--is equally condemned by the Koranist. The Gustâkhi (insolence)
of Fate is the expression of Umar-i-Khayyâm (St. xxx.)--
'What, without asking hither hurried _whence?_
And, without asking _whither_ hurried hence!
Oh many a cup of this forbidden wine
Must drown the memory of that insolence.'
"Soofistically, the word means 'the coquetry of the beloved one,' the
divinæ particula auræ. And the section ends with Pope's--
'He can't be wrong whose life is in the right.'
"CONCLUSION.
"Here the Hâjî ends his practical study of mankind. The image of
Destiny playing with men as pieces is a view common amongst Easterns.
His idea of wisdom is once more Pope's--
'And all our knowledge is ourselves to know.'
----(Essay IV., 398.)
"Regret, _i.e._ repentance, was one of the forty-two deadly sins
of the Ancient Egyptians. 'Thou shalt not consume thy heart,' says
the Ritual of the Dead, the negative justification of the soul or
ghost (Lepsius, 'Alteste Texte des Todtenbuchs'). We have borrowed
competitive examination from the Chinese; and, in these morbid days of
weak introspection and retrospection, we might learn wisdom from the
sturdy old Khemites. When he sings 'Abjure the Why and seek the How,'
he refers to the old Scholastic difference of the _Demonstratio propter
quid_ (why is a thing?), as opposed to _Demonstratio quia_ (_i.e._ that
a thing is). The 'great Man' shall end with becoming deathless, as
Shakespeare says in his noble sonnet--
'And Death once dead, there's no more dying then!'