HENRY VII.
{1495.} After Perkin was repulsed from the coast of Kent, he retired
into Flanders; but as he found it impossible to procure subsistence for
himself and his followers while he remained in tranquillity, he soon
after made an attempt upon Ireland, which had always appeared forward
to join every invader of Henry’s authority. But Poynings had now put the
affairs of that island in so good a posture, that Perkin met with little
success; and being tired of the savage life which he was obliged to
lead, while skulking among the wild Irish, he bent his course towards
Scotland, and presented himself to James IV., who then governed that
kingdom. He had been previously recommended to this prince by the king
of France, who was disgusted at Henry for entering into the general
league against him; and this recommendation was even seconded by
Maximilian, who, though one of the confederates, was also displeased
with the king, on account of his prohibiting in England all commerce
with the Low Countries. The countenance given to Perkin by these princes
procured him a favorable reception with the king of Scotland, who
assured him, that, whatever he were, he never should repent putting
himself in his hands:[*] the insinuating address and plausible behavior
of the youth himself, seem to have gained him credit and authority.
James, whom years had not yet taught distrust or caution, was seduced to
believe the story of Perkin’s birth and adventures; and he carried his
confidence so far as to give him in marriage the lady Catharine Gordon,
daughter of the earl of Huntley, and related to himself; a young lady
too, eminent for virtue as well as beauty.
* Bacon, p. 615. Polyd. Virg. p. 596, 597.
{1496.} There subsisted at that time a great jealousy between the courts
of England and Scotland; and James was probably the more forward on that
account to adopt any fiction which he thought might reduce his enemy
to distress or difficulty. He suddenly resolved to make an inroad into
England, attended by some of the borderers; and he carried Perkin along
with him, in hopes that the appearance of the pretended prince might
raise an insurrection in the northern counties. Perkin himself dispersed
a manifesto, in which he set forth his own story, and craved the
assistance of all his subjects in expelling the usurper, whose tyranny
and maladministration, whose depression of the nobility by the
elevation of mean persons, whose oppression of the people by multiplied
impositions and vexations, had justly, he said, rendered him odious
to all men. But Perkin’s pretensions, attended with repeated
disappointments, were now become stale in the eyes even of the populace;
and the hostile dispositions which subsisted between the kingdoms,
rendered a prince supported by the Scots but an unwelcome present to the
English nation. The ravages also committed by the borderers, accustomed
to license and disorder, struck a terror into all men, and made the
people prepare rather for repelling the invaders than for joining them.
Perkin, that he might support his pretensions to royal birth, feigned
great compassion for the misery of his plundered subjects, and publicly
remonstrated with his ally against the depredations exercised by the
Scottish army;[*] but James told him, that he doubted his concern was
employed only in behalf of an enemy, and that he was anxious to preserve
what never should belong to him. That prince now began to perceive that
his attempt would be fruitless; and hearing of an army which was on its
march to attack him, he thought proper to retreat into his own country.
* Polyd. Virg. p. 598.
The king discovered little anxiety to procure either reparation or
vengeance for this insult committed on him by the Scottish nation: his
chief concern was to draw advantage from it, by the pretence which it
might afford him to levy impositions on his own subjects. He summoned a
parliament, to whom he made bitter complaints against the irruption of
the Scots, the absurd imposture countenanced by that nation, the cruel
devastations committed in the northern counties, and the multiplied
insults thus offered both to the king and kingdom of England. The
parliament made the expected return to this discourse, by granting
a subsidy to the amount of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds,
together with two fifteenths. After making this grant, they were
dismissed.
{1497.} The vote of parliament for imposing the tax was without much
difficulty procured by the authority of Henry but he found it not
so easy to levy the money upon his subjects. The people, who were
acquainted with the immense treasures which he had amassed, could ill
brook the new impositions raised on every slight occasion; and it is
probable that the flaw which was universally known to be in his title,
made his reign the more subject to insurrections and rebellions. When
the subsidy began to be levied in Cornwall, the inhabitants, numerous
and poor, robust and courageous, murmured against a tax occasioned by a
sudden inroad of the Scots, from which they esteemed themselves entirely
secure, and which had usually been repelled by the force of the northern
counties. Their ill humor was further incited by one Michael Joseph, a
farrier of Bodmin, a notable prating fellow, who, by thrusting himself
forward on every occasion, and being loudest in every complaint against
the government, had acquired an authority among those rude people.
Thomas Flammoc, too, a lawyer, who had become the oracle of the
neighborhood, encouraged the sedition, by informing them that the tax,
though imposed by parliament, was entirely illegal; that the northern
nobility were bound by their tenures to defend the nation against the
Scots; and that if these new impositions were tamely submitted to,
the avarice of Henry and of his ministers would soon render the burden
intolerable to the nation. The Cornish, he said, must deliver to the
king a petition, seconded by such a force as would give it authority;
and in order to procure the concurrence of the rest of the kingdom,
care must be taken, by their orderly deportment, to show that they
had nothing in view but the public good, and the redress of all those
grievances under which the people had so long labored.
Encouraged by these speeches, the multitude flocked together, and armed
themselves with axes, bills, bows, and such weapons as country people
are usually possessed of. Flammoc and Joseph were chosen their leaders.
They soon conducted the Cornish through the county of Devon, and reached
that of Somerset. At Taunton, the rebels killed, in their fury, an
officious and eager commissioner of the subsidy, whom they called the
provost of Perin. When they reached Wells, they were joined by Lord
Audley, a nobleman of an ancient family, popular in his deportment, but
vain, ambitious and restless in his temper. He had from the beginning
maintained a secret correspondence with the first movers of the
insurrection, and was now joyfully received by them as their leader.
Proud of the countenance given them by so considerable a nobleman, they
continued their march, breathing destruction to the king’s ministers
and favorites, particularly to Morton, now a cardinal, and Sir
Reginald Bray, who were deemed the most active instruments in all his
oppressions. Notwithstanding their rage against the administration, they
carefully followed the directions given them by their leaders; and as
they met with no resistance, they committed, during their march, no
violence or disorder.
The rebels had been told by Flammoc that the inhabitants of Kent,
as they had ever, during all ages, remained unsubdued, and had even
maintained their independence during the Norman conquest, would surely
embrace their party, and declare themselves for a cause which was no
other than that of public good and general liberty. But the Kentish
people had very lately distinguished themselves by repelling Perkin’s
invasion; and as they had received from the king many gracious
acknowledgments for this service, their affections were by that means
much conciliated to his government. It was easy, therefore, for the
earl of Kent, Lord Abergavenny, and Lord Cobham, who possessed great
authority in those parts, to retain the people in obedience; and the
Cornish rebels, though they pitched their camp near Eltham, at the
very gates of London, and invited all the people to join them, got
reënforcement from no quarter. There wanted not discontents every where,
but no one would take part in so rash and ill-concerted an enterprise;
and besides, the situation in which the king’s affairs then stood
discouraged even the boldest and most daring.
Henry, in order to oppose the Scots, had already levied an army, which
he put under the command of Lord Daubeney, the chamberlain; and as
soon as he heard of the Cornish insurrection, he ordered it to march
southwards and suppress the rebels. Not to leave the northern frontier
defenceless, he despatched thither the earl of Surrey, who assembled the
forces on the borders, and made head against the enemy. Henry found
here the concurrence of the three most fatal incidents that can befall a
monarchy; a foreign enemy, a domestic rebellion, and a pretender to
his crown; but he enjoyed great resources in his army and treasure, and
still more in the intrepidity and courage of his own temper. He did not,
however, immediately give full scope to his military spirit. On other
occasions, he had always hastened to a decision; and it was a usual
saying with him, “that he desired but to see his rebels:” but as the
Cornish mutineers behaved in an inoffensive manner, and committed no
spoil on the country; as they received no accession of force on their
march or in their encampment, and as such hasty and popular tumults
might be expected to diminish every moment by delay; he took post in
London, and assiduously prepared the means of insuring victory.
After all his forces were collected, he divided them into three bodies,
and marched out to assail the enemy. The first body, commanded by the
earl of Oxford, and under him by the earls of Essex and Suffolk, were
appointed to place themselves behind the hill on which the rebels were
encamped: the second, and most considerable, Henry put under the command
of Lord Daubeney, and ordered him to attack the enemy in front, and
bring on the action. The third he kept as a body of reserve about his
own person, and took post in St. George’s Fields; where he secured the
city, and could easily, as occasion served, either restore the fight or
finish the victory. To put the enemy off their guard, he had spread
a report that he was not to attack them till some days after; and the
better to confirm them in this opinion, he began not the action till
near the evening. Daubeney beat a detachment of the rebels from Deptford
bridge; and before their main body could be in order to receive him, he
had gained the ascent of the hill, and placed himself in array before
them. They were formidable from their numbers, being sixteen thousand
strong, and were not defective in valor; but being tumultuary troops,
ill armed, and not provided with cavalry or artillery, they were but
an unequal match for the king’s forces. Daubeney began the attack with
courage, and even with a contempt of the enemy which had almost proved
fatal to him. He rushed into the midst of them, and was taken prisoner;
but soon after was released by his own troops. After some resistance,
the rebels were broken and put to flight.[*]
* Polyd. Virg. p. 601.
Lord Audley, Flammoc, and Joseph, their leaders, were taken, and all
three executed. The latter seemed even to exult in his end, and boasted,
with a preposterous ambition, that he should make a figure in his tory.
The rebels, being surrounded on every side by the king’s troops, were
almost all made prisoners; and immediately dismissed without further
punishment: whether, that Henry was satisfied with the victims who had
fallen in the field, and who amounted to near two thousand, or that he
pitied the ignorance and simplicity of the multitude, or favored them
on account of their inoffensive behavior; or was pleased that they had
never, during their insurrection, disputed his title, and had shown
no attachment to the house of York, the highest crime of which, in his
eyes, they could have been guilty.
The Scottish king was not idle during these commotions in England. He
levied a considerable army, and sat down before the Castle of Norham, in
Northumberland; but found that place, by the precaution of Fox, bishop
of Durham, so well provided both with men and ammunition, that he made
little or no progress in the siege. Hearing that the earl of Surrey had
collected some forces, and was advancing upon him, he retreated into
his own country, and left the frontiers exposed to the inroads of the
English general, who besieged and took Aiton, a small castle lying a few
miles beyond Berwick. These unsuccessful or frivolous attempts on both
sides prognosticated a speedy end to the war; and Henry, notwithstanding
his superior force, was no less desirous than James of terminating
the differences between the nations. Not to depart, however, from his
dignity, by making the first advances, he employed in this friendly
office Peter Hialas, a man of address and learning, who had come to him
as ambassador from Ferdinand and Isabella, and who was charged with a
commission of negotiating the marriage of the Infanta Catharine, their
daughter, with Arthur, prince of Wales.[*]
* Polyd. Virg. p. 603.
Hialas took a journey northwards, and offered his mediation between
James and Henry, as minister of a prince who was in alliance with both
potentates. Commissioners were soon appointed to meet and confer on
terms of accommodation. The first demand of the English was, that Perkin
should be put into their hands: James replied, that he himself was
no judge of the young man’s pretensions; but having received him as a
supplicant, and promised him protection, he was determined not to betray
a man who had trusted to his good faith and his generosity. The next
demand of the English met with no better reception: they required
reparation for the ravages committed by the late inroads into England:
the Scottish commissioners replied, that the spoils were like water
spilt upon the ground, which could never be recovered; and that Henry’s
subjects were better able to bear the loss, than their master to repair
it. Henry’s commissioners next proposed, that the two kings should have
an interview at Newcastle, in order to adjust all differences; but James
said, that he meant to treat of a peace, not to go a begging for it.
Lest the conferences should break off altogether without effect, a truce
was concluded for some months; and James, perceiving that while Perkin
remained in Scotland he himself never should enjoy a solid peace with
Henry, privately desired him to depart the kingdom.
Access was now barred Perkin into the Low Countries, his usual retreat
in all his disappointments. The Flemish merchants, who severely felt the
loss resulting from the interruption of commerce with England, had made
such interest in the archduke’s council, that commissioners were sent to
London, in order to treat of an accommodation. The Flemish court agreed,
that all English rebels should be excluded the Low Countries; and in
this prohibition the demesnes of the duchess dowager were expressly
comprehended. When this principal article was agreed to, all the other
terms were easily adjusted. A treaty of commerce was finished, which was
favorable to the Flemings, and to which they long gave the appellation
of “intercursus magnus,” the great treaty. And when the English
merchants returned to their usual abode at Antwerp, they were publicly
received, as in procession, with joy and festivity.
Perkin was a Fleming by descent, though born in England; and it might
therefore be doubted whether he were included in the treaty between the
two nations: but as he must dismiss all his English retainers if he took
shelter in the Low Countries, and as he was sure of a cold reception,
if not bad usage, among people who were determined to keep on terms
of friendship with the court of England, he thought fit rather to
hide himself during some time in the wilds and fastnesses of Ireland.
Impatient, however, of a retreat which was both disagreeable and
dangerous, he held consultations with his followers, Herne, Skelton, and
Astley, three broken tradesmen: by their advice he resolved to try the
affections of the Cornish, whose mutinous disposition, notwithstanding
the king’s lenity, still subsisted after the suppression of their
rebellion. No sooner did he appear at Bodmin, in Cornwall, than the
populace, to the number of three thousand, flocked to his standard, and
Perkin, elated with this appearance of success, took on him, for the
first time, the appellation of Richard IV., king of England. Not to
suffer the expectations of his followers to languish, he presented
himself before Exeter; and by many fair promises invited that city to
join him. Finding that the inhabitants shut their gates against him,
he laid siege to the place; but being unprovided with artillery,
ammunition, and every thing requisite for the attempt, he made no
progress in his undertaking. Messengers were sent to the king, informing
him of this insurrection: the citizens of Exeter meanwhile were
determined to hold out to the last extremity, in expectation of
receiving succor from the well-known vigilance of that monarch.
When Henry was informed that Perkin was landed in England, he expressed
great joy, and prepared himself with alacrity to attack him, in hopes of
being able, at length, to put a period to pretensions which had so long
given him vexation and inquietude. All the courtiers, sensible that
their activity on this occasion would be the most acceptable service
which they could render the king, displayed their zeal for the
enterprise, and forwarded his preparations. The lords Daubeney and
Broke, with Sir Rice ap Thomas, hastened forward with a small body of
troops to the relief of Exeter. The earl of Devonshire, and the most
considerable gentlemen in the county of that name, took arms of their
own accord, and marched to join the king’s generals. The duke of
Buckingham put himself at the head of a troop, consisting of young
nobility and gentry, who served as volunteers, and who longed for an
opportunity of displaying their courage and their loyalty. The king
himself prepared to follow with a considerable army; and thus all
England seemed united against a pretender who had at first engaged their
attention and divided their affections.
Perkin, informed of these great preparations, immediately raised the
siege of Exeter, and retired to Taunton. Though his followers now
amounted to the number of near seven thousand, and seemed still resolute
to maintain his cause, he himself despaired of success, and secretly
withdrew to the sanctuary of Beaulieu, in the new forest. The Cornish
rebels submitted to the king’s mercy, and found that it was not yet
exhausted in their behalf. Except a few persons of desperate fortunes,
who were executed, and some others who were severely fined, all the rest
were dismissed with impunity Lady Catharine Gordon, wife to Perkin fell
into the hands of the victor, and was treated with a generosity which
does him honor. He soothed her mind with many marks of regard, placed
her in a reputable station about the queen and assigned her a pension,
which she enjoyed even under his successor.
{1498.} Henry deliberated what course to take with Perkin himself. Some
counselled him to make the privileges of the church yield to reasons of
state, to take him by violence from the sanctuary, to inflict on him
the punishment due to his temerity, and thus at once to put an end to
an imposture which had long disturbed the government, and which the
credulity of the people and the artifices of malcontents were still
capable of reviving. But the king deemed not the matter of such
importance as to merit so violent a remedy, He employed some persons to
deal with Perkin, and persuade him, under promise of pardon, to deliver
himself into the king’s hands.[*] The king conducted him in a species of
mock triumph to London. As Perkin passed along the road and through
the streets of the city, men of all ranks flocked about him, and the
populace treated with the highest derision his fallen fortunes. They
seemed desirous of revenging themselves, by their insults, for the shame
which their former belief of his impostures had thrown upon them. Though
the eyes of the nation were generally opened with regard to Perkin’s
real parentage, Henry required of him a confession of his life and
adventures; and he ordered the account of the whole to be dispersed soon
after, for the satisfaction of the public. But as his regard to decency
made him entirely suppress the share which the duchess of Burgundy had
had in contriving and conducting the imposture, the people, who knew
that she had been the chief instrument in the whole affair, were
inclined, on account of the silence on that head, to pay the less credit
to the authenticity of the narrative.
* Polyd. Virg. p. 606.
{1499.} But Perkin, though his life was granted him, was still detained
in custody; and keepers were appointed to guard him. Impatient of
confinement, he broke from his keepers, and flying to the sanctuary of
Shyne, put himself into the hands of the prior of that monastery. The
prior had obtained great credit by his character of sanctity; and he
prevailed on the king again to grant a pardon to Perkin. But in order
to reduce him to still greater contempt, he was set in the stocks at
Westminster and Cheapside, and obliged in both places to read aloud to
the people the confession which had formerly been published in his name.
He was then confined to the Tower, where his habits of restless intrigue
and enterprise followed him. He insinuated himself into the intimacy of
four servants of Sir John Digby, lieutenant of the Tower; and by their
means opened a correspondence with the earl of Warwick, who was confined
in the same prison. This unfortunate prince, who had from his earliest
youth been shut up from the commerce of men, and who was ignorant even
of the most common Affairs of life, had fallen into a simplicity which
made him susceptible of any impression. The continued dread also of the
more violent effects of Henry’s tyranny, joined to the natural love of
liberty, engaged him to embrace a project for his escape, by the murder
of the lieutenant; and Perkin offered to conduct the whole enterprise.
The conspiracy escaped not the king’s vigilance: it was even very
generally believed, that the scheme had been laid by himself, in order
to draw Warwick and Perkin into the snare; but the subsequent execution
of two of Digby’s servants for the contrivance seems to clear the king
of that imputation, which was indeed founded more on the general idea
entertained of his character than on any positive evidence.
Perkin, by this new attempt, after so many enormities, had rendered
himself totally unworthy of mercy; and he was accordingly arraigned,
condemned, and soon after hanged at Tyburn, persisting still in the
confession of his imposture.[*] [1] It happened about that very time
that one Wilford, a cordwainer’s son, encouraged by the surprising
credit given to other impostures, had undertaken to personate the earl
of Warwick; and a priest had even ventured from the pulpit to recommend
his cause to the people, who seemed still to retain a propensity to
adopt it. This incident served Henry as a pretence for his severity
towards that prince. He was brought to trial, and accused, not of
contriving his escape, (for as he was committed for no crime, the desire
of liberty must have been regarded as natural and innocent,) but of
forming designs to disturb the government, and raise an insurrection
among the people. Warwick confessed the indictment was condemned, and
the sentence was executed upon him.
* See note A, at the end of the volume.
This violent act of tyranny, the great blemish of Henry’s reign, by
which he destroyed the last remaining male of the line of Plantagenet,
begat great discontent among the people, who saw an unhappy prince, that
had long been denied all the privileges of his high birth, even been
cut off from the common benefits of nature, now at last deprived of life
itself, merely for attempting to shake off that oppression under which
he labored. In vain did Henry endeavor to alleviate the odium of this
guilt, by sharing it with his ally, Ferdinand of Arragon, who, he said,
had scrupled to give his daughter Catharine in marriage to Arthur while
any male descendant of the house of York remained. Men, on the contrary,
felt higher indignation at seeing a young prince sacrificed, not to
law and justice, but to the jealous politics of two subtle and crafty
tyrants.
But though these discontents festered in the minds of men, they were so
checked by Henry’s watchful policy and steady severity, that they seemed
not to weaken his government; and foreign princes, deeming his
throne now entirely secure, paid him rather the greater deference and
attention. The archduke Philip, in particular, desired an interview with
him; and Henry, who had passed over to Calais, agreed to meet him in
St. Peter’s church, near that city. The archduke, on his approaching the
king, made haste to alight, and offered to hold Henry’s stirrup; a mark
of condescension which that prince would not admit of. He called
the king “father,” “patron,” “protector;” and by his whole behavior
expressed a strong desire of conciliating the friendship of England. The
duke of Orleans had succeeded to the crown of France by the appellation
of Lewis XII.; and having carried his arms into Italy, and subdued the
duchy of Milan, his progress begat jealousy in Maximilian, Philip’s
father, as well as in Ferdinand, his father-in-law. By the counsel,
therefore, of these monarchs, the young prince endeavored by every
art to acquire the amity of Henry, whom they regarded as the chief
counterpoise to the greatness of France. No particular plan, however, of
alliance seems to have been concerted between these two princes in their
interview: all passed in general professions of affection and regard;
at least, in remote projects of a closer union, by the future
intermarriages of their children, who were then in a state of infancy.
{1500.} The Pope, too, Alexander VI., neglected not the friendship of a
monarch whose reputation was spread over Europe. He sent a nuncio
into England, who exhorted the king to take part in the great alliance
projected for the recovery of the Holy Land, and to lead in person his
forces against the infidels. The general frenzy for crusades was now
entirely exhausted in Europe; but it was still thought a necessary piece
of decency to pretend zeal for those pious enterprises. Henry regretted
to the nuncio the distance of his situation, which rendered it
inconvenient for him to expose his person in defence of the Christian
cause. He promised, however, his utmost assistance by aids and
contributions; and rather than the pope should go alone to the holy
wars, unaccompanied by any monarch, he even promised to overlook all
other considerations, and to attend him in person. He only required,
as a necessary condition, that all differences should previously be
adjusted among Christian princes, and that some seaport towns in Italy
should be consigned to him for his retreat and security. It was easy to
conclude that Henry had determined not to intermeddle in any war against
the Turk; but as a great name, without any real assistance, is sometimes
of service, the knights of Rhodes, who were at that time esteemed the
bulwark of Christendom, chose the king protector of their order.
But the prince whose alliance Henry valued the most was Ferdinand of
Arragon, whose vigorous and steady policy, always attended with success,
had rendered him in many respects the most considerable monarch in
Europe. There was also a remarkable similarity of character between
these two princes; both were full of craft, intrigue, and design:
and though a resemblance of this nature be a slender foundation for
confidence and amity, where the interests of the parties in the least
interfere, such was the situation of Henry and Ferdinand, that no
jealousy ever on any occasion arose between them. The king had now the
satisfaction of completing a marriage, which had been projected and
negotiated during the course of seven years, between Arthur, prince
of Wales, and the infanta Catharine, fourth daughter of Ferdinand and
Isabella; he near sixteen years of age, she eighteen. But this marriage
proved in the issue unprosperous. The young prince, a few months after,
sickened and died, much regretted by the nation.
{1502.} Henry, desirous to continue his alliance with Spain, and also
unwilling to restore Catharine’s dowry, which was two hundred thousand
ducats, obliged his second son, Henry, whom he created prince of Wales,
to be contracted to the infanta. The prince made all the opposition
of which a youth of twelve years of age was capable; but as the king
persisted in his resolution, the espousals were at length, by means of
the pope’s dispensation, contracted between the parties; an event which
was afterwards attended with the most important consequences.
The same year another marriage was celebrated, which was also, in the
next age, productive of great events; the marriage of Margaret, the
king’s eldest daughter, with James, king of Scotland. This alliance
had been negotiated during three years, though interrupted by several
broils; and Henry hoped, from the completion of it, to remove all source
of discord with that neighboring kingdom, by whose animosity England
had so often been infested. When this marriage was deliberated on in
the English council, some objected, that England might, by means of
that alliance, fall under the dominion of Scotland. “No,” replied Henry,
“Scotland, in that event, will only become an accession to England.”
{1503.} Amidst these prosperous incidents, the king met with a domestic
calamity, which made not such impression on him as it merited: his queen
died in childbed; and the infant did not long survive her. This princess
was deservedly a favorite of the nation; and the general affection for
her increased, on account of the harsh treatment which it was thought
she met with from her consort.
The situation of the king’s affairs, both at home and abroad, was now in
every respect very fortunate. All the efforts of the European princes,
both in war and negotiation, were turned to the side of Italy; and the
various events which there arose, made Henry’s alliance be courted by
every party, yet interested him so little as never to touch him with
concern or anxiety. His close connections with-Spain and Scotland
insured his tranquillity; and his continued successes over domestic
enemies, owing to the prudence and vigor of his conduct, had reduced the
people to entire submission and obedience. Uncontrolled, therefore,
by apprehension or opposition of any kind, he gave full scope to his
natural propensity; and avarice, which had ever been his ruling passion
being increased by age and encouraged by absolute authority broke all
restraints of shame or justice. He had found two ministers Empson and
Dudley, perfectly qualified to second his rapacious and tyrannical
inclinations, and to prey upon his defenceless people. These instruments
of oppression were both lawyers; the first of mean birth, of brutal
manners, of an unrelenting temper; the second better born, better
educated, and better bred, but equally unjust, severe, and inflexible.
By their knowledge in law, these men were qualified to pervert the
forms of justice to the oppression of the innocent; and the formidable
authority of the king supported them in all their iniquities.
It was their usual practice, at first, to observe so far the appearance
of law as to give indictments to those whom they intended to oppress;
upon which the persons were committed to prison, but never brought to
trial; and were at length obliged, in order to recover their liberty,
to pay heavy fines and ransoms, which were called mitigations and
compositions. By degrees, the very appearance of law was neglected: the
two ministers sent forth their precepts to attach men, and summon them
before themselves and some others, at their private houses, in a court
of commission, where, in a summary manner, without trial or jury,
arbitrary decrees were issued, both in pleas of the crown and
controversies between private parties. Juries themselves, when summoned,
proved but small security to the subject; being browbeaten by these
oppressors; nay, fined, imprisoned, and punished, if they gave sentence
against the inclination of the ministers The whole system of the feudal
law, which still prevailed, was turned into a scheme of oppression. Even
the king’s wards, after they came of age, were not suffered to enter
into possession of their lands without paying exorbitant fines. Men
were also harassed with informations of intrusion upon scarce colorable
titles. When an outlawry in a personal action was issued against any
man, he was not allowed to purchase his charter of pardon, except on the
payment of a great sum; and if he refused the composition required of
him, the strict law, which in such cases allows forfeiture of goods, was
rigorously insisted on. Nay, without any color of law, the half of men’s
lands and rents were seized during two years, as a penalty in case of
outlawry. But the chief means of oppression employed by these ministers
were the penal statutes, which, without consideration of rank, quality,
or services, were rigidly put in execution against all men: spies,
informers, and inquisitors were rewarded and encouraged in every quarter
of the kingdom: and no difference was made, whether the statute were
beneficial or hurtful, recent or obsolete, possible or impossible to be
executed. The sole end of the king and his ministers was to amass money,
and bring every one under the lash of their authority.[*]
Through the prevalence of such an arbitrary and iniquitous
administration, the English, it may safely be affirmed, were
considerable losers by their ancient privileges, which secured them
from all taxations, except such as were imposed by their own consent
in parliament. Had the king been empowered to levy general taxes at
pleasure, he would naturally have abstained from these oppressive
expedients, which destroyed all security in private property, and begat
a universal diffidence throughout the nation. In vain did the people
look for protection from the parliament, which was pretty frequently
summoned during this reign.
{1504.} That assembly was so overawed, that at this very time, during
the greatest rage of Henry’s oppressions, the commons chose Dudley their
speaker, the very man who was the chief instrument of his iniquities.
And though the king was known to be immensely opulent, and had no
pretence of wars or expensive enterprises of any kind, they granted him
the subsidy which he demanded. But so insatiable was his avarice, that
next year he levied a new benevolence, and renewed that arbitrary and
oppressive method of taxation.
{1505.} By all these arts of accumulation, joined to a rigid frugality
in his expense, he so filled his coffers, that he is said to have
possessed in ready money the sum of one million eight hundred thousand
pounds; a treasure almost incredible, if we consider the scarcity of
money in those times.[**]
* Bacon, p. 629, 630. Holingshed, p. 504. Polyd. Virg. p.
613, 615.
** Silver was during this reign at thirty-seven shillings
and six pence a pound, which makes Henry’s treasure near
three millions of our present money. Besides, many
commodities have become above thrice as dear by the increase
of gold and silver in Europe. And what is a circumstance of
still greater weight, all other states were then very poor,
in comparison of what they are at present. These
circumstances make Henry’s treasure appear very great, and
may lead us to conceive the oppressions of his government.
But while Henry was enriching himself by the spoils of his oppressed
people, there happened an event abroad which engaged his attention,
and was even the object of his anxiety and concern: Isabella, queen of
Castile, died about this time and it was foreseen that by this incident
the fortunes of Ferdinand, her husband, would be much affected. The king
was not only attentive to the fate of his ally, and watchful lest the
general system of Europe should be affected by so important an event;
he also considered the similarity of his own situation with that of
Ferdinand, and regarded the issue of these transactions as a precedent
for himself. Joan, the daughter of Ferdinand by Isabella, was married to
the archduke Philip, and being, in right of her mother, heir of Castile,
seemed entitled to dispute with Ferdinand the present possession of that
kingdom. Henry knew that, notwithstanding his own pretensions by the
house of Lancaster, the greater part of the nation was convinced of
the superiority of his wife’s title; and he dreaded lest the prince
of Wales, who was daily advancing towards manhood, might be tempted by
ambition to lay immediate claim to the crown. By his perpetual attention
to depress the partisans of the York family, he had more closely united
them into one party, and increased their desire of shaking off that
yoke under which they had so long labored, and of taking every advantage
which his oppressive government should give his enemies against him.
And as he possessed no independent force like Ferdinand, and governed
a kingdom more turbulent and unruly, which he himself by his narrow
politics had confirmed in factious prejudices, he apprehended that his
situation would prove in the issue still more precarious.
Nothing at first could turn out more contrary to the king’s wishes than
the transactions in Spain. Ferdinand, as well as Henry, had become very
unpopular, and from a like cause, his former exactions and impositions;
and the states of Castile discovered an evident resolution of preferring
the title of Philip and Joan.
{1506.} In order, to take advantage of these favorable dispositions, the
archduke, now king of Castile, attended by his consort, embarked for
Spain during the winter season; but meeting with a violent tempest in
the Channel, was obliged to take shelter in the harbor of Weymouth. Sir
John Trenchard, a gentleman of authority in the county of Dorset,
hearing of a fleet upon the coast, had assembled some forces; and being
joined by Sir John Cary, who was also at the head of an armed body, he
came to that town. Finding that Philip, in order to relieve his sickness
and fatigue, was already come ashore, he invited him to his house; and
immediately despatched a messenger to inform the court of this important
incident. The king sent in all haste the earl of Arundel to compliment
Philip on his arrival in England, and to inform him that he intended to
pay him a visit in person, and to give him a suitable reception in his
dominions. Philip knew that he could not now depart without the king’s
consent; and therefore, for the sake of despatch, he resolved to
anticipate his visit, and to have an interview with him at Windsor.
Henry received him with all the magnificence possible, and with all the
seeming cordiality; but he resolved, notwithstanding, to draw some
advantage from this involuntary visit paid him by his royal guest.
Edmond de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, nephew to Edward IV. and brother to
the earl of Lincoln, slain in the battle of Stoke, had some years before
killed a man in a sudden fit of passion, and had been obliged to apply
to the king for a remission of the crime. The king had granted his
request; but, being little indulgent to all persons connected with the
house of York, he obliged him to appear openly in court and plead his
pardon. Suffolk, more resenting the affront than grateful for the favor,
had fled into Flanders, and taken shelter with his aunt, the duchess
of Burgundy; but being promised forgiveness by the king, he returned to
England, and obtained a new pardon. Actuated, however, by the natural
inquietude of his temper and uneasy from debts which he had contracted
by his great expense at Prince Arthur’s wedding, he again made an
elopement into Flanders. The king, well acquainted with the general
discontent which prevailed against his administration neglected not this
incident, which might become of importance, and he employed his usual
artifices to elude the efforts of his enemies. He directed Sir Robert
Curson, governor of the castle of Hammes, to desert his charge, and to
insinuate himself into the confidence of Suffolk, by making him a tender
of his services. Upon information secretly conveyed by Curson, the
king seized William Courtney, eldest son to the earl of Devonshire, and
married to the lady Catharine, sister of the queen; William de la Pole,
brother to the earl of Suffolk; Sir James Tyrrel, and Sir James Windham,
with some persons of inferior quality; and he committed them to custody.
Lord Abergavenny and Sir Thomas Green were also apprehended; but were
soon after released from their confinement. William de la Pole was long
detained in prison: Courtney was attainted, and, though not executed, he
recovered not his liberty during the king’s lifetime. But Henry’s chief
severity fell upon Sir James Windham and Sir James Tyrrel, who were
brought to their trial, condemned, and executed: the fate of the latter
gave general satisfaction, on account of his participation in the murder
of the young princes, sons of Edward IV. Notwithstanding these
discoveries and executions, Curson was still able to maintain his credit
with the earl of Suffolk: Henry, in order to remove all suspicion, had
ordered him to be excommunicated, together with Suffolk himself, for his
pretended rebellion. But after that traitor had performed all the
services expected from him, he suddenly deserted the earl, and came over
to England, where the king received him with unusual marks of favor and
confidence. Suffolk, astonished at this instance of perfidy, finding
that even the duchess of Burgundy, tired with so many fruitless
attempts, had become indifferent to his cause, fled secretly into
France, thence into Germany, and returned at last into the Low
Countries; where he was protected, though not countenanced, by Philip,
then in close alliance with the king.
Henry neglected not the present opportunity of complaining to his guest
of the reception which Suffolk had met with in his dominions. “I really
thought,” replied the king of Castile, “that your greatness and felicity
had set you far above apprehensions from any person of so little
consequence: but, to give you satisfaction, I shall banish him my
state.” “I expect that you will carry your complaisance further,” said
the king; “I desire to have Suffolk put into my hands, where alone I can
depend upon his submission and obedience.” “That measure,” said Philip,
“will reflect dishonor upon you as well as myself. You will be thought
to have treated me as a prisoner.” “Then the matter is at an end,”
replied the king; “for I will take that dishonor upon me; and so your
honor is saved.”[*] The king of Castile found himself under a necessity
of complying; but he first exacted Henry’s promise that he would spare
Suffolk’s life. That nobleman was invited over to England by Philip; as
if the king would grant him a pardon, on the intercession of his friend
and ally. Upon his appearance, he was committed to the Tower; and
the king of Castile, having fully satisfied Henry, as well by this
concession as by signing a treaty of commerce between England and
Castile, which was advantageous to the former kingdom,[*] was at last
allowed to depart, after a stay of three months.
* Bacon, p. 633.
** Rymer, vol. xiii. p. 142.
He landed in Spain, was joyfully received by the Castilians, and pit in
possession of the throne.
{1507.} He died soon after; and Joan, his widow, falling into deep
melancholy Ferdinand was again enabled to reinstate himself in
authority, and to govern, till the day of his death, the whole Spanish
monarchy.
The king survived these transactions two years; but nothing memorable
occurs in the remaining part of his reign, except his affiancing his
second daughter, Mary, to the young archduke Charles, son of Philip of
Castile.
{1508.} He entertained also some intentions of marriage for himself,
first with the queen dowager of Naples, relict of Ferdinand; afterwards
with the duchess dowager of Savoy, daughter of Maximilian, and sister of
Philip. But the decline of his health put an end to all such thoughts;
and he began to cast his eye towards that future existence which the
iniquities and severities of his reign rendered a very dismal prospect
to him. To allay the terrors under which he labored, he endeavored, by
distributing alms and founding religious houses, to make atonement for
his crimes, and to purchase, by the sacrifice of part of his ill-gotten
treasures, a reconciliation with his offended Maker. Remorse even seized
him at intervals for the abuse of his authority by Empson and Dudley;
but not sufficient to make him stop the rapacious hand of those
oppressors. Sir William Capel was again fined two thousand pounds under
some frivolous pretence, and was committed to the Tower for daring
to murmur against the iniquity. Harris, an alderman of London, was
indicted, and died of vexation before his trial came to an issue.
Sir Laurence Ailmer, who had been mayor, and his two sheriffs, were
condemned in heavy fines, and sent to prison till they made payment.
The king gave countenance to all these oppressions; till death, by its
nearer approaches, impressed new terrors upon him; and he then ordered,
by a general clause in his will, that restitution should be made to
all those whom he had injured.
{1509.} He died of a consumption at his favorite palace of Richmond,
after a reign of twenty-three years and eight months, and in the
fifty-second year of his age.[*]
* Dagd. Baronage, ii. p. 237.
The reign of Henry VII. was, in the main, fortunate for his people at
home, and honorable abroad. He put an end to the civil wars with which
the nation had long been harassed, he maintained peace and order in the
state, he depressed the former exorbitant power of the nobility, and,
together with the friendship of some foreign princes, he acquired the
consideration and regard of all. He loved peace without fearing war
though agitated with continual suspicions of his servants and ministers,
he discovered no timidity, either in the conduct of his affairs, or in
the day of battle; and though often severe in his punishments, he was
commonly less actuated by revenge than by maxims of policy. The services
which he rendered the people were derived from his views of private
advantage, rather than the motives of public spirit; and where he
deviated from interested regards, it was unknown to himself, and ever
from the malignant prejudices of faction, or the mean projects of
avarice; not from the sallies of passion, or allurements of pleasure;
still less from the benign motives of friendship and generosity. His
capacity was excellent, but somewhat contracted by the narrowness of his
heart; he possessed insinuation and address, but never employed these
talents, except where some great point of interest was to be gained; and
while he neglected to conciliate the affections of his people, he often
felt the danger of resting his authority on their fear and reverence
alone. He was always extremely attentive to his affairs; but possessed
not the faculty of seeing far into futurity; and was more expert at
providing a remedy for his mistakes than judicious in avoiding them.
Avarice was, on the whole, his ruling passion;[*] and he remains an
instance, almost singular, of a man placed hi a high station,
and possessed of talents for great affairs, in whom that passion
pre-dominated above ambition. Even among private persons, avarice is
commonly nothing but a species of ambition, and is chiefly incited
by the prospect of that regard, distinction, and consideration, which
attend on riches.
* As a proof of Henry’s attention to the smallest profits,
Bacon tells us, that he had seen a book of accounts kept by
Empson, and subscribed in almost every leaf by the king’s
own hand. Among other articles was the following: “Item.
Received of such a one five marks for a pardon, which if it
do not pass, the money to be repaid, or the party otherwise
satisfied.” Opposite to the memorandum, the king had writ
with his own hand, “Otherwise satisfied.” Bacon, p. 630.
The power of the kings of England had always been somewhat irregular
or discretionary; but was scarcely ever so absolute during any former
reign, at least after the establishment of the Great Charter, as during
that of Henry Besides the advantages derived from the personal character
of the man, full of vigor, industry, and severity, deliberate in all
projects, steady in every purpose, and attended with caution as well as
good fortune in every enterprise; he came to the throne after long and
bloody civil wars, which had destroyed all the great nobility, who alone
could resist the encroachments of his authority; the people were
tired with discord and intestine convulsions, and willing to submit to
usurpations, and even to injuries, rather than plunge themselves anew
into like miseries: the fruitless efforts made against him served
always, as is usual, to confirm his authority: as he ruled by a faction,
and the lesser faction, all those on whom he conferred offices, sensible
that they owed every thing to his protection, were willing to support
his power, though at the expense of justice and national privileges.
These seem the chief causes which at this time bestowed on the crown so
considerable an addition of prerogative, and rendered the present reign
a kind of epoch in the English constitution.
This prince, though he exalted his prerogative above law is celebrated
by his historian for many good laws, which he made be enacted for the
government of his subjects. Several considerable regulations, indeed,
are found among the statutes of this reign, both with regard to the
police of the kingdom, and its commerce: but the former are generally
contrived with much better judgment than the latter. The more simple
ideas of order and equity are sufficient to guide a legislator in every
thing that regards the internal administration of justice: but the
principles of commerce are much more complicated, and require long
experience and deep reflection to be well understood in any state. The
real consequence of a law or practice is there often contrary to first
appearances. No wonder that during the reign of Henry VII.[*,] these
matters were frequently mistaken; and it may safely be affirmed, that
even in the age of Lord Bacon, very imperfect and erroneous ideas were
formed on that subject.
Early in Henry’s reign, the authority of the star chamber, which was
before founded on common law and ancient practice, was in some cases
confirmed by act of parliament: [*] [2] Lord Bacon extols the utility of
this court; but men began even during the age of that historian, to feel
that so arbitrary a jurisdiction was incompatible with liberty; and
in proportion as the spirit of independence still rose higher in the
nation, the aversion to it increased, till it was entirely abolished
by act of parliament in the reign of Charles I., a little before the
commencement of the civil wars.
* See note B, at the end of the volume.
Laws were passed in this reign, ordaining the king’s suit for murder to
be carried on within a year and a day.[*] Formerly it did not usually
commence till after; and as the friends of the person murdered often in
the interval compounded matters with the criminal, the crime frequently
passed unpunished. Suits were given to the poor “in forma pauperis,” as
it is called; that is, without paying dues for the writs, or any fees to
the council:[**] a good law at all times, especially in that age,
when the people labored under the oppression of the great; but a law
difficult to be carried into execution. A law was made against carrying
off any woman by force.[***] The benefit of clergy was abridged;[****]
and the criminal, on the first offence, was ordered to be burned in
the hand with a letter denoting his crime; after which he was punished
capitally for any new offence. Sheriffs were no longer allowed to fine
any person, without previously summoning him before their court.[v] It
is strange that such a practice should ever have prevailed. Attaint of
juries was granted in cases which exceeded forty pounds’ value; [v*] a
law which has an appearance of equity, but which was afterwards found
inconvenient. Actions popular were not allowed to be eluded by fraud or
covin. If any servant of the king’s conspired against the life of the
steward, treasurer, or comptroller of the king’s household, this design,
though not followed by any overt act, was made liable to the punishment
of felony.[v**] This statute was enacted for the security of Archbishop
Morton, who found himself exposed to the enmity of great numbers.
There scarcely passed any session during this reign without some statute
against engaging retainers, and giving them badges or liveries; [v***]
a practice by which they were in a manner enlisted under some great lord
and were kept in readiness to assist him in all wars, insurrections,
riots, violences, and even in bearing evidence for him in courts of
justice.[v****]
* 3 Henry VII. cap. 1.
** 11 Henry VII. cap. 12.
*** 3 Henry VII. cap. 2.
**** 4 Henry VII. cap. 13.
v 11 Henry VII. cap. 15.
v* 11 Henry VII. cap. 24.
v** 19 Henry VII. cap. 3.
v*** 3 Henry VII. cap 13.
v**** 3 Henry VII. cap 1 and 12.
This disorder, which had prevailed during many reigns, when the law
could give little protection to the subject, was then deeply rooted
in England; and it required all the vigilance and rigor of Henry to
extirpate it. There is a story of his severity against this abuse; and
it seems to merit praise, though it is commonly cited as an instance of
his avarice and rapacity. The earl of Oxford, his favorite general, in
whom he always placed great and deserved confidence, having splendidly
entertained him at his castle of Heningham, was desirous of making a
parade of his magnificence at the departure of his royal guest, and
ordered all his retainers, with their liveries and badges, to be drawn
up in two lines, that their appearance might be the more gallant
and splendid. “My lord,” said the king, “I have heard much of your
hospitality, but the truth far exceeds the report. These handsome
gentlemen and yeomen, whom I see on both sides of me, are no doubt your
menial servants.” The earl smiled, and confessed that his fortune was
too narrow for such magnificence. “They are most of them,” subjoined
he, “my retainers, who are come to do me service at this time, when
they know I am honored with your majesty’s presence.” The king started
a little, and said, “By my faith, my lord, I thank you for your good
cheer, but I must not allow my laws to be broken in my sight. My
attorney must speak with you.” Oxford is said to have paid no less than
fifteen thousand marks, as a composition for his offence.
The increase of the arts, more effectually than all the severities of
law, put an end to this pernicious practice. The nobility, instead of
vying with each other in the number and boldness of their retainers,
acquired by degrees a more civilized species of emulation, and
endeavored to excel in the splendor and elegance of their equipage,
houses, and tables. The common people, no longer maintained in vicious
idleness by their superiors, were obliged to learn some calling or
industry, and became useful both to themselves and to others. And it
must be acknowledged, in spite of those who declaim so violently against
refinement in the arts, or what they are pleased to call luxury, that,
as much as an industrious tradesman is both a better man and a better
citizen than one of those idle retainers who formerly depended on the
great families, so much is the life of a modern nobleman more laudable
than that of an ancient baron.[*]
But the most important law, in its consequences, which was enacted
during the reign of Henry, was that by which the nobility and gentry
acquired a power of breaking the ancient entails, and of alienating
their estates.[*] By means of this law, joined to the beginning luxury
and refinements of the age, the great fortunes of the barons were
gradually dissipated, and the property of the commons increased
in England. It is probable that Henry foresaw and intended this
consequence; because the constant scheme of his policy consisted in
depressing the great, and exalting churchmen, lawyers, and men of new
families, who were more dependent on him.
This king’s love of money naturally led him to encourage commerce, which
increased his customs; but, if we may judge by most of the laws enacted
during his reign, trade and industry were rather hurt than promoted
by the care and attention given to them. Severe laws were made against
taking interest for money, which was then denominated usury.[*] [3] Even
the profits of exchange were prohibited, as savoring of usury,[**] which
the superstition of the age zealously proscribed. All evasive contracts,
by which profits could be made from the loan of money, were also
carefully guarded against.[***] It is needless to observe how
unreasonable and iniquitous these laws, how impossible to be executed,
and how hurtful to trade, if they could take place. We may observe,
however, to the praise of this king, that sometimes, in order to promote
commerce, he lent to merchants sums of money without interest, when he
knew that their stock was not sufficient for those enterprises which
they had in view.[****]
Laws were made against the exportation of money, plate, or bullion:
[v] a precaution which serves to no other purpose than to make more be
exported.
* See note C, at the end of the volume.
** 4 Henry VII. cap. 24. The practice of breaking entails by
means of a fine and recovery was introduced in the reign of
Edward IV.: but it was not, properly speaking, law, till the
statute of Henry VII.; which, by correcting some abuses that
attended that practice, gave indirectly a sanction to it.
*** 3 Henry VII. cap. 5.
**** 3 Henry VII. cap. 6.
v 7 Henry VII. cap. 8.
But so far was the anxiety on this head carried, that merchants alien,
who imported commodities into the kingdom, were obliged to invest in
English commodities all the money acquired by their sales, in order to
prevent their conveying it away in a clandestine manner.[*]
It was prohibited to export horses; as if that exportation did not
encourage the breed, and render them more plentiful in the kingdom.[**]
In order to promote archery, no bows were to be sold at a higher
price than six shillings and fourpence,[***] reducing money to the
denomination of our time. The only effect of this regulation must be,
either that the people would be supplied with bad bows, or none at all.
Prices were also affixed to woollen cloth,[****] to caps and hats:[v]
and the wages of laborers were regulated by law.[v*] It is evident,
that these matters ought always to be left free, and be intrusted to
the common course of business and commerce. To some it may appear
surprising, that the price of a yard of scarlet cloth should be limited
to six and twenty shillings, money of our age; that of a yard of colored
cloth to eighteen; higher prices than these commodities bear at present;
and that the wages of a tradesman, such as a mason, bricklayer, tiler,
etc., should be regulated at near tenpence a day; which is not much
inferior to the present wages given in some parts of England. Labor and
commodities have certainly risen since the discovery of the West Indies;
but not so much in every particular as is generally imagined. The
greater industry of the present times has increased the number of
tradesmen and laborers, so as to keep wages nearer a par than could be
expected from the great increase of gold and silver. And the additional
art employed in the finer manufactures has even made some of these
commodities fall below their former value. Not to mention, that
merchants and dealers, being contented with less profit than formerly,
afford the goods cheaper to their customers. It appears by a statute of
this reign,[v**] that goods bought for sixteenpence would sometimes be
sold by the merchants for three shillings.
* 3 Henry VII cap. 8.
** 11 Henry VII. cap. 13.
*** 3 Henry VII. cap. 12.
**** 4 Henry VII. cap. 8.
v 4 Henry VII. cap. 9.
v* 11 Henry VII. cap. 22.
v** 4 Henry VII. cap. 9.
The commodities whose price has chiefly risen, are butcher’s meat, fowl,
and fish, (especially the latter,) which cannot be much augmented in
quantity by the increase of art and industry. The profession which then
abounded most, and was sometimes embraced by persons of the lowest rank,
was the church: by a clause of a statute, all clerks or students of
the university were forbidden to beg, without a permission from the
vice-chancellor.[*]
One great cause of the low state of industry during this period, was the
restraints put upon it; and the parliament, or rather the king, (for
he was the prime mover in every thing,) enlarged a little some of these
limitations; but not to the degree that was requisite. A law had been
enacted during the reign of Henry IV.,[**] that no man could bind his
son or daughter to an apprenticeship, unless he were possessed of
twenty shillings a year in land; and Henry VII., because the decay
of manufactures was complained of in Norwich from the want of hands,
exempted that city from the penalties of the law.[***] Afterwards the
whole county of Norfolk obtained a like exemption with regard to some
branches of the woollen manufacture.[****] These absurd limitations
proceeded from a desire of promoting husbandry, which, however, is never
more effectually encouraged than by the increase of manufactures. For a
like reason, the law enacted against enclosures, and for the keeping up
of farm houses,[v] scarcely deserves the high praises bestowed on it by
Lord Bacon. If husbandmen understand agriculture, and have a ready vent
for their commodities, we need not dread a diminution of the people
employed in the country. All methods of supporting populousness, except
by the interest of the proprietors, are violent and ineffectual. During
a century and a half after this period, there was a frequent renewal of
laws and edicts against depopulation; whence we may infer, that none
of them were ever executed. The natural course of improvement at last
provided a remedy.
* 11 Henry VII. cap. 22.
** 11 Henry VII. cap. 11.
*** 4 Henry VII. cap. 19.
**** 4 Henry VII. cap. 17.
v 12 Henry VII. cap. 1.
One check to industry in England was the erecting of corporations;
an abuse which is not yet entirely corrected. A law was enacted, that
corporations should not pass any by-laws without the consent of three of
the chief officers of state.[*] They were prohibited from imposing tolls
at their [**] The cities of Glocester and Worcester had even imposed
tolls on the Severn, which were abolished.[***]
There is a law of this reign,[****] containing a preamble, by which
it appears, that the company of merchant adventurers in London had, by
their own authority, debarred all the other merchants of the kingdom
from trading to the great marts in the Low Countries, unless each trader
previously paid them the sum of near seventy pounds. It is surprising
that such a by-law (if it deserve the name) could ever be carried into
execution, and that the authority of parliament should be requisite to
abrogate it.
It was during this reign, on the second of August, 1492, a little before
sunset, that Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, set out from Spain on his
memorable voyage for the discovery of the western world; and a few years
after, Vasquez de Gama, a Portuguese, passed the Cape of Good Hope,
and opened a new passage to the East Indies. These great events were
attended with important consequences to all the nations of Europe, even
to such as were not immediately concerned in those naval enterprises.
The enlargement of commerce and navigation increased industry and the
arts every where; the nobles dissipated their fortunes in expensive
pleasures: men of an inferior rank both acquired a share in the landed
property, and created to themselves a considerable property of a new
kind, in stock, commodities, art, credit, and correspondence. In some
nations, the privileges of the commons increased by this increase of
property: in most nations, the kings, finding arms to be dropped by the
barons, who could no longer endure their former rude manner of life,
established standing armies, and subdued the liberties of their
kingdoms: but in all places, the condition of the people, from the
depression of the petty tyrants by whom they had formerly been oppressed
rather than governed, received great improvement, and they acquired, if
not entire liberty, at least the most considerable advantages of it. And
as the general course of events thus tended to depress the nobles and
exalt the people, Henry VII., who also embraced that system of policy,
has acquired more praise than his institutions, strictly speaking, seem
of themselves to deserve on account of any profound wisdom attending
them.
* 19 Henry VII. cap. 7 gates.
** 19 Henry VII. cap. 8.
*** 10 Henry VII. cap. 18.
**** 12 Henry VII. cap. 6.
It was by accident only that the king had not a considerable share in
those great naval discoveries, by which the present age was so much
distinguished. Columbus, after meeting with many repulses from the
courts of Portugal and Spain sent his brother Bartholomew to London, in
order to explain his projects to Henry, and crave his protection for
the execution of them. The king invited him over to England; but
his brother, being taken by pirates, was detained in his voyage; and
Columbus, meanwhile, having obtained the countenance of Isabella, was
supplied with a small fleet, and happily executed his enterprise. Henry
was not discouraged by this disappointment: he fitted out Sebastian
Cabot, a Venetian, settled in Bristol, and sent him westwards in 1498,
in search of new countries. Cabot discovered the main land of America
towards the sixtieth degree of northern latitude: he sailed southwards
along the coast, and discovered Newfoundland and other countries; but
returned to England without making any conquest or settlement. Elliot
and other merchants in Bristol made a like attempt in 1502.[*] The king
expended fourteen thousand pounds in building one ship, called the Great
Harry.[**] She was, properly speaking, the first ship in the English
navy. Before this period, when the prince wanted a fleet, he had no
other expedient than hiring or pressing ships from the merchants.
* Rymer, vol. xiii. p. 37.
** Stowe, p. 484.
But though this improvement of navigation, and the discovery of both the
Indies, was the most memorable incident that happened during this or
any other period, it was not the only great event by which the age was
distinguished. In 1453, Constantinople was taken by the Turks; and the
Greeks, among whom some remains of learning were still preserved, being
scattered by these barbarians, took shelter in Italy, and imported,
together with their admirable language, a tincture of their science, and
of their refined taste in poetry and eloquence About the same time, the
purity of the Latin tongue was revived, the study of antiquity became
fashionable, and the esteem for literature gradually propagated itself
throughout every nation in Europe. The art of printing, invented about
that time, extremely facilitated the progress of all these improvements:
the invention of gunpowder changed me whole art of war: mighty
innovations were soon after made in religion, such as not only affected
those states that embraced them, but even those that adhered to the
ancient faith and worship; and thus a general revolution was made in
human affairs throughout this part of the world; and men gradually
attained that situation, with regard to commerce, arts, science,
government, police, and cultivation, in which they have ever since
persevered. Here, therefore, commences the useful, as well as the
more agreeable part of modern annals; certainty has place in all the
considerable, and even most of the minute parts of historical narration;
a great variety of events, preserved by printing, give the author the
power of selecting, as well as adorning, the facts which he relates; and
as each incident has a reference to our present manners and situation,
instructive lessons occur every moment during the course of the
narration. Whoever carries his anxious researches into preceding
periods, is moved by a curiosity, liberal indeed and commendable; not by
any necessity for acquiring knowledge of public affairs, or the arts of
civil government.