CHAPTER VI

LETTERS TO "THE STRANGER," 1833, 1834

If Balzac's intimates, careful of his future, had besought him to jot

down in a diary the detailed doings of his every-day life, with a

confession of his thoughts, feelings, and opinions, in fine an

unmasking of himself, he would surely have urged the material

impossibility of his fulfilling such a task, over and above the

labours of Hercules to which his ambition and his necessities bound

him. And yet he performed the miracle unsolicited.

From the day when he quitted Neufchatel to the day when he arrived at

Wierzchownia, on his crowning visit in 1848, he never ceased

chronicling, in a virtually uninterrupted series of letters to Madame

Hanska, closely following each other during most of this long period,

a faithful account of his existence--exception made for its love

episodes--which, having fortunately been preserved, constitutes an

almost complete autobiography of his mature years. When the end of the

correspondence shall have been given to the public, three volumes, at

least, will have been taken up with the record--a record which taxed

his time and strength, indeed overtaxed them, causing him to encroach

unduly on his already too short hours of sleep. The motive must have

been a powerful one that could induce him to make so large a

sacrifice. Whether it was love alone, as he protested again and again,

or love mixed with gratified pride, or both joined to the hope of

enjoying the vast fortune that loomed through the mists of the far-off

Ukraine, the phenomenon remains the same. Certainly some great force

was behind the pen that untiringly wrote in every vein and mood these

astonishing _Letters to the Stranger_.

In those up to the year 1834 that were, properly speaking, private,

the tone rises to a pitch of lover-passion that could hardly fail to

alarm, even whilst they flattered the one to whom his devotion was

addressed. Although Balzac's brief sojourns in Madame Hanska's

vicinity had resulted in no breach of the marriage law, there was too

much implied in his assumption of their betrothal to please the

husband, if any of these lover's oaths should fall under his notice.

And this was what just did happen before many months had gone by. In

consequence of some accident which is not explained, the Count had

cognizance of two epistles that reached his wife while both were

staying at Vienna; and, for some time, it seemed as though the

intercourse would be definitely severed. A humble apology was sent to

the Count, the letters being passed off as a joke; and the

interpretation was, fortunately for Balzac, accepted. Madame Hanska

was offended as well as her husband, or, at any rate, she affected to

be. It appears some negligence had been committed by the novelist in

forwarding the incriminating epistles. However, being cleared in her

husband's eyes, she yielded her forgiveness.

Balzac's policy, after this mishap, was to keep on the best terms

possible with Monsieur Hanski, who, to use the Frenchman's English

expression, suffered from chronic blue devils. After leaving his new

friends at Geneva, the novelist procured the Count an autograph letter

from Rossini, this great composer being a favourite at Wierzchownia.

To his new lady-love he sent an effusion of his own in verse, having

small poetic merit, but pretty sentiment.

During the Geneva intercourse, he did his best to familiarize Eve with

all the names and characters of the people he knew, since his

interests were to be hers, or, at any rate, so he flattered himself.

She learnt to distinguish the people who were for him from those who

were against him. Of these latter there were a goodly number, some

made enemies by his own fault, through over-susceptibility or

unconscious arrogance. Both causes were responsible for the quarrel

occurring about this time between him and Emile de Girardin, which was

never entirely healed, in spite of the persevering efforts of Emile's

wife, better known as Madame Delphine Gay. "I have bidden good-bye to

the Gays' molehill," he informed Madame Hanska. It was pretty much the

same with his estrangement from the Duke de Fitz-James, which,

however, was followed by a speedy reconciliation, for the Duke was

offering, a few months later, to support him again in a political

election. The unsatisfactory state of his health, and some family

troubles, decided him to defer his candidature to the end of the

decade, by which date he hoped to have written two works--_The Tragedy

of Philippe II._ and _The History of the Succession of the Marquis of

Carrabas_--which should implant his conception of absolute monarchic

power so strongly in the minds of his fellow-citizens that they would

be glad to send him to Parliament as their representative. Other

political articles and pamphlets of his, he asserted, would enable him

by 1839 to dominate European questions.

Werdet has a great deal to say about his idol's over-weening exaction

of homage, leading him to be himself guilty of acts of rudeness

towards others, thus alienating their sympathies. The publisher

relates one scene that he witnessed at the offices of William Duckett,

proprietor of the _Dictionary of Conversation and Reading_. The office

door was suddenly opened and Balzac stalked in with his hat on his

head. "Is Duckett in?" he curtly asked, addressing in common the chief

editor, his sub, and an attendant. There was a conspiracy of silence.

Evidently, this was not the novelist's first visit, and his style was

known. Again the question was put in the same language and manner, and

again no one replied. Advancing now a step, and speaking to the chief

editor, he repeated his question for a third time. Monglave, who was

an irritable gentleman, being accosted personally, answered briefly:

"Put your question to the sub-editor." There was a wheel-about, and

another peremptory inquiry, to which the sub, imitating his chief,

replied with "Ask the attendant." At present boiling with rage, Balzac

turned to the porter and thundered: "Is Duckett in?" "Monsieur

Balzac," returned the attendant, "these gentlemen have forbidden me to

tell you." Threatening to report the affair to Duckett, the novelist

withdrew, pursued by the mocking laughter of the chief editor and the

sub; but, on second thoughts, he deemed it more prudent to let the

matter drop.

Another example of this peculiar assumption of superiority occurred

not long after at a dinner given by Werdet in honour of a young

author, Jules Bergounioux, whose novels were being much read. Among

the guests were Gustave Planche, Jules Sandeau, and Balzac. During the

meal the conversation, after many assaults of wit and mirth, fell on

the necessity of defending writers against the piracy and mutilation

of their books in foreign countries, more especially in Belgium. All

expressed their opinion energetically, young Bergounioux like the

rest, he happening to class himself with his fellows in the words--_we

men of letters_. At the conclusion of his little speech, Balzac

uttered a guffaw: "You, sir, a man of letters! What pretension! What

presumption! You! compare yourself to us! Really, sir, you forget that

you have the honour to be sitting here with the marshals of modern

literature."

This exhibition and others similar were natural to the man. He could

not help them. It was impossible for him not to be continually

proclaiming his own greatness. "Don't tax me with littleness," he said

in one of his letters to Delphine Gay, in which he justified his

breaking with her husband. "I think myself too great to be offended by

any one."

The domestic troubles alluded to above, which were worrying Balzac in

1834, had partly to do with his brother Henry, a sort of ne'er-do-well,

who had been out to the Indies and had returned with an undesirable

wife, and prospects--or rather the lack of them--that made him a

burden to the other members of the family. Madame Balzac, too, was

unwell at Chantilly; and her illnesses always affected Honore, who,

at such moments, reproached himself for not being able to do more on

her behalf. Not that his year's budget was a poor one. The seventy

thousand francs at which he estimated his probable earnings for the

twelvemonth were not on this occasion so very much beyond the truth,

if his author's percentages were included. Werdet--the illustrious

Werdet, who, he said, somewhat resembled the _Illustrious Gaudissart_

--bought an edition of his philosophic novels for fifteen thousand

francs; and, besides two principal books to be mentioned further on,

both of which appeared before the close of the year, there were parts

of _Seraphita_ and _The Cabinet of Antiques_ which the _Revue de

Paris_ was publishing as serials. His notorious quarrel and lawsuit

with this Review was yet to come. But there was storm in the air even

now. _Seraphita_, the subject inspired by Madame Hanska and dedicated

to her, was but little to the taste of Buloz the editor; and he

declared to Balzac, who was making him wait for copy, that it was

hardly worth while taking so long and making so much fuss over a novel

which neither the public nor he, the editor, could understand. Happily

the dear Werdet was at hand to arrange the difficulty. Though in the

same case as Buloz, and failing altogether to comprehend the subject

or its treatment, he took over _Seraphita_ in 1835 and published it.

Next to politics, as a means of gaining name and fame more quickly,

Balzac esteemed play-writing. The esteem was purely commercial. In his

heart of hearts he rather despised this species of composition,

entertaining the notion that it was something to be done quickly, if

at all, and utilizable to please the groundlings. Yet, because he saw

that there was money in it, he turned his hand to it, time after time,

and, for long, had to abandon it as constantly. In 1834 he formed a

partnership with Jules Sandeau and Emmanuel Arago, with the idea of

risking less in case of failure. In addition to the tragedy already

spoken of, he tried two others--_The Courtiers_ and _Don Philip and

Don Charles_, the latter modelled on Schiller's _Don Carlos_. The

_Grande Mademoiselle_ was a comic history of Lauzun; and his

_Prudhomme, Bigamist_, was a farce, in which a dummy placed in a bed

seemed to him capable, with a night's working on it, of bringing down

the house. Vaguely he felt, and vaguely he confessed to his sister,

what he had seen and confessed thirteen years earlier, that the drama

was not his forte. But, anchored in the conviction that he ought

finally to succeed in everything he undertook, he returned to the

attempt with magnificent pluck and perseverance.

His colleague for the nonce, Sandeau, he considered to be a protege of

his; and used him a while as a kind of secretary. In this year

especially he showed much solicitude about him. There was nothing to

excite his jealousy in the author of _Sacs et Parchemins_, who was not

elected to the Academy until nearly the end of the decade in which

Balzac died. On the contrary, his pity was aroused by Sandeau's

precarious position and by the recent separation between Madame

Dudevant and this first of her lovers, who did his best to commit

suicide by swallowing a dose of acetate of morphia. Luckily the dose

was so large that Sandeau's stomach refused to digest it. George Sand

herself Balzac admired but did not care for at this time. He would

talk to her amiably when he met her at the Opera; but, if she invited

him to dinner, he invented an excuse, if possible, for not going.

"Don't speak to me," he would say, "of this writer of the neuter

gender. Nature ought to have given her more breeches and less style."

His opinion, however, did not prevent him, in 1842, from accepting her

help. An article had come out in her _Revue Independante_, without her

knowledge, attacking him violently. She wrote to apologize; and Balzac

called on her, to explain, as he informed Madame Hanska, how injustice

serves the cause of talent. She told him then that she should like to

write a thorough study of him and his books; and he made as though he

would dissuade her, saying that she would only get herself in bad

odour with his critics. Still she persisted, and he accordingly asked

her to compose a preface for an ensuing publication of his whole

works, the preface to be a defence of him against those who were his

enemies. Whether this notice was written before the novelist's death

is uncertain. At any rate, it was not printed until 1875, when it

appeared in her volume _Autour de la Table_.

It was difficult for Balzac to be fair towards those men of letters

among his contemporaries who excelled in his own domain; yet his

judgment, when unwarped, was fine, keen, and, in many instances,

endowed with prophetic sight. For instance, in placing Alfred de

Musset as a poet above Victor Hugo or Lamartine, he daringly

contradicted the opinions of his own day, and anticipated a criticism

which is at present becoming respectable if not fashionable. On the

other hand, his estimate of _Volupte_, Sainte-Beuve's just then

published novel, which he was soon to imitate and recreate in his

_Lily in the Valley_, was manifestly prejudiced. He called it a book

badly written in most of its parts, weak, loosely constructed,

diffuse, in which there were some good things, in short a puritanical

book, the chief character of it, Madame Couaen not being woman enough.

His opinion, which he imparted to Madame Hanska, he apparently took no

trouble to conceal, for Sainte-Beuve was evidently aware of it when he

treated Balzac very sharply in an article of this same year of 1834.

From that date, the celebrated lecturer looked with coldness and

disfavour on the novelist, and even in his final pronouncement of the

_Causeries du Lundi_, shortly after Balzac's death, he meted out but

faint praise.

Something has been said in a previous chapter of the novelist's belief

in certain occult powers of the mind, with which the newly discovered

action of magnetism seemed to him to be connected. At first, his ideas

on the subject were a good deal mixed. When, in 1832, a terrible

epidemic of cholera was spreading its ravages, he wrote to Doctor

Chapelain, suggesting that somnambulism--he would have called it

hypnotism to-day--should be employed to seek out the causes of the

malady, and a test applied to prove whether its virtues were real or

chimerical. In 1834, he had come to pin his faith to the healing

powers of magnetism. "When you or Monsieur Hanski or Anna are ill," he

wrote to Eve, "let me know. Don't laugh at me. At Issoudun, facts

recently demonstrated to me that I possess very large magnetic

potency, and that, either through a somnambulist" (he meant a

hypnotist) "or through myself, I can cure persons dear to me." To all

his friends he reiterated the same advice--magnetic treatment, which

he declared his mother capable of exercising as well as himself.

Madame Balzac's initiation into the science was due to the Prince of

Hohenlohe-Waldenburg-Schillingfurst, Bishop of Sardica, who, in his

several visits to Paris between 1821 and 1829, wrought wonderful cures

by the simple imposition of hands. As the lady used to suffer from a

swelling in the bowels whenever she ate raw fruit, the Bishop, hearing

of it, came one day to see her, and applied his method, which cured

her. Balzac, being a witness of the miracle, became an ardent

investigator in this new branch--or rather old branch revived--of

therapeutics. Thenceforward, his predilection for theories of the

occult went hand in hand with his equally strong taste for the

analytic observation of visible phenomena; and not infrequently he

indulged in their simultaneous literary expression. The composing of

_Seraphita_ was carried on at the same time as his _Search for the

Absolute_ and _Pere Goriot_.

Both of these two novels were finished and published in 1834. In the

_Search for the Absolute_, we have Balthazar Claes, a man of wealth

and leisure, living in the ancient town of Douai, and married to a

wife who adores him and who has borne him children. Claes' hobby is

scientific research; his aim, the discovery of the origin of things

which he believes can be given him by his crucible. In his family

mansion, of antique Flemish style, which is admirably described by the

novelist at great length, he pursues his tireless experiments; and,

with less justification than Bernard Palissy, encroaches by degrees on

the capital of his fortune, which melts away in his furnace and

alembics. During the first period of his essays, his wife tries to

have confidence in his final success, herself studies all sorts of

learned treatises, in order to be able to converse with him suitably

and to encourage him in his work; but, at last, unable to delude her

own mind any longer, she weeps with her children over the approaching

destruction of their home, and the grief wears her out and kills her.

Luckily the daughter, Marguerite, is made of sterner stuff than her

mother. And, with her brother, she toils to pay her father's debts and

to keep the home together. At the end, Claes himself dies, still

absorbed in his chimera, and his last words are an endeavour to

formulate the marvellous revelation which his disordered brain

persuades him he has now received.

"'Eureka!' he cried with a shrill voice, and fell back on his bed with

a thud. In passing away, he uttered a frightful groan, and his

convulsed eyes, until the doctors closed them, spoke his regret not to

have been able to bequeath to science the key of a mystery whose veil

had been tardily torn aside under the gaunt fingers of Death."

The _Search for the Absolute_ may be classed with _Eugenie Grandet_ in

the category of the novelist's best creations. Though Claes is, as

much as Grandet, and perhaps more, an abnormal being, his sacrifice of

every duty of life to the pursuit of the irrealizable is common enough

in humanity. By reason of the novelist's intense delineation, his

figure shows out in monstrous proportions; but these are skilfully

relieved by the happier fates of the children. The lengthy

descriptions of the opening chapter he defended against his sister

Laure's strictures, asserting that they had ramifications with the

subject which escaped her. His presentment, too, of Marguerite he said

was not forced, as she thought. Marguerite was a Flemish woman, and

Flemish women followed one idea out and, with phlegm, went

unswervingly towards their goal. The labour the book had cost him he

owned to Madame Hanska. Two members of the Academy of Sciences taught

him chemistry, so that he might be exact in his representation of

Claes' experiments; and he read Berzelius into the bargain. Moreover,

he had revised and modified the proofs of the novel no fewer than a

dozen times.

As Werdet tells, the real work of composition, with Balzac, hardly

commenced until he had a set of galley proofs. What he sent first to

the printer, scribbled with his crow's-quill, was a mere sketch; and

the sketch itself was a sort of Chinese puzzle, largely composed of

scratched-out and interpolated sentences; passages and chapters being

moved about in a curious _chasse-croise_, which the type-setters

deciphered and arranged as they best could. Margins and inter-columnal

spaces they found covered with interpolations; a long trailing line

indicated the way here and the way there to the destination of the

inserted passages. A cobweb was regular in comparison to the task

which the printers had to tackle in the hope of finding beginning,

middle, and end. In the various presses where his books were set up,

the employees would never work longer than an hour on end at his

manuscript. And the indemnity he had to pay for corrections reached

sometimes the figure of forty francs per sixteen pages. Numerous were

the difficulties caused on this score with publishers, editors, and

printers. Balzac justified himself by quoting the examples of

Chateaubriand, Ingres, and Meyerbeer in their various arts. To Buloz,

of the _Revue de Paris_, who expostulated, he impatiently replied: "I

will give up fifty francs per sheet to have my hands free. So say no

more about the matter." It is true that Buloz paid him 250 francs per

sheet for his contributions.

Indeed, the novelist's own method of work was a reversal of the

natural alternation of regular periods of activity and repose. He not

only, as he told all his correspondents with wearisome iteration,

burned the midnight oil, but would keep up these eighteen or twenty

hours' daily labour for weeks altogether, until some novel that he was

engaged on was finished. During these spells of composing he would see

no one, read no letters, but write on and on, eating sparingly,

sipping his coffee, and refreshing his jaded anatomy by taking a bath,

in which he would lie for a whole hour, plunged in meditation. After

his voluntary seclusions, he suddenly reappeared in his usual haunts,

active and feverish as ever, note-book ready to hand, in which he

jotted down his thoughts, discoveries, and observations for future

use. On its pages were primitively outlined the features of most of

the women of his fiction.

One of these prolonged _claustrations_, in October 1834--the day was

Sunday--he interrupted by a call, most unexpected, on Werdet. His face

was sallow and gaunt with vigil. He had been stopped in the

description of a spot, he explained, by the uncertainty of his

recollections, and must go into the city in order to refresh them. So

he invited Werdet to accompany him in playing truant for the day. The

morning was spent in the slums, where he gathered the information

required; and the afternoon they whiled away in listening to a concert

at the _Conservatoire_. Here he was welcomed by the fashionables of

both sexes, notwithstanding his shabby costume, which he had donned in

view of his morning's occupation. On quitting the concert room, he

carried Werdet off to dine with him at Very's, the most expensive and

aristocratic restaurant in Paris. The place was full of guests; and

those who were in proximity to the table where the two newcomers sat

down were astounded to see the following menu ordered and practically

consumed by one man, since Werdet, being on diet, took only a soup and

a little chicken: A hundred oysters; twelve chops; a young duck; a

pair of roast partridges; a sole; hors d'oeuvre; sweets; fruit (more

than a dozen pears being swallowed); choice wines; coffee; liqueurs.

Never since Rabelais' or perhaps Louis XIV.'s time, had such a

Gargantuan appetite been witnessed. Balzac was recouping himself for

his fasting.

When the repast, lengthened out by a flow of humorous conversation,

was at length terminated, the nineteenth-century Johnson asked his

Boswell if he had any available cash, as he himself had none. Werdet

confessing only to forty francs, the novelist borrowed a five-franc

piece from him and thundered out his request for the bill. To the

waiter who presented it he handed the coin, at the same time returning

the bill with a few words scribbled at the foot. "Tell the cashier,"

he cried, "that I am Monsieur Honore de Balzac." And he stalked out

with Werdet, whilst all the diners present stared admiringly after the

great man.

But the evening was not yet finished. In the garden of the Palais-Royal,

then more frequented by society than to-day, they met Jules Sandeau

and Emile Regnault. And, as they were near a gambling-saloon, Balzac,

who had an infallible system for breaking the bank, proposed to Jules

that he should go and try his luck. A twenty-franc piece was wheedled

out of Werdet for the experiment, which proved a fiasco. Next, the

novelist, to convince his companions of the accuracy of his theory,

which he further detailed, went and borrowed forty francs from his

heraldic engraver, and sent Sandeau and Regnault into the saloon

again. Alas! fate was once more unkind. They returned minus their

money. To console themselves, they went to the Funambules Theatre, to

see Debureau act in the _Boeuf Enrage_, and Balzac laughed so loud

that he and his party had to leave the theatre. On the morrow Werdet

was called upon to pay the restaurant-keeper sixty-two francs, and to

reimburse the engraver the forty francs loan, which sums, together

with what he had himself advanced, ran Balzac's debit for the day up

to one hundred and twenty-seven francs.

In _Pere Goriot_, the publication of which came close at the heels of

the _Search for the Absolute_, Balzac traces the gradual

impoverishment of a fond father by his two daughters, married, the one

to a nobleman, the other to a banker, and whose husbands, when they

have received the marriage dowry, give their father-in-law, who is a

plebeian, the cold shoulder, and forbid their wives to see him unless

in secret. Goriot's daughters, losing in their grand surroundings the

little filial affection they ever had, exploit the old man's worship

of them shamelessly. If they visit him in the boarding-house to which

he has retired, after selling his home to endow them more richly, it

is solely to get from him for their pleasures the portion of his

wealth he has retained for his own wants. And he never refuses them,

but sells and sells, until, at last, he is reduced to lodge in the

garret of the boarding-house and eat almost the refuse of the table.

Around this tragic central figure are grouped the commensals of the

Vauquer _pension_, Rastignac, the young law-student, with shallow

purse and aristocratic connections; Bianchon, the future great-gun in

medicine, at present walking the hospitals and attending lectures and

practising dissections; Victorine Taillefer, the rejected daughter of

a guilty millionaire; Mademoiselle Michonneau, the soured spinster,

who ferrets out the identity of her fellow-boarder Vautrin, and

betrays to justice this cynical outlaw installed so quietly, and, to

all appearance, safely, in the _pension_, where Madame Vauquer, the

traipsing widow, lords it serenely, attentive only to her profits.

Of these subsidiary characters, two, Vautrin and Rastignac, furnish a

second interest in the story parallel to that of Goriot and his

daughters, and constituting a foil. Under the influence of Paris

surroundings and experience, Rastignac passes from his naive illusions

to a state of worldly wisdom, which he reaches all the more speedily

as Vautrin is at his elbow, commenting with Mephistophelian shrewdness

on his fellow-men and the society they form. Himself a man of

education, who has sunk from high to low and is branded with the

convict's mark, Vautrin is yet capable of affection of a certain kind;

but, in the mind and heart of the youth he would fain advantage, he is

capable only of inculcating the law of tooth and claw. "A rapid

fortune is the problem that fifty thousand young men are at present

trying to solve who find themselves in your position," he says to

Rastignac. "You are a single one among this number. Judge of the

efforts you have to make and of the desperateness of the struggle. You

must devour each other like spiders in a pot, seeing there are not

fifty thousand good places. Do you know how one gets on here? By the

brilliance of genius or the adroitness of corruption one must enter

the mass of men like a cannon-ball, or slip into it like the plague.

Honesty is of no use." Having a tempter about him of Vautrin's

calibre, strong, undauntable, as humorous as Dickens' Jingle, but

infinitely more unscrupulous and dangerous, Rastignac is gained over,

in spite of his first repulsion. The nursing and burying of Pere

Goriot are his last acts of charity accorded to the claims of his

higher nature, and even these are sullied by his relations with one of

Goriot's daughters. Standing on the cemetery heights, and looking down

towards the Seine and the Vendome column, he flings a defiance to the

society spread beneath him, the society he despises but still wishes

to conquer.

In this novel many social grades are gathered together, and the

reciprocal actions of their representative members are rendered with

effective contrast and a good deal of dramatic quickness. The chief

theme, though so painful, is developed with less strain and monotony

than in some other of the novelist's works by reason of a larger

application, conscious or unconscious, of Shakespeare's practice of

intermingling the humorous with the tragic. Even the comic is not

entirely absent, Madame Vauquer especially supplying interludes. The

novelist himself chuckled as he put into her mouth a mispronunciation

of the word _tilleul_,[*] and explained to Madame Hanska, whose

foreign accent in speaking French suggested it, that he chose the fat

landlady so that Eve should not be jealous.

[*] English linden, or lime-tree.

Balzac's too great absorption in his writing forced him more than once

in this year to go into the country and recuperate his health. During

the earlier months he spent a short time with the Carrauds at

Frapesle, which was a favourite sojourn of his, and, later on, at

Sache, a pleasant retreat in his native Touraine. His iron

constitution was not able always to resist the demands continually

made upon it; and his abuse of coffee only aggravated the evil. To

Laure he acknowledged, while at Sache, that this beverage refused to

excite his brain for any time longer than a fortnight; and even the

fortnight was paid for by horrible cramps in the stomach, followed by

fits of depression, which he suffered when suddenly deprived of his

beloved drink. In his _Treatise of Modern Stimulants_ he describes its

peculiar operation upon himself. "This coffee," he says, "falls into

your stomach, and straightway there is a general commotion. Ideas

begin to move like the battalions of the Grand Army on the

battlefield, and the battle takes place. Things remembered arrive full

gallop, ensign to the wind. The light cavalry of comparisons deliver a

magnificent, deploying charge; the artillery of logic hurry up with

their train and ammunition; the shafts of wit start up like

sharp-shooters. Similes arise; the paper is covered with ink; for the

struggle commences and is concluded with torrents of black water, just

as a battle with powder."

When he tells us how Doctor Minoret, Ursule Mirouet's guardian, used

to regale his friends with a cup of Moka mixed with Bourbon coffee,

and roasted Martinique, which the Doctor insisted on personally

preparing in a silver coffee-pot, it is his own custom that he is

detailing. His Bourbon he bought only in the Rue Mont Blanc (now the

Chaussee d'Antin), the Martinique, in the Rue des Vieilles Audriettes,

the Moka at a grocer's in the Rue de l'Universite. It was half a day's

journey to fetch them.

The _Tigers_ or _Lions_, of the Loge Infernale at the Opera, have

already been spoken of. It was in this year that Balzac, as belonging

to the Club, gave a dinner to its members, the chief guest being

Rossini. Nodier, Sandeau, Bohain, and the witty Lautour-Mezeray were

also present. He doubtless wore on the occasion his coat of broadcloth

blue, made by his tailor-friend Buisson, with its gold buttons

engraved by Gosselin, his jeweller and goldsmith. On his waistcoat of

white English _pique_ twined and glittered the thousand links of the

slender chain of Venice gold. Black trousers, with footstraps, showing

his calves to advantage, patent-leather boots, and his wonderful

stick, which inspired Madame Delphine Gay to write a book, completed

the equipment.

This stick was certainly in existence in 1834, being mentioned in the

correspondence with Madame Hanska during that year. Werdet, however,

connects its origin with the novelist's imprisonment, two years later,

in the Hotel de Bazancourt, popularly known as the Hotel des Haricots,

which was used for confining those citizens who did not comply with

Louis-Philippe's law enrolling them in the National Guard and ordering

them to take their turn in night-patrol of the city. Balzac was

incurably recalcitrant. Nothing would induce him to encase himself in

the uniform and serve; and, whenever the soldiers came for him, he

bribed them to let him alone. Finally, these bribes failed of their

effect, and an arrest-warrant was issued against him. In his ordinary

correspondence two experiences of his being in durance vile at the

Hotel des Haricots are mentioned, one in March 1835, another in August

1836. The latter of these is differently dated in the _Letters to the

Stranger_, the end of April being given, unless, indeed, there were

two confinements close together, which is hardly probable. What is

most likely is, that Werdet has confused two things, the story of the

lock of hair, properly belonging to 1836, and the making of the stick,

which belongs to 1834. Here is his narration:--

The publisher one day received a note requesting him to go at once to

the prison and to take with him some money. He went with two hundred

francs, and found Balzac, in his Dominican's dress, installed in a

small cell on the third story, busily engaged in arranging papers.

Part of the money brought was utilized to order a succulent dinner,

which Werdet stayed and shared in the smoky refectory below. Both

prisoner and visitor were very merry until the door opened and Eugene

Sue, the popular novelist, entered, himself also a victim of the

conscription law. Invited to join in the meal, Sue declined, saying

that his valet and his servant were shortly to bring him his dinner.

This repulse damped Balzac's spirits until the arrival of a third

victim, the Count de Lostange, chief editor of the _Quotidienne_, who

sat down willingly to table. Then Balzac forgot Sue's rudeness, and

the mirth was resumed. Notwithstanding the efforts of the novelist's

influential friends, the Count de Lobau, who was responsible for the

arrest, showed himself inexorable, and a second day was spent in

captivity, which Werdet came again towards evening to enliven. A whole

pile of perfumed epistles sent by feminine sympathizers was lying on

the table, and the publisher had to open them and read them aloud to

his companion. When a third day's confinement was decided on by the

authorities, Werdet arranged to celebrate it by a dinner that should

merit being put on record. He therefore secured the presence of some

intimates of the novelist, among them being Gustave Planche and

Alphonse Karr; and at 5 P.M., eight people were assembled in the cell,

with Auguste, Balzac's valet, to serve them. The restaurant-keeper

Chevet's menu of exquisite dishes was suitably moistened with

excellent champagne sent by a Countess, and, when the feast was in

full progress, Balzac took a scented parcel from among his presents

and asked permission to open it. The authorization being granted, he

undid the parcel, and disclosed a mass of long, fair, silky hair

threaded into a gold ring that was set with an emerald. On the gift

was an inscription in English: _From an unknown friend_. A great

discussion ensued. One irreverent speaker opined that the thing was a

hoax, and that the hair had come from a wig-maker's; but his blasphemy

was shouted down. Another proposed that Balzac should cut off his own

long, flat locks (it was in 1834 that he began to let them grow) and

should send them addressed to the Unknown Fair One. Poste Restante.

But this suggestion, too, was not approved. The locks were proclaimed

to be national property, and to be cut off only by the passing of a

special law. Next, the ring was discussed; and here it was that

Balzac, struck with a brilliant idea, announced his intention of

ordering Gosselin, the goldsmith, to manufacture a marvellous hollow

stick-knob in which a lock of the blond hair should be inserted, and

all over the top of the knob were to be fixed diamonds, sapphires,

emeralds, topazes, rubies, chosen out of the many he had had given him

by his rich lady-enthusiasts. On the morrow, he was released, after

spending, during the few days he had been locked up, five hundred and

seventy francs in refreshment for himself and visitors.

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