CHAPTER IV

FIRST SUCCESSES AND FAME

The historical novel that Balzac had set himself to write was the

_Chouans_, this name being given to the Vendee Royalists who, under

the leadership of the Chevalier de Nougarede, combated the Revolution

and Napoleon. The scene being laid in Brittany, it was natural that,

apart from health reasons, the author should wish to inspire his pen

by a visit to the places he intended to describe.

His hostess at Fougeres has left us a description of her guest: "He

was a little, burly man, clad in ill-fitting garments that increased

his bulk. His hands were magnificent. He wore a most ugly hat; but, as

soon as he took it off, one remarked nothing else besides his

head. . . . Beneath his ample forehead, on which seemed to shine the

reflection of a lamp, there were brown, gold-spangled eyes which

expressed their owner's meaning as clearly as his speech. He had a

big, square nose, and a huge mouth, which was perpetually smiling in

spite of his ugly teeth. He wore a moustache, and his long hair was

brushed back. At the time he came to us he was rather thin, and

appeared to be half-starved. He devoured his food, poor fellow! For

the rest, there was so much confidence, so much benevolence, so much

_naivete_, so much frankness in his demeanour, his gestures, his ways

of speaking and behaving that it was impossible to know him and not

love him. . . . His good humour was so exuberant as to be contagious.

Notwithstanding the misfortunes he had just passed through, he had not

been with us a quarter of an hour before he made the General and me

laugh till tears came into our eyes."

The _Chouans_, which his two or three months' sojourn at Fougeres

enabled him to get on with rapidly, was completed after his return to

Paris, and was published under his own name in 1829. Charles Vimont,

who accepted and brought it out, paid him no more than a thousand

francs. The book, although it was not badly written, and contained

plenty of incident, very fair characterization, of the minor

personages especially, and local colouring imitated from Walter Scott,

made no great impression. For the ordinary reader it differed too

little from the Romanticism with which he was familiar. Moreover, the

action savoured too much of the melodramatic; and the character of

Mademoiselle de Verneuil, and that of the Chouan chief, whom she had

promised to deliver up to the emissaries of Fouche, were too nebulous

to gain general sympathy, even with the heroine's tragic devotion.

There is, however, a fine sketch of Brittany and of its spirit of

revolt; the numerous figures of the background are vigorously

executed, and nearly all the episodes of the drama are skilfully

presented. A perusal of the _Chouans_ makes us regret that there was

hardly any return to this kind of composition in the author's

after-work.

When embarking on his publishing enterprise, Balzac went to live in an

apartment of the Rue Tournon, No. 2[*] close to the Luxembourg. He

abandoned it for the Rue des Marais in 1826; and, this latter abode

being given up in 1828, he removed on his return from Brittany to No.

4, Rue Cassini, where he remained for some years. A friend of his,

Latouche--soon to become an enemy--helped him to liven up the walls of

his study with the famous blue calico that had adorned his room over

the printing office. Certain busybodies spread the report that he was

furnishing his new apartment extravagantly; and Laure, to whose ear

the tattle had come, ventured to allude to it in a letter reproaching

him with remissness in writing home and to her. The accusation of

extravagance, which later he really merited, was at this moment a

trifle previous, money being scarce and credit also. "Stamps and

omnibus fares are expenses I cannot afford," he assured his sister;

"and I abstain from going out in order to save my clothes."

[*] Some early biographers state that the novelist went to the Rue

Tournon after his bankruptcy. This is a mistake.

However, he was now on the point of scoring a literary success. In the

same year as his _Chouans_ appeared his _Physiology of Marriage_, a

book of satire and caricature having a distinct stamp of his maturer

manner. Werdet, for a number of years his publisher and friend,

relates in his _Portrait Intime_ that Balzac, while still in the

Lesdiguieres Street garret, had gone one day to Alphonse Levavasseur

and offered, in return for a royalty and a cash installment of two

hundred francs, to supply him with a book to be entitled: _Manual of

the Business Man, by a former Notary's Clerk_. It was agreed that the

manuscript should be handed in at the end of the month; and the two

hundred francs were paid down. In vain the publisher waited for his

Manual. Ultimately he hunted out his debtor; and the latter had to

confess that the long-promised manuscript had never been written. In

order to calm the creditor's indignation, Balzac read to him some

fragments of another book which he was really engaged upon. After

listening for a while, Levavasseur's countenance grew serene: "I will

pay you two thousand francs for this production when finished,

Monsieur," he said; "and we will cancel the old transaction. Come with

me. I will give you the first thousand francs now. The rest you shall

have as soon as I get the last corrected proofs." "Dear publisher,

your speech is golden," cried Balzac; "I accept." Nevertheless, the

proofs were not delivered until 1829. The book immediately became

popular. "From the day of its appearance," comments Werdet,

"literature counted another master and France another Moliere."

The verdict is exact only if the _Physiology_ is regarded in

conjunction with the novelist's after achievement in the domain of

realistic fiction. Alone it would not rank so high. Flippant, cynical,

immoral--these epithets, which were freely applied to it, all have

their justification when one looks at the work from any other

standpoint than that of its being a very amusing and clever exposition

of sex relations governed by interest and passion. Both facts and

philosophy are confined within an exceedingly narrow horizon, one in

which the writer was most thoroughly at home, which explains why they

bear the imprint of a mind already _blase_.

From a letter Balzac sent to Levavasseur, while finishing the last

pages of the manuscript, it appears that he commenced his task as a

jest and completed it with more serious purpose: "I intended to dash

off a pleasantry," he told him, "and you came one morning and asked me

to do in three months what Brillat-Savarin took ten years to do. I

haven't an idea which is not the _Physiology_. I dream of it, I am

absorbed by it."

The sale of the book was in a measure due to the sort of scandal it

provoked. Ladies especially bought the volume to find out for

themselves how far they had been maligned; and Levavasseur, who was

pleased with his profits, introduced Balzac to Emile de Girardin, then

chief editor of the _Mode_, to which paper he now began to contribute

light articles, not to speak of other journals, which were only too

glad to receive something from his pen. The extent to which the fair

sex read the _Physiology_ and were affected by it is illustrated by a

story that Werdet tells of a hoax perpetrated at Balzac's expense by a

number of his society friends, who had cause to complain of his

uppishness towards them, a treatment based not merely on the belief he

entertained in his literary superiority, but on his pretensions to

aristocratic descent. The story belongs more properly to the middle

thirties, when he had been using the prefix "de" before his name

already for some years, justifying himself on the ground that his

father claimed issue from an old family that had resisted the Auvergne

invasion and had begotten the d'Entragues stock. His father, moreover,

so he said, had discovered documents in the Charter House establishing

a concession of lands made by a de Balzac in the fifth century; and a

copy of the transaction had been registered by the Paris Parliament.

Between 1833 and 1836 one of the most celebrated Paris "sets" was that

of the Opera "lions," seven young aristocratic sparks composing it,

or, to be precise, six, together with the Chevalier d'Entragues de

Balzac, as his friends jokingly dubbed him--he being an elder. It was

the period of his first flush of prosperity, when he drove about in a

hired carriage resplendent with the d'Entragues coat of arms, which

cost him five hundred francs a month; had a majestic coachman in fine

livery and a Tom Thumb groom; sported himself in gorgeous garments and

strutted about in the Opera _foyer_, amidst the real or feigned

admiration of his fellows.

To revenge themselves for their mentor's superciliousness towards

them, the six other _lions_ induced a dancer at the Opera to play the

part of a supposed Duke's daughter smitten with the great man's

writings and person, a role she undertook the more willingly as, being

well acquainted with the former, she was anxious to prove to him that

he was not so perspicacious as he deemed himself. An Opera ball was

chosen for the adventure; and Balzac was duly baited and taken in tow

by the lady, whose mask only half concealed her beauty. Thus began a

flirtation, with subsequent clandestine meetings, allowing the fair

unknown to fool him to the top of her bent. The author wanted to

propose for her hand to the Duke her father; but, cleverly using her

knowledge of his books, the sly jade showed him that he would have no

chance of being accepted. At last she hinted she would like to visit

him in his author's sanctum; and the delighted novelist went to most

lavish expense in fitting up a boudoir to receive her. The visit was

presumably a secret one. Protected by a young man employed at the

Opera, to whom she was engaged, and who accompanied her in the

disguise of a negro, she went to the Rue des Batailles one evening and

graciously listened to the enraptured conversation of her victim till

towards midnight, when her mother, who was in the plot, came to fetch

her. The novelist's fury and humiliation were extreme on his learning

how neatly he had been tricked, and it was some time before he

ventured to reappear in his accustomed haunts. As narrated by Werdet,

the story is a good deal embellished, and some of the details that he

gives were probably invented; but the main outline he vouches to be

true.

Among the editors of journals who sought Balzac's collaboration after

the publication of the _Physiology_ were Buloz of the _Revue de Paris_

and Victor Ratier of the _Silhouette_. To the latter of them, in 1831,

he wrote from La Grenadiere, where he had gone to recruit, a letter

revealing a curiously mixed state of mind in this dawning period of

fame. He would seem to have been under a presentiment of the long

years of struggle and incessant toil he was about to be involved in,

and to have felt a shrinking of his physical nature from them.

"Oh! if you knew what Touraine is like," he exclaimed. "Here one

forgets everything else. I forgive the inhabitants for being stupid.

They are so happy. Now, you know that people who enjoy much are

naturally stupid. Touraine admirably explains the lazzarone. I have

come to regard glory, the Chamber, politics, the future, literature,

as veritable poison-balls to kill wandering, homeless dogs, and I say

to myself: 'Virtue, happiness, life, are summed up in six hundred

francs income on the bank of the Loire. . . .' My house is situated

half-way up the hill, near a delightful river bordered with flowers,

whence I behold landscapes a thousand times more beautiful than all

those with which rascally travellers bore their readers. Touraine

appears to me like a _pate de foie gras_, in which one plunges up to

the chin; and its wine is delicious. Instead of intoxicating, it makes

you piggy and happy. . . . Just fancy, I have been on the most poetic

trip possible in France--from here to the heart of Brittany by water,

passing between the most ravishing scenery in the world. I felt my

thoughts go with the stream, which, near the sea, becomes immense. Oh,

to lead the life of a Mohican, to run about the rocks, to swim in the

sea, to breathe in the fresh air and sun! Oh, I have realized the

savage! Oh, I have excellently understood the corsair, the adventurer

--their lives of opposition; and I reflected: 'Life is courage, good

rifles, the art of steering in the open ocean, and the hatred of man

--of the Englishman, for example.' (Here Balzac is of his time.) Coming

back hither, the ex-corsair has turned dealer in ideas. Just imagine,

now, a man so vagabond beginning on an article entitled, _Treatise of

Fashionable Life_, and making an octavo volume of it, which the _Mode_

is going to print, and some publisher reprint. . . . Egad! At the

present moment literature is a vile trade. It leads to nothing, and I

itch to go a-wandering and risk my existence in some living

drama. . . . Since I have seen the real splendours of this spot, I

have grown very philosophic, and, putting my foot on an ant-hill, I

exclaim, like the immortal Bonaparte: 'That, or men, what is it all in

presence of Saturn or Venus, or the Pole Star?' And methinks that the

ocean, a brig, and an English vessel to engulf, is better than a

writing-desk, a pen, and the Rue Saint-Denis."

About the events of the 1830 Revolution the novelist was apparently

but little concerned. True, the change was one of dynasty only, not of

_regime_, albeit Louis-Philippe posed rather as a plebiscitary

monarch. Balzac's clericalism and royalism, which ultimately became so

crystallized, were at this date in a position of unstable equilibrium.

At one moment his criticisms have an air of condemning the monarchic

principle, at another they point to his being a pillar of the ancient

system of things. On this occasion he was twitted by Madame Zulma

Carraud, his sister's friend, with whom his relations grew more

intimate as his celebrity augmented; and he defended himself by a

confession of faith which forecast his endeavours--less persistent

than his desires--to add the statesman's laurels to those of the

_litterateur_. His doctrine, following the Machiavellian tradition,

was that the genius of government consists in operating the fusion of

men and things--a method which demonstrated Napoleon and Louis XVIII.

alike to be men of talent. Both of them restrained all the various

parties in France--the one by force, the other by ruse, because the

one rode horseback, the other in a carriage. . . . France, he

continued, ought to be a constitutional monarchy, with an hereditary

Royal Family, a House of Lords extraordinarily powerful and

representing property, etc., with all possible guarantees of heredity

and privilege; then she should have a second, elective assembly to

represent every interest of the intermediary mass separating high

social positions from what was called the people. The bulk of the laws

and their spirit should tend to enlighten the people as much as

possible--the people that had nothing--workmen, proletaries, etc.--so

as to bring the greatest number of men to that condition of well-being

which distinguished the intermediary mass; but the people should be

left under the most puissant yoke, in such a way that the individual

units might find light, aid, and protection, and that no idea, no

form, no transaction might render them turbulent. The richer classes

must enjoy the widest liberty practicable, since they had a stake in

the country. To the Government he wished the utmost force possible,

its interests being the same as those of the rich and the bourgeois,

viz. to render the lowest class happy and to aggrandize the middle

class, in which resided the veritable puissance of States. If rich

people and the hereditary fortunes of the Upper Chamber, corrupted by

their manners and customs, engendered certain abuses, these were

inseparable from all society, and must be accepted with the advantages

they yielded.

This conception of the classes and the masses which he afterwards set

forth more fully in his _Country Doctor_ and _Village Cure_, partly

explains why all his best work, besides being impregnated with

fatalism, has such a constant outlook on the past. It was a dogma with

him rather than a philosophy, and was clung to more from taste than

from reasonable conviction. He believed in aristocratic prerogative,

because he believed in himself, and ranked himself as high as, or

rather higher than, the noble. This was at the bottom of his doctrine;

but he was glad all the same to have his claim supported by such

outward signs of the inward grace as were afforded by vague genealogy

and the homage of the great. Duchesses were his predilection when they

were forthcoming; failing them, countesses were esteemed.

The Duchess d'Abrantes--one of his early admirers--to whom he

dedicated his _Forsaken Woman_, was herself a colleague in letters;

and he was able to render her some service through his relations with

publishers. Their correspondence shows them to have been on very

friendly terms. In one of his letters to her, he insisted on his

inability to submit to any yoke, and rebutted her insinuation that he

permitted himself to be led--possibly the Duchess's hint referred to

Madame de Berny. "My character," he said, "is the most singular one I

have ever come across. I study myself as I might another person. I

comprise in my five feet two every incoherence, every contrast

possible; and those who think me vain, prodigal, headstrong,

frivolous, inconsistent, foppish, careless, idle, unstable, giddy,

wavering, talkative, tactless, ill-bred, impolite, crotchety,

humoursome, will be just as right as those who might affirm me to be

thrifty, modest, plucky, tenacious, energetic, hardworking, constant,

taciturn, cute, polite, merry. Nothing astonishes me more than myself.

I am inclined to conclude I am the plaything of circumstances. Does

this kaleidoscope result from the fact that, into the soul of those

who claim to paint all the affections and the human heart, chance

casts each and every of these same affections in order that by the

strength of their imagination they may feel what they depict? And can

it be that observation is only a sort of memory proper to aid this

mobile imagination? I begin to be of this opinion."

Balzac appears to have been introduced to the Duchess d'Abrantes about

the year 1830, when he was engaged in writing his _Shagreen Skin_,

which, out of the numerous pieces of fiction produced within this and

the next twelve months, added most to his notoriety, though inferior

to such stories as the _House of the Tennis-playing Cat_, and even to

the _Sceaux Ball_ in the more proper qualities of the novel.

The _Shagreen Skin_ is the adventure of a young man who, after sowing

his wild oats and losing his last crown at the gaming table, goes to

end his troubles in the river, but is prevented from carrying out his

intention by being fortuitously presented with a piece of shagreen

skin, which has the marvellous property of gratifying its possessor's

every wish, yet, meanwhile, shrinks with each gratification, and in

the same proportion curtails its possessor's life. On this warp of

fairy tale, the author weaves a woof of romance and reality most oddly

blended. The imitations of predecessors are numerous. The style is

turgid, the thought is shallow, the sentiment is exaggerated. But very

little of the sober characterization soon to be manifested in other

books is displayed in this one. The best that can be said is that the

thing has the same cleverness as the _Physiology_, with here and there

indications--and clear ones--of the novelist's later power. He himself

grossly overestimated it, as, indeed, he overestimated not a few of

his poorer productions--maybe because they cost him greater toil than

his masterpieces, which generally, after long, unconscious gestation,

issued rapidly and painless from him.

An amusing expression of this self-praise has come down to us in the

puff he composed on the occasion of a reprint of the _Shagreen Skin_

by Gosselin in 1832. "The _Philosophic Tales_ of Monsieur de Balzac,"

it announced, "have appeared this week. The _Shagreen Skin_ is judged

as the admirable novels of Anne Radcliffe were judged. Such things

escape annalists and commentators. The eager reader lays hold of these

books. They bring sleeplessness into the mansions of the rich and into

the garret of the poet; they animate the village. In winter they give

a livelier reflection to the sparkling log, great privileges to the

story-teller. It is nature, in sooth, who creates story-tellers.

Vainly are you a learned, grave writer, if you have not been born a

story-teller, and you will never obtain the popularity of the

_Mysteries of Udolpho_ and the _Shagreen Skin_, the _Arabian Nights_,

and Monsieur de Balzac. I have somewhere read that God created Adam,

the nomenclator, saying to him: You are the story-teller. And what a

story-teller! What verve and wit! What indefatigable perseverance in

painting everything, daring everything, branding everything! How the

world is dissected by this man! What an annalist! What passion and

what coolness!

"The _Philosophic Tales_ are the red-hot interpretation of a

civilization ruined by debauch and well-being, which Monsieur de

Balzac exposes in the pillory. The _Arabian Nights_ are the complete

history of the luxurious East in its days of happiness and perfumed

dreams. _Candide_ is the epitome of an epoch in which there were

bastilles, a stag-park, and an absolute king. By thus taking at the

first bound a place beside these formidable or graceful tale-tellers,

Monsieur de Balzac proves one thing that remained to be proved; to

wit, that the drama, which was no longer possible to-day on the stage,

was still possible in the story--that our society, so dangerously

sceptical, _blase_, and scornful, could yet be moved by the galvanic

shocks of this poetry of the senses--full of life and colour, in flesh

and blood, drunk with wine and lust--in which Monsieur de Balzac

revels with such delight. Thus, the surprise was great, when, thanks

to this story-teller, we still found among us something resembling

poetry--feasts, intoxication, the light o' love giving her caresses

amidst an orgie, the brimming punch-bowl crowned with blue flames, the

yellow-gloved politician, scented adultery, the girl indulging in

pleasure and love and dreaming aloud, poverty clean and neat,

surrounded with respectability and happy hazard--we have seen all this

in Balzac. The Opera with its lemans, the pink boudoir and its flossy

hangings, the feast and its surfeits; we have even seen Moliere's

doctor reappear, such need has this man of sarcasm and grotesqueness.

The further you advance in the _Shagreen Skin_--vices, lost virtues,

poverties, boredom, deep silence, dry-as-dust science, angular,

witless scepticism, laughable egotism, puerile vanities, venal loves,

Jewish second-hand dealers, etc.--the more astonished and pained you

will be to recognize that the nineteenth century in which you live is

so made up. The _Shagreen Skin_ is _Candide_ with Beranger's notes; it

is poverty, luxury, faith, mockery; it is the heartless breast, the

brainless cranium of the nineteenth century--the century so bedizened

and scented, so revolutionary, so ill-read, so little worth, the

century of brilliant phantasmagorias, of which in fifty years' time

nothing will be seizable except Monsieur de Balzac's _Shagreen Skin_."

On account of its sensationalism, the _Shagreen Skin_ had a success of

curiosity equal, and, if anything, superior to that of the

_Physiology_. The author, however, had to defend himself against the

charge of copying foreign literature--Hoffman's tales in particular.

One of his correspondents, the Duchess de Castries, who subsequently

flattered him and flirted with him, wrote to him incognito, taking

exception to certain statements he had made in each of his two popular

works. Replying to her, he for the first time spoke of his desire to

develop his fiction into a vast series of volumes destined to make

known to posterity the life of his century.

Great schemes were always to be Balzac's day-dreaming, one chasing the

other in his fancy. They filled his thoughts, and in his heart were

his constant aim, far more than to be loved, for all he asserted of

this last desire. If literature was the one means he resorted to in

his efforts to attain them, this was because every other means

deceived his expectation, and not because he deliberately preferred it

to all others. He owned the fact without reservation. In the case of a

man whose literary achievement was so high, such slighting of letters

has its significance, and is curious. Taken in conjunction with other

evidence furnished by his letters, it proves that genius, though

sometimes clearly the pure, simple moving of a spirit that cannot be

resisted, is also--and perhaps as often--a calculating partnership,

and that the work of art is a compromise. Would Balzac have written

better if his motive had been single? It is not certain.

During these early days of his popularity, a seat in the Chamber of

Deputies was his will o' the wisp. Aided by the _Dilecta's_ friends,

he offered himself as a candidate in two constituencies, Angouleme and

Cambrai, after publishing his pamphlet: _An Inquiry into the Policy of

Two Ministries_. With a view to shining in the future Parliament, he

sharpened his witticisms, rounded his periods, polished his style,

exercised himself in opposing short phrases to others of Ciceronian

length, endeavouring the while to put poetry and observation into a

new subject. At least these things were in his mind, as his

communication to Berthoud of the Cambrai _Gazette_ testified. His

intention was to become an orator, he said. Had he been elected, he

might have become the rival of Thiers. They were about the same age.

Then France might have had two "little bourgeois" instead of one,

unless one of the two had knocked the other out. But whether

conquering or conquered, Balzac the politician would have swallowed up

Balzac the novelist, and _Eugenie Grandet_ would never have been

written. Why he failed at the polls is not clear. Probably he did not

possess enough suppleness to please his party. To tell the truth, we

do not learn definitely to which party he belonged. He was quite

capable of constituting one by himself.

These preoccupations hindered him somewhat in carrying out his

engagements with publishers and editors, so that he did not always get

the money he counted on. Yet he worked hard. His habit, at this time,

was to go to bed at six in the evening and sleep till twelve, and

after, to rise and write for nearly twelve hours at a stretch,

imbibing coffee as a stimulant through these spells of composition.

What recreation he took in Paris was at the theatre or at the houses

of his noble acquaintances, where he went to gossip of an afternoon.

It was exhausting to lead such an existence; and even the transient

fillips given by the coffee were paid for in attacks of indigestion

and in abscesses which threw him into fits of discouragement. When

suffering from these, he poured out his soul to his sister or Madame

Carraud, complaining in his epistles that his destiny compelled him to

run after fame and deprived him of his chance to meet with the ideal

woman. Madame de Berny, with all her devotion, did not satisfy him

now. "Despairing of ever being loved and understood by the woman of my

dreams," he tragically cried, "having met with her only in my heart, I

am plunging again into the tempestuous sphere of political passions

and the stormy, withering atmosphere of literary glory." But the "she"

of his dreams, he added, must be wealthy. He could not conceive of

marriage and love in a cottage. It must be admitted that from his

sources of affection as from his sources of ambition there was a gush

which was rather muddy.

Altogether, the year of 1832 was an irritating one for Balzac. A rich

match he had hoped to make fell through. A second attempt of his to

enter the Chamber of Deputies ended in defeat. His books, after their

first season or two of favour, were selling but poorly in France,

although pirated editions were issued and had a large circulation

abroad. Impatiently he meditated plans for doubling and tripling his

revenue. He would emigrate--he would recommence publishing--he would

turn playwright. Amid these three solicitations he moved in a circle

without reaching a conclusion. And fortune, while he was hesitating,

did not come to his door. In default of her visit, not all the

flattering epistles he received from ladies in Russia and Germany

--three and four a day, he asserted--were an adequate compensation. A

journey undertaken for the benefit of his health to Sache, Angouleme,

and Aix forced him to borrow from his mother again, instead of paying

back the capital he owed her. His unfinished manuscripts he had taken

with him, but he found it difficult to get on with them: "I was going

to start work this morning with courage," he wrote to her, "when your

letter came to upset me completely. Do you think it possible for me to

have artistic thoughts when I see all at once the tableau of my

miseries displayed before me as you display them? Do you think I

should toil thus, if I did not feel it?"

The novelist's relations with his mother force the attention of any

one that studies his life. Their two natures were contrary; there were

often conflicts between them. As a child, he seems not to have

comprehended the affection underlying the maternal severity, and to

have entertained a dread of the latter which never entirely left him.

According to his friend Fessart, he used to confess he always

experienced a nervous trembling whenever he heard his mother speak;

and the effect was in some sort the numbing of his faculties when he

was in her presence. Her generous abnegation at the time of his

bankruptcy was a revelation to him; his gratitude for it was sincere;

and from that date onwards, during a number of years, his letters to

her evinced it, yet not consistently; the old distrust recurs, and

also a growing tendency to utilize her as a servant in his concerns.

Having once dipped in her purse, he did not hesitate to hold out his

hand, on each occasion that his needs, real or fancied, prompted him,

being confident of requiting her in the future. His refrain was ever

the same: "Sooner or later, politics, journalism, a marriage, or a big

piece of business luck will make me a Croesus. We must suffer a little

longer." And he finished by exhausting her last penny of capital, and

reduced her to depend on an allowance he gave her, irregularly--an

allowance which, when he died, had to be continued to her from the

purse of another. Madame Balzac was sacrificed to his improvidence and

stupendous egotism; nor can the tenderness of his language--more

frequently than not called forth by some fresh immolation of her

comfort to his interests--disguise this unpleasing side of his

character and action. While he was recouping his strength and spirits,

on the 1832 holiday, she was in Paris negotiating with Pichot of the

_Revue de Paris_, with Gosselin and other publishers, arranging for

proofs, and also for an advance of cash. Even his epistolary good-byes

were odd mixtures of business with sentiment. After casting himself

--through the post--on her bosom and embracing her with effusion, he

terminated by: "Pay everything as you say. On my side, I will gain

money by force, and we will balance the expenses by the receipts."

The book that cost him the greatest efforts during the year of 1832

was his _Louis Lambert_, already mentioned in the second chapter.

Writing about it to his family from Angouleme he explained that he was

attempting in it to vie with Goethe and Byron, with _Faust_ and

_Manfred_. It was to be a conclusive reply to his enemies, and would

make his superiority manifest. Some day or other it would lead science

into new paths. Meantime it would produce a deep impression and

astonish the Swedenborgians. Whether the members of this sect were

astonished, history does not record. Those who were most so were the

novelist's friends, and Madame de Berny among the number. But their

wonder was not a eulogium. First of all, the hero--his _alter ego_--is

a very poor replica of Pascal; and the exalting of Lambert's

intelligence, which was mere self-praise, jarred on them the more, as

they truly loved him. The _Dilecta_, whom he had asked to pass her

frank opinion on it, did not hesitate to tell him some hard truths:

"Goethe and Byron," she said, "have admirably painted the desires of a

superior mind; when reading them, one aggrandizes them by all the

space they have perceived; one admires the scope of their view; one

would fain give them one's soul to help theirs to cover the distance

that separates them from the goal they aspire to reach. But, if an

author comes and tells me he has attained this goal, I no longer see

in him, however great he may be, more than a presumptuous man; his

vanity shocks me, and I diminish him by all the height to which he has

tried to raise himself. . . . I would therefore beg you, dearest, to

cut out of your _Lambert_ everything that might suggest these singular

ideas; for instance: 'The admirable combat of thought arrived at its

greatest force, at its vastest expression' . . . 'The moral world,

whose limits he had thrown back for himself,' cannot be tolerated.

Write, dearest, in such a manner that the whole crowd may perceive you

from everywhere, by the height at which you will have placed yourself;

but do not cry out for people to admire you; for, on all sides, the

largest magnifying-glasses would be directed towards you; and what

becomes of the most delicious object seen by the microscope!"

The lesson was a severe one. Though it did not cure Balzac of his

author's vanity--nothing could cure him of that--it did, for a while

at least, direct his endeavours towards fiction of a more objective

kind.

What he was now capable of in characterization treated objectively he

showed in his _Colonel Chabert_ and the _Cure of Tours_, both of which

were published in the same twelvemonth as _Louis Lambert_. These

stories are exceedingly simple in construction. The Cure is a priest

whose joys and ambitions are modest and innocent. Having reached the

age when indulgence in ease and comfort is excusable, he finds himself

suddenly deprived of them through unwittingly offending his landlady.

She, an old maid, as inwardly shrewish as outwardly pious, utilizes

the Abbe Birotteau and another clergyman, who both lodge with her, to

attract the good society folk of Tours to her evening receptions.

After due experience of these gatherings, the Abbe plays truant,

finding it more agreeable to spend his leisure with friends elsewhere.

His absence causes the landlady's guests to grow remiss and finally to

desert her; so, to revenge herself, the slighted dame, proceeding by

petty pin-pricks, makes the Abbe's life a burden to him, and,

ultimately enlisting the brother clergyman in her schemes of

annoyance, works on his jealousy with such cleverness that their

victim's career is blasted and blighted. Dependent on the development

of the characters, the plot is adroitly and naturally elaborated.

Nowhere is there any forcing of the note; and, in alternate flow,

humour and pathos, of a saner sort than in some of the author's

previous work, run and ripple throughout. With deeper pathos the

novelist tells in _Colonel Chabert_ the virtues of a man of obscure

origin, whose nobleness meets with but scanty recognition, since it

conducts him to the almshouse in his old age. So vivid is the sober

realism of this fine story that the public believed the relation to be

plain, unvarnished facts, and were astonished at the writer's daring

to reveal them in all their detail.

Balzac's autumn trip was prolonged as far as Annecy and Geneva. He had

intended going on to Italy in company with the Duke de Fitz-James. The

latter journey, however, was ultimately abandoned, as he did not

succeed in raising the thousand crowns it required. Travelling on the

top of a coach, he had rather a serious accident when going to Aix. He

was climbing up to the front seat just as the horses set off, and,

having missed his footing, fell with all his weight against the iron

step. The strap, which he clutched in his fall, saved him from coming

to the ground; but the impact of his eighty-four kilograms caused the

sharp iron to enter the flesh of his leg pretty deeply. This wound

took some time to heal, and the annoyance it cause him was aggravated

by an additional malady in his stomach which he tried to deal with by

consulting a mysterious quack in Paris, sending him through his

mother, two pieces of flannel that he had been wearing next his skin.

The doctor was to examine No. 1 flannel, and by it to determine the

seat and the cause of the affection, as well as the treatment to be

followed; then he was to examine No. 2, and to give certain

instructions as to its further use. Balzac asked his mother to touch

the flannels only with paper, so as not to interfere with their

effluvia. This belief of his in magnetism of an occult kind was an

inheritance. His mother, it has already been said, was a mystic. Her

books of this doctrine comprised more than a hundred volumes of

Saint-Martin, Swedenborg, Madame Guyon, Jacob Boehm, and others. All

these writers he was familiar with. Throughout his life, the influence

of their teaching and his mother's firm belief remained with him. On

his conduct and practice their effect was harmless; but in his literary

work they were a disturbance, and, wherever they intruded, detracted

from its quality.

Happily, he was beginning to be tempted more and more by the artistic

side of things in his daily experience. Of the lesser novels composed

before the end of 1832, several were directly inspired by incidents

brought to his knowledge. The _Red Inn_ was related to him by a former

army surgeon, a friend of the man that was unjustly condemned and

executed. An _Episode under the Terror_ was narrated by the hero

himself. _A Desert Attachment_ was the outcome of a conversation with

Martin, the celebrated tamer of wild beasts. On the other hand,

_Master Cornelius_ was written to correct the false impression of

Louis XI. which he considered Walter Scott had given to his readers in

_Quentin Durward_, this making him very angry. His curiosity

concerning facts and realities of every description led him to seek an

interview with Samson the executioner. Calling one day to see the

Director of Prisons, he found himself in presence of a pale,

melancholy-looking man of noble countenance, whose manners, language,

and apparent education were those of one polished and cultured. It was

Samson. Entering into conversation with this strange personage, the

novelist listened to the particulars of his life. Samson was a

royalist. On the morrow of Louis XVI.'s execution he had suffered the

utmost remorse, and had paid for what was probably the only expiatory

mass said on that day for the repose of the King's soul.

Like other _litterateurs_, Balzac took up many subjects which he did

not go on with. He had this peculiarity besides, that he often

asserted some book to be completed which was either not begun at all

or was in a most unfinished condition. While on the Angouleme and Aix

excursion, he spoke especially of _The Three Cardinals_, _The Battle

of Austerlitz_ (afterwards often alluded to simply as the _Battle_),

and _The Marquis of Carrabas_. Not one of these was ever written. They

were abandoned perhaps on account of other work, or else because the

execution was less easy than the conception. Napoleon, who would have

been a central figure in the _Battle_, is incidentally introduced in

the _Country Doctor_, which was begun in 1832.

Probably, also, to this same date should be assigned the bizarre and

even comical expression of hopes and fears for the future which Balzac

confided to his sister Laure. In order to force himself to take

exercise, he used to correct his proofs either at the printer's or at

her house. Sometimes the weather, to the influence of which he was

very susceptible, sometimes his money-tightness, or his fatigue from

protracted work would cause him to arrive with lack-lustre eyes,

sallow complexion, glum expression and irritable temper. Laure essayed

to console and brighten him.

"Now don't try to comfort me," he answered on one occasion. "I'm a

dead man."

And the dead man began to drawl out his tale of woe, gradually rousing

up as he talked, and, at last, speaking excitedly. But the dolent

accents returned as he opened his proofs and read them.

"I shall never make a name, sis."

"Nonsense! with such books, any one could make a name."

He raised his head; his features relaxed; the sombre tints vanished

from his face.

"You are right, by Jove! . . . these books must live. . . . Besides,

there is Chance. It can protect a Balzac as well as it can a fool.

Indeed, one has only to invent this chance. Let some one of my

millionaire friends (and I have a few), or a banker not knowing what

to do with his money, come and say to me: 'I am aware of your immense

talent and your anxieties; you need such and such a sum to be free;

accept it without scruple; you will pay it back some day or other;

your pen is worth my millions!' That's all I require, my dear sister."

Laure, being accustomed to the appearance of these illusions which

brought back his cheerfulness, never exhibited any surprise at such

soaring notes. Having created the fable, her imaginative brother

continued:

"Those people spend such sums on whims. . . . A handsome deed is a

whim, like any other, and gives joy perpetually. It is something to

say: 'I have saved a Balzac.' Humanity has good impulses of the sort;

and there are people who, without being English, are capable of like

eccentricities. 'Either a millionaire or a banker,' he cried, thumping

on his chest, 'one of them I will have.'"

By dint of talking he had come to accredit the thing, and gleefully

strode about the room, lifting and waving his arms.

"Ah! Balzac is free! You shall see, my dear friends, and my dear

enemies, what his progress is."

In fancy, he entered the Academy! From there it was only a step to the

House of Peers. He beheld himself admitted thither. Why shouldn't he

be a member of the Upper Chamber? This and that person had been

created a peer. Then he was appointed a minister. There was nothing

extraordinary about it. Presidents existed. Were not people who had

boxed the compass of ideas the fittest to govern their fellows? A

programme, a policy was evolved and carried out; and, as everything

was going on smoothly, he had time to think of the millionaire friend

or banker who had assisted him. The generous Maecenas should be

rewarded. He understood the novelist, had lent him money on the

security of his talent, had enabled him to obtain his well-deserved

honours. The benefactor should now have his share in the honour, a

share in the immortality.

After a peregrination of this magnitude and dreams to match, he

alighted from his Pegasus, and spoke as an ordinary mortal--he had

enjoyed himself, and his fit of the dumps was exorcised. Putting the

last touch to his proof-correcting, he left the house with his face

wreathed in smiles.

"Good-bye," he said to his sister, at the door; "I am off home to see

if the banker is there, waiting for me. If he isn't, I shall find some

work to do all the same; and work is my real money-lender."

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