Many instances of a precisely similar kind have been long known, and

one of them is to be found in the history of the garden pansy, which

Hoffmann has succeeded in producing from the wild form, _Viola

tricolor_, in the course of eighteen years. Darwin some time ago

pointed out in his work upon ‘The Variation of Animals and Plants under

Domestication,’ that, in the case of the pansy and all other ‘improved’

garden flowers, the wild form remained unchanged for many generations

after its transference to the garden, apparently uninfluenced by the

new conditions of life. At length single varieties began to appear, and

these were further developed by artificial selection and appropriate

crossing, into well-marked races distinguished by peculiar colours,

forms, etc.

In these cases also, changes in the germ-plasm are the first results of

the new conditions, and there is no evidence for the occurrence of

acquired characters, using the term in its restricted sense.

I now come to the last botanical fact brought forward by Hoffmann in

support of the transmission of acquired characters. He states that

specimens of _Solidago virgaurea_ brought from the Alps of the Valais,

commenced flowering in the botanical garden at Giessen, at a time which

differed by several weeks from that at which specimens from the

surrounding country, planted beside them, began to flower. In other

words, the time of flowering must have been fixed by heredity in the

alpine _Solidago_, for the external conditions would have favoured a

time which was simultaneous with that of the Giessen plants.

What conclusions can be drawn from these facts? Hoffmann of course sees

in them the proof of the transmission of acquired characters, but this

presupposes that the time of flowering was originally an acquired

character. Hoffmann indeed appears to entertain this opinion when he

somewhat vaguely states that the time at which flowering begins has

been acquired by accommodation—that is by the influence of

climate—during a long series of generations, and has become hereditary.

But what does Hoffmann mean by ‘accommodation’? He presumably means

that which, since the appearance of Darwin’s writings, has been

generally called adaptation:—that is a purposeful arrangement, suited

to certain conditions. The majority of biologists have followed Darwin

in believing that such adaptations have been produced by processes of

natural selection. Hoffmann seems to imagine that they have arisen in

some other way: perhaps he believes, with Nägeli, that they have been

directly produced by external influences.

The fixation of the time at which flowering begins, is an adaptation

which formerly could have been very well explained as the direct result

of external conditions. The question we have to decide is whether such

an explanation is the true one. We might imagine that the plant would

be forced into quicker development by an earlier appearance of the warm

season. Hence when transferred into a warmer climate the plant would at

first flower rather earlier, the habit would then be transmitted, and

would increase in successive generations from the continued influence

of climate, until it advanced as far as the organization of the plant

permitted. But in this explanation, as in so many others of the same

kind, it has unfortunately been forgotten that the transmission of

acquired characters which is presupposed in the explanation is a

totally unproved hypothesis. It is sufficiently obvious that by

interpreting a phenomenon in a manner which presupposes the

transmission of acquired characters, we cannot furnish a proof of the

existence of such transmission.

It always seemed to me that the fixation of the commencement of

flowering, together with similar physiological phenomena in the animal

kingdom (for example, the hatching of insects from winter eggs), could

be explained very satisfactorily by the operation of natural selection:

and even now this explanation appears to me to be the simplest and most

natural. In Freiburg, where the vine is largely grown, the harvest is

often injured by frosts in spring, which kill the young shoots, buds

and flowers. Accordingly, different kinds of vine, which do not push

their buds so early, have now been planted. Any one, who has seen all

the shoots of the former destroyed by the frosts at the end of April,

while the latter, not having opened their buds, were spared, would not

doubt that the former must have been long ago exterminated, if they had

been compelled to struggle for existence with the others, under natural

conditions. Now the time of flowering fluctuates slightly in the

individuals of every species of plant, and can therefore be modified by

natural selection. It is therefore difficult to see why the time at

which each plant flowers should not have been fixed in the most

favourable manner for each habitat, by natural selection alone.

Hoffmann is obviously unaware of the fundamental distinction between

the characters primarily acquired by the _soma_, and the secondary

characters which follow from changes in the germ-plasm.

If the author had appreciated this distinction he would not have

attempted to strengthen his opinions by following up the botanical

facts which exclusively belong to the second class of characters, with

the enumeration of certain instances selected from the animal kingdom

(viz., the supposed transmission of mutilations), all of which belong

to the first class. I will not discuss these latter instances, for most

of them are old friends, and they are all far too uncertain and

inaccurate to have any claim on scientific consideration.

I believe that I have shown that no botanical facts have been hitherto

brought forward which prove the transmission of acquired characters (in

the restricted sense), and that there are not even any facts which

render such transmission probable.

A. W.

Naples, Zoological Station,

_Jan. 11, 1888_.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Footnotes for Essay VII.

Footnote 275:

See the second Essay.

Footnote 276:

Consult ‘Ueber die Vererbung,’ Jena, 1883; ‘Die Kontinuität des

Keimplasmas,’ Jena, 1885; ‘Ueber die Zahl der Richtungskörper und

über ihre Bedeutung für die Vererbung,’ Jena, 1887. These papers are

translated as the second, fourth and sixth Essays in the present

volume.

Footnote 277:

See the second Essay.

Footnote 278:

[See R. Meldola in Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist., 1878, vol. i. pp.

158-161. The author discusses many cases among insects in which

instinct is related to protective structure or colouring: he also

considers that instinct is to be explained by the principle of

natural selection which accounts for the other protective

features.—E. B. P.]

Footnote 279:

[See ‘Nature,’ vol. 36, pp. 491-507.—E. B. P.]

Footnote 280:

[See ‘The Factors of organic Evolution’ in ‘The Nineteenth Century’

for April and May 1886.—E. B. P.]

Footnote 281:

See ‘Biol. Centralbl.’ Bd. VII. No. 23.

Footnote 282:

See the next Essay (VIII).

Footnote 283:

Detmer, ‘Zum Problem der Vererbung,’ Pflüger’s Archiv f. Physiologie,

Bd. 41, (1887), p. 203.

Footnote 284:

[Dr. Weismann is here alluding to experiments upon the larvae of

_Rumia Crataegata_. A short account of the results will be found in

the Report of the British Association at Manchester (1887), and in

‘Nature,’ vol. 36, p. 594. I have now obtained similar results with

many other species (see Trans. Ent. Soc., Lond. 1888, p. 553); but

many of the results are as yet unpublished.—E. B. P.]

Footnote 285:

[See the editorial notes by Raphael Meldola, in his translation of

Weismann’s ‘Studies in the Theory of Descent’ (the Essay on ‘The

Origin of the Markings of Caterpillars,’ pp. 241 and 306): also E. B.

Poulton, in ‘Proc. Roy. Soc.,’ vol. xxxviii. pp. 296-314; and in

‘Proc. Roy. Soc.,’ vol. xl. p. 135.—E. B. P.]

Footnote 286:

[Professor Meldola first called attention to the scattered instances

of the kind here alluded to by Professor Weismann, in 1873: see

‘Proc. Zool. Soc.,’ 1873, p. 153. The author explains the relation of

this ‘variable protective colouring’ to other protective appearances,

and he is strongly of the opinion that the former as well as the

latter is to be explained by the action of the ‘survival of the

fittest.’

The validity of Dr. Weismann’s interpretation of these effects as due

to adaptation, through the operation of natural selection, is

conclusively proved by the following facts. The light reflected from

green leaves becomes the stimulus for _the production of dark brown

pigment_ in those cases in which the leaves constitute the

surroundings for many months. Under these circumstances the leaves of

course become brown at a relatively early date, and protection is

thus afforded for the remainder of the period, although the dark

pigment is produced before the change in the colour of the leaf.

Instances of this kind are seen in the colours of cocoons spun among

leaves by certain lepidopterous larvae (see ‘Proc. Ent. Soc. Lond.,’

1887, pp. l, li, and 1888, p. xxviii), the cocoons of the same

species being of a creamy white colour when spun upon white paper.

Conversely, the light reflected from the same surfaces serves as the

stimulus for _withholding pigment_ in the cases alluded to by Dr.

Weismann (larvae of _R. Crataegata_, &c.), in all of which the

organism only remains in contact with the leaves while they are

green, viz. at a time when the dark colour would be disadvantageous.

Hence precisely opposite effects are produced by the operation of the

same force; the nature of the effect which actually follows in any

case being solely determined by the advantage afforded to the

organism.—E. B. P.]

Footnote 287:

Compare Sachs, ‘Lectures on the Physiology of Plants,’ translated by

H. Marshall Ward, p. 710.

Footnote 288:

Compare Biol. Centralbl. Bd. VII. No. 21.

Footnote 289:

I have used the expression ‘transient’ (‘passant’) in the same sense

as ‘acquired,’ in order to enforce the conclusion that they are

merely temporary, and disappear with the individual in which they

arise. Since the characters of which Hoffmann speaks are hereditary,

the term cannot be rightly applied to them, and I shall prove later

on that they cannot be regarded as acquired characters in the sense

required by the theory of descent.

Footnote 290:

Compare a paper by J. Orth, ‘Ueber die Entstehung und Vererbung

individueller Eigenschaften,’ Leipzig, 1887. This author considers my

theory of the non-transmission of acquired characters to be

incorrect, because he will insist upon using the term ‘acquired’ for

those characters which are due to spontaneous changes in the germ;

although he considers that they are only indirectly acquired. He also

reproaches me with not having discriminated with sufficient clearness

between the two modes in which new characters are acquired by the

body, and with having altogether failed to take into account the

class of characters which are due to variations in the germ. On the

very same page he quotes the following sentence from my

writings:—‘Every change of the germ-plasm itself, however it may have

arisen, must be transmitted to the following generation by the

continuity of the germ-plasm; and hence also any changes in the

_soma_ which arise from the germ-plasm must be transmitted to the

following generation.’ Not only does the transmission of Orth’s

‘indirectly acquired characters’ necessarily follow from this

sentence, but it is even distinctly asserted by it. I cannot

understand how any one who is aware of what happened at the meeting

of the Association of German naturalists at Strassburg in 1885, can

charge me with the confusion of ideas which has prevailed since

Virchow took part in the discussion of this question.

Footnote 291:

His, ‘Unsere Körperform,’ Leipzig, 1874, p. 58.

Footnote 292:

Compare on this point Nägeli in his ‘Theorie der Abstammungslehre.’

This writer also concludes from similar facts that external

influences have wrought in the idioplasm, changes which were at first

ineffectual, and which only increased during the course of

generations up to a point at which they could produce visible changes

in the plant. He does not, however, draw the further conclusion that

these changes only influence the germ-plasm, for he was not aware of

the distinction between germ-plasm and somatoplasm.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

VIII.

THE SUPPOSED TRANSMISSION OF

MUTILATIONS.

1888.

A lecture delivered at the Meeting of the Association of

German Naturalists at Cologne, September 1888.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

VIII.

THE SUPPOSED TRANSMISSION OF

MUTILATIONS.

We know well the manner in which Lamarck imagined that the gradual

transformation of species occurred, when he first made the attempt to

penetrate into the mechanism of the process of evolution, and to

ascertain the causes by which it is produced. In his opinion, a change

in the structure of any part of an organism was chiefly brought about

when the species in question met with new conditions of life and was

thus forced to assume new habits. Such habits caused an increased or

diminished activity, and therefore a stronger or weaker development, of

certain parts, and the modified parts were then transmitted to the

offspring. Inasmuch as the offspring continued to live under the same

changed conditions, and kept up the altered manner of using the part in

question, the inherited changes would be increased in the same

direction during the course of their life, and would be further

increased in each successive generation, until the greatest possible

change had been effected.

In this way Lamarck was able to give an apparently satisfactory

explanation of at any rate those changes which consist in the mere

enlargement or diminution of a part; such, for instance, as the great

length of neck in the swan and other swimming birds, which he believed

to have been produced by the habit of stretching after food at the

bottom of the water; or the webbed feet of the same animals, supposed

to be produced by the habit of striking the water with outspread toes,

etc. In this way he was also able to explain the disappearance of a

part after it had ceased to be of use; as, for instance, the

degeneration of the eyes of animals inhabiting caves or the sunless

depths of lakes or the sea.

But it is obvious that such an explanation tacitly assumes that changes

produced by use or disuse can be transmitted to the offspring; _it

assumes the transmission of acquired characters_.

Lamarck made this assumption as a matter of course, and when half a

century later Charles Darwin, his more fortunate successor, refounded

the theory of organic evolution, he also believed that we could not

entirely dispense with the Lamarckian principle of explanation,

although he added the new and extremely far-reaching principle of

natural selection. But he certainly attempted to decide whether the

Lamarckian principle of the effects of use and disuse is truly

efficient, by asking himself the question whether such changes, as for

example those produced by exercise during an individual life, can be

transmitted to the offspring. Many observations appeared to him, if not

to prove the transmission directly, yet to render it extremely

probable; and he thus came to the conclusion that there is no

sufficient reason for denying the transmission of acquired changes.

Hence, in Darwin’s works, use and disuse still play important parts as

direct factors of transformation, in addition to natural selection.

Darwin was not only an original genius, but also an extraordinarily

unbiassed and careful investigator. Whatever he expressed as his

opinion had been carefully tested and considered. This impression is

gained by every one who has studied Darwin’s writings, and perhaps it

in part explains the fact that doubts as to the correctness of the

Lamarckian principle adopted by him have only arisen during the last

few years. These doubts have, however, culminated in the decided denial

of the assumption that changes acquired by the body can be transmitted.

I for one frankly admit that I was in this respect under the influence

of Darwin for a long time, and that only by approaching the subject

from an entirely different direction was I led to doubt the

transmission of acquired characters. In the course of further

investigations I gradually gained a more decided conviction that such

transmission has no existence in fact.

Doubts on this point have been expressed not only by me but also by

others, such as du Bois-Reymond and Pflüger. Indeed, concerning a

certain class of acquired characters, viz. mutilations, the great

German philosopher, Kant, has distinctly denied that transmission can

take place[293]; and in more recent times Wilhelm His has expressed the

same opinion[294].

But if the transmission of acquired characters is truly impossible our

theory of evolution must undergo material changes. We must completely

abandon the Lamarckian principle, while the principle of Darwin and

Wallace, viz. natural selection, will gain an immensely increased

importance.

When I first expressed this opinion in my essay ‘On Heredity[295],’ I

was well aware of the consequences of such an idea. I knew well that

apparently insurmountable obstacles would be raised against any

explanation of evolution, from which the principle of the direct

transformation of the species by external influences had been excluded.

I therefore endeavoured to show that these difficulties are not in

reality insurmountable, and that it is quite possible to explain

certain phenomena, such as the degeneration of useless parts, without

the aid of the Lamarckian principle. Furthermore it can be shown that a

not inconsiderable number of instincts, viz. all those which are

exercised only once in a lifetime, cannot possibly have arisen by

transmitted practice. This fact renders it unnecessary to make use of

the Lamarckian principle for the explanation of other kinds of

instinct. I do not mean to deny the existence of phenomena for which

such an explanation has not yet been found, or at least has not been

brought forward; but on the other hand it appears to me that it has

never been proved that we cannot dispense with the Lamarckian principle

in the explanation of these phenomena. At any rate, I do not know of

any facts which could induce us to abandon from the first any hope of

finding an explanation without the aid of this hypothesis.

If we are able to prove that we may dispense with the assumption of the

transmission of acquired characters in explaining such phenomena, of

course it by no means follows that we _must_ dispense with it; or, in

other words, it does not follow that the transmission of acquired

changes cannot take place. It would be as unsafe to make this assertion

as to state of a ship seen at a great distance, that it is only moving

by sails and not by steam simply because the movement appears to be

explicable by sails alone. We ought first to attempt to show that the

ship does not possess a steam-engine, or at least that the existence of

such an engine cannot be proved.

I believe that I am able to show that the actual existence of the

transmission of acquired characters cannot be directly proved; that

there are no direct proofs supporting the Lamarckian principle.

If we ask for the facts which can be brought forward by the supporters

of the theory of the transmission of acquired characters, if we inquire

for the observations which induced Darwin, for instance, to adopt such

an hypothesis, or which at least prevented him from rejecting it,—a

very brief answer can be given. There are a small number of

observations made upon man and the higher animals which seem to prove

that injuries or mutilations of the body can, under certain

circumstances, be transmitted to the offspring.

A cow which had accidentally lost its horn, produced a calf with an

abnormal horn; a bull which had accidentally lost its tail, from that

time begat tailless calves: a woman whose thumb had been crushed and

malformed in youth, afterwards had a daughter with a malformed thumb,

and so on.

In a great number of such cases every guarantee for the trustworthiness

of the statements is entirely wanting, and, as His and still earlier

Kant have already said, they are of no greater value as evidence than

the merest tales. But in other cases this assertion cannot be made

without further examination; and a small number of such observations

can indeed claim a scientific investigation and value. I shall

presently discuss this point in greater detail, but I wish now to lay

stress upon the fact that, as far as direct evidence goes, we cannot

bring forward any proofs in favour of the transmission of acquired

characters, except these cases of mutilations. There are no

observations which prove the transmission of functional hypertrophy or

atrophy, and it is hardly to be expected that we shall obtain such

proofs in future, for the cases are not of a kind which lend themselves

to an experimental investigation. The hypothesis that acquired

characters can be transmitted is therefore only directly supported by

the above-mentioned instances of the transmission of mutilations. For

this reason, the defenders of the Lamarckian principle, who have come

forward in rather large numbers recently[296], have endeavoured to show

that these observations are conclusive, and therefore of the highest

importance. For the same reason I believe that it is my duty, as I take

the opposite view, to explain what I think of the value of these

apparent proofs of transmitted mutilations.

It can hardly be doubted that mutilations are acquired characters: they

do not arise from any tendency contained in the germ, but are merely

the reaction of the body under external influences. They are, as I have

recently expressed it, purely somatogenic characters[297], viz.

characters which emanate from the body (_soma_) only, as opposed to the

germ-cells; they are therefore characters which do not arise from the

germ itself.

If mutilations must necessarily be transmitted, or even if they might

occasionally be transmitted, a powerful support would be given to the

Lamarckian principle, and the transmission of functional hypertrophy or

atrophy would thus become highly probable. For this reason it is

absolutely necessary that we should try to come to a definite

conclusion as to whether mutilations can or cannot be transmitted.

We will now consider in greater detail the facts which have hitherto

been brought forward upon this point. It is not my purpose to discuss

every single case which has been mentioned anywhere or by anybody; such

a discussion would hardly lead to any result. I propose to select a

small number of such instances, in order to show why they cannot be

maintained as proofs. I shall chiefly deal with cases which have been

brought forward as especially strong proofs by my opponents, and which

have been carefully and completely examined. I shall attempt to show

that these are not conclusive and that they must be explained in an

entirely different manner. The insufficiency of the proof does not

always depend upon the same circumstances, and, according to the

latter, we may distinguish different classes of cases.

First of all we may briefly mention those instances in which the

necessary precautions have not been taken before drawing conclusions.

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