RESTLESS POLITICAL AMBITION
The termination of Lincoln's legislative career, his marriage and his
increasing legal practice did not stay his hunger for political
distinction. Music, society or nature did not allure him. His range of
interest was limited. His pleasure was not in his fame as a counselor.
He was impatient of the tiresome devotion to detail demanded of the
lawyer. Longing to be a leader in the world of events, he sought a wider
field of activity for the full expression of his personality, splendidly
realizing that his greatest service to himself and his fellows was in
guiding and interpreting a righteous public opinion.
Lamon has portrayed Lincoln's political ambition with merciless
vividness, claiming that he was never agitated by any passion more
intense than his thirst for distinction; that it governed all his
conduct, from the hour when he astonished himself by his oratorical
success in the back settlements of Macon County, to the day when the
assassin marked him as the first hero of the restored Union; that he was
ever ready to be honored, and struggled incessantly for place.[176]
Politics was his world,--a world filled with enchantment. "In his
office," says Mr. Herndon, "he sat down, or spilt himself on his lounge,
read aloud, told stories, talked politics,--never science, art,
literature, railroad gatherings, colleges, asylums, hospitals, commerce,
education, progress, nothing that interested the world generally except
politics."[177]
[176] Lamon, 237.
[177] Lamon, 482.
Yet Lamon and Herndon missed the deeper unity in his life. Neither
politics nor distinction was the end with him. They were the paths
leading to his palace, not the palace itself. It is not too much to say
that love of his kind transcended his love of distinction. At the time
when he seemed lost in the maelstrom of partisanship, as Burns in the
storm thought of the "ourie" cattle, so Lincoln thought of those hapless
sons of misfortune who were biding the "bitter brattle" of slavery. Thus
in a letter to his friend Speed, he said, "In 1841 you and I had
together a tedious low-water trip on a steamboat from Louisville to St.
Louis. You may remember, as I well do, that from Louisville to the mouth
of the Ohio there were on board ten or a dozen slaves shackled together
with irons. That sight was a continued torment to me, and I see
something like it every time I touch the Ohio or any other slave
border."[178]
[178] Lincoln's Speeches, 1, 216.
The extent to which he mingled in political affairs is shown by his
activity at a mass meeting in March, 1843, at Springfield. He was the
master of ceremonies. In a careful statement, he uttered the cardinal
principles of his party. He was materially steeped in the party spirit
of his day. For the fifth resolution recommends that a Whig candidate
for Congress be run in every district, regardless of the chances of
success. "We are aware," it continued, "that it is sometimes a temporary
gratification, when a friend cannot succeed, to be able to choose
between opponents; but we believe that that gratification is the seed
time which never fails to be followed by a most abundant harvest of
bitterness. By this policy we entangle ourselves."[179]
[179] _Ibid._, 76.
Though Lincoln, at first, fought the convention system for the
nomination of candidates, as undemocratic, his conversion to its
championship further exposes his training in the school of practical
politics. The statement declared that the Whigs should not stop to
inquire whether the system was just, but that while their opponents used
the plan it was madness in them not to defend themselves with it.[180]
[180] Lincoln's Speeches, 1, 76.
The conclusion of this address is also a sure sign of prolonged
association with the hue and cry of party spirit: It stated with
assurance that the Whigs were always a majority of the nation, and that
if every Whig would act as though he knew the result to depend upon his
action, that surely a Whig would be elected President of the United
States.[181]
[181] _Ibid._, 79.
Political office being the reward of party service, Lincoln was a
zealous worker in the ranks. He was ever at the call of the party
managers for speeches or other personal work. They could not charge him
with being a laggard in the day of defeat. He did not wait for waves of
advancement. He was not in accord with the policy that the office should
seek the man. He slowly toiled his way to the eminence he reached. While
Lincoln was in Congress, Herndon wrote to him complaining of his
sluggard progress in politics, and carped at the old men for usurping
all the places of power and profit. In an intimate reply to his
associate, we find the plain paths he trod: "You must not wait to be
brought forward by the older men. For instance, do you suppose that I
should ever have got into notice if I had waited to be hunted up and
pushed forward by older men? You young men get together and form a
'Rough and Ready Club,' and have regular meetings and speeches. Take in
everybody you can get. Harrison Grimsley, L. A. Enos, Lee Kimball, and
C. W. Matheny would do to begin the thing; but as you go along gather up
all the shrewd, wild boys about town, whether just of age or a little
under age,--Chris. Logan, Reddick Ridgely, Lewis Swizler, and hundreds
such. Let every one play the part he can play best,--some speak, some
sing, and all 'holler.' Your meetings will be of evenings; the older men
and the women will go to hear you; so that it will not only contribute
to the election of 'Old Zach,' but will be an interesting pastime, and
improving to the intellectual faculties of all engaged. Don't fail to do
this."[182]
[182] Lincoln's Speeches, 1, 131-132.
Lincoln no sooner completed his long term in the Legislature than he
cast his eye on a seat in Congress. "Now, if you should hear" he wrote a
friend, "any one say that Lincoln don't want to go to Congress, I wish
you, as a personal friend of mine, would tell him you have reason to
believe he is mistaken. The truth is I would like to go very much.
Still, circumstances may happen which may prevent my being a candidate.
If there are any who be my friends in such an enterprise, what I now
want is that they shall not throw me away just yet."[183]
[183] Herndon, 1, 253.
Lincoln's race for the nomination was full of excitement. When he began
his canvass, he was a member of the firm of Logan and Lincoln. Besides
Hardin, Baker and Lincoln, Logan also was a candidate. Logan deemed his
long service as entitling him to the honor, while Lincoln regarded his
legislative career as his claim to distinction. It is not amazing that
concord did not dwell in this home of political rivalry. Herndon says he
was not, therefore, surprised to have Lincoln rush into his quarters and
with more or less agitation tell him that he had determined to sever the
partnership with Logan; and Herndon states that although painfully aware
of his want of ability and experience, when Lincoln remarked in his
earnest, honest way, "Billy, I can trust you if you can trust me," he
felt relieved and accepted the generous proposal of legal
partnership.[184]
[184] Herndon, 1, 252.
The most dramatic incident in this fight was the contest between Baker
and Lincoln. It was a battle between brilliancy and solidity. No man of
his time surpassed Baker in dashing eloquence. Handsome, of winning
personality, he was the idol of the young men of Springfield. Lincoln
was no longer, as at New Salem, the leader of the gang. His alliance
with aristocratic Mary Todd, the demands of his profession and a settled
life largely sundered the partnership. It was a natural, not a sudden,
intentional separation. Strange rumors were afloat that he was no more a
friend to the lowly and that he was seeking new ways. Not free to mingle
with the people, he could not readily combat the suspicion. And they
were ever demanding a perfect embodiment of their conception of heroism.
They found it fully in one of the most dramatic heroes and charming
personalities in the panorama of American politics--Edward D. Baker.
When the friends of Baker first put forth the charge that Lincoln
belonged to a proud family, he was amused. He met it with a laughing
remark: "That sounds strange to me, for I do not remember of but one who
ever came to see me, and while he was in town he was accused of stealing
a Jew's harp."[185] But as the campaign developed in intensity, and he
realized that the shameless report was scattered to his harm, he thought
bitterly of the false charge. The injustice of the accusation and his
incapacity to meet it, quite crushed him. He could meet an open foe with
a giant's strength, but the gnat of malignant rumor defied him. Thus the
humblest politician that ever trod the soil of the Western continent was
not saved from the charge of being "puffed up," and the leader of the
lowly traveled in the domain of bitter experience. The enthusiasm of
the young men carried the day for Baker in Sangamon County.
[185] _Ibid._, 255.
After his defeat, Lincoln took his old friend Jim Matheny far into the
woods. He unburdened himself, protesting that he was anything but
aristocratic and proud. "Why, Jim," he said, "I am now and always shall
be the same Abe Lincoln I was when you first saw me."[186]
[186] Lamon, 273.
The story of the defeat as told by Lincoln to Speed, shows much of his
political training: "Baker beat me, and got the delegation instructed to
go for him. The meeting, in spite of my attempt to decline it, appointed
me one of the delegates; so that in getting Baker the nomination I shall
be fixed a good deal like a fellow who is made a groomsman to a man who
has cut him out and is marrying his own dear 'gal'."[187]
[187] Lincoln's Speeches, 1, 79.
Yet, Lincoln did not at once reconcile himself to the selection of
Baker. A letter from his friends in Menard County led him still to
contemplate possibilities and induced him to skirmish on the frontier of
his duty to the choice of Sangamon County. He wrote to a supporter: "You
say you shall instruct your delegates for me unless I object. I
certainly shall not object. That would be too pleasant a compliment for
me to tread in the dust. And besides if anything should happen (which,
however, is not probable) by which Baker should be thrown out of the
fight, I would be at liberty to accept the nomination if I could get
it."[188]
[188] _Ibid._, 80.
In this same letter, he gave an account of the factors that conspired to
his defeat, saying that it would astonish the older citizens to learn
that he (uneducated, penniless boy, working on a flatboat at $10.00 per
month) had been put down there as a candidate of pride and wealth; that
there was, too, the strangest combination of church influence against
him; that Baker was a Campbellite, and with few exceptions got all that
church; that his wife had some relations in the Presbyterian churches,
and some with the Episcopal churches, and wherever it would tell, he was
set down as either one or the other, while it was everywhere contended
that no Christian ought to go for him, because he belonged to no church,
was suspected of being a deist, and had talked about fighting a
duel.[189] In the long letter Lincoln did not even mention the personal
strength and popularity of his opponent, or suggest that Baker was the
victor by his own merit.
[189] Lincoln's Speeches, 1, 80.
Though Lincoln returned to the practice of his profession with increased
devotion, he kept his interest in local and national events. He still
remained a student of the whims of individual voters as well as a keen
observer of political affairs of general moment. A letter to Hardin at
Washington illustrates this: "Knowing that you have correspondents
enough, I have forborne to trouble you heretofore; and I now only do so,
to get you to set a matter right which has got wrong with one of our
best friends. It is old Uncle Thomas Campbell of Spring Creek--(Berlin,
P. O.). He has received several documents from you, and he says that
they are old newspapers and documents, having no sort of interest in
them. He is, therefore, getting a strong impression that you treat him
with disrespect. This, I know, is a mistaken impression; and you must
correct it. The way, I leave to yourself. Robert W. Canfield says that
he would like to have a document or two from you.
"The Locos here are in considerable trouble about Van Buren's letter on
Texas, and the Virginia electors. They are growing sick of the Tariff
question; and consequently are much confounded at V. B.'s cutting them
off from the new Texas question. Nearly half the leaders swear they
won't stand it."[190]
[190] Tarbell, 2, 290.
As early as 1837, Webster publicly declared that it could not be
disguised that a desire, or an intention, was already manifested to
annex Texas to the United States.[191] Under the nursing of Tyler and
Calhoun, a treaty of annexation was concluded and the scheme almost
consummated. The Senate, in 1844, alone stood in the way. The proposal
of annexation overtopped all other issues in the campaign of that year.
It proved at the time a dominating incident and left abundant traces on
American history. Van Buren, rising to the solitary eminence of
statesmanship, uttered a firm and subdued protest against the southern
policy. But the edict of the Calhoun democracy, that Texas must be
annexed was remorseless, and their old friend, Martin Van Buren, in the
homely language of Lincoln, was "turned out to root."[192] It proved the
beginning of the cleft on the slavery question that in less than twenty
years hopelessly divided the successors of the triumphant Jackson party.
[191] Greeley, 1, 152.
[192] Lincoln's Speeches, 1, 140.
In June, 1844, Clay fairly represented the views of the Whigs declaring
that the annexation of Texas, at this time, without the consent of
Mexico, as a measure compromising the National character, involving war
with Mexico, probably with other foreign powers, dangerous to the
integrity of the Union, inexpedient in the present financial condition
of the country, was not called for by any general expression of public
opinion.[193] Later coquetting with southern sympathies on this issue,
he modified his opposition to the present annexation of Texas with the
fatal statement that he had no hesitation in saying that, far from
having any _personal_ objection to the annexation of Texas, _he should
be glad to see it_--without dishonor, without war, with the common
consent of the Union and upon just and fair terms.[194] This seeming
retreat, despite all explanation, insured his defeat. The diversion
gained him no strength in the South and alienated needed support in the
North.
[193] Greeley, 1, 164.
[194] Greeley, 1, 166.
The Southern States openly put forth their reasons for annexation. To
keep pace with the northern growth they needed new States, otherwise
they saw the doom of the institution that they deemed the very palladium
of their prosperity and happiness. The unresting Calhoun finally
triumphed in awakening dormant fears and sentiments.[195]
[195] _Ibid._, 158.
The main contention in the famous letter of Jackson was better
calculated, than this southern claim, to appeal to the northern
democracy, and was more in harmony with the substantial trend of the
national destiny. "I do not hesitate to say that the welfare and
happiness of our Union require that it should be accepted. If, in a
military point of view alone, the question be examined, it will be found
to be most important to the United States to be in possession of the
territory.
"Great Britain has already made treaties with Texas; and we know that
far-seeing nation never omits a circumstance, in her extensive
intercourse with the world, which can be turned to account in increasing
her military resources. May she not enter into an alliance with
Texas?"[196]
[196] _Ibid._
While the Texan issue stirred the Garrisonian Abolitionists, it did not
allay their hostility to organized political action, they declared that
they would open no road to political preferment; that the strength of
their cause was in the humble, fervent prayer of the righteous man,
which availeth much, and the blessing of that God who had chosen the
weak things of the world to confound the mighty; that it was to be
expected that some political wolves would put on the clothing of
Abolitionism, and seek to elevate themselves and manage the anti-slavery
organization for their own purposes.[D] The political Abolitionists,
however, named James G. Birney for President.
[D] Johnson, 307.
There was then, already, a complexity of opinion on the slavery question
that shadowed forth the future alignment of parties. While many were
confounded by wavering lights, Lincoln picked his way with sure footed
precision through maze and pitfall. His unprejudiced mind wondered at
the conduct of the "Liberty men" that deprecating the annexation of
Texas, deliberately promoted its success by indirection. Their
application of the proposition "we are not to do evil that good may come
of it" he reduced to plain sophistry, saying that if by their votes they
could have prevented the extension of slavery, it would have been good,
and not evil, so to have used their votes, even though it involved the
casting of them for a slaveholder, and he earnestly asked if the fruit
of electing Clay would have been to prevent the extension of slavery,
could the act of electing him have been evil?[197] He held that it was a
paramount duty of the free States to let the slavery of the other States
alone, while it was equally clear that they should never knowingly lend
themselves, directly or indirectly, to prevent slavery from dying a
natural death--to find new places for it to live in, when it could no
longer exist in the old.[198] Here, is clearly announced the seeming
paradox that, though slavery was an evil, there still remained the duty
to let it alone in the States where it then existed. This further piles
up evidence that his views suffered little change with years.
[197] Tarbell, 2, 293.
[198] _Ibid._, 293-294.
Lincoln boldly participated in the campaign of 1844; Clay was the
political hero of his youth and manhood as Washington was of his
boyhood. Like many other Whigs, he, too, was enthralled by the magic of
the far famed eloquence of the name, that, in the words of the orator
who nominated Clay, expressed more enthusiasm, that it had in it more
eloquence than the names of Chatham, Burke, Patrick Henry, and, more
than any other and all other names together.[199]
[199] Nicolay & Hay, 1, 225.
During the campaign, Lincoln encountered his former employer, John
Calhoun, and other old antagonists. It is said that Calhoun came nearer
whipping Lincoln in debate than Douglas did.[200] Nothing survives of
those speeches. Still, his enthusiasm and skill in the controversies of
the campaign awakened a demand for his services throughout the State.
His name as an orator even invaded Indiana. In the closing hours of the
contest his voice was heard on the soil that he hastened from some
fifteen years before as an adventurer. While speaking at Gentryville,
his old friend Nat Grigsby entered the room. Lincoln stopped and crying
out "There's Nat," scrambled through the crowd to his modest associate
of former days. After greeting him warmly, he returned to the platform.
When the speech was done, he passed the rest of the evening with Nat.
Then Lincoln insisted that they should sleep together; and long into the
night, they talked over old times and were once more Abe and Nat.[201]
[200] Lamon, 274.
[201] _Ibid._, 274-5.
The appearance of Clay's August letter stirred the political
Abolitionists to fateful activity. They insisted that his antagonism to
annexation, not being founded on anti-slavery convictions, was of no
account.[202] They polled enough votes to elect pro-slavery Polk.
Mingled with the ribaldry, the din and howl of abandoned politicians
over the election of Polk, were the exultant shouts of the sober and
respectable men of the Liberty Party. They celebrated in unison the
victory they both promoted.
[202] Greeley, 1, 167.
The solemn selection of James K. Polk instead of Henry Clay as
President, was a discordant incident that the Whig patriot did not
linger over willingly. That a pigmy should sit in the seat of the
statesman, that a puppet should stand in the place of the nature-dowered
son of American policies,--this opinion made Clay's followers doubt the
wisdom of republican government. To them this defeat was more than a
partisan grief, it was a national loss. From loyal supporters hurried a
grand tribute to their uncrowned champion in his retreat: "We will
remember you, Henry Clay, while the memory of the glorious or the sense
of the good remains in us, with a grateful and admiring affection which
shall strengthen with our strength and shall not decline with our
decline. We will remember you in all our future trials and reverses as
him whose name honored defeat and gave it a glory which victory could
not have brought. We will remember you when patriotic hope rallies again
to successful contest with the agencies of corruption and ruin; for we
will never know a triumph which you do not share in life, whose glory
does not accrue to you in death."[203]
[203] Nicolay & Hay, 1, 236.