CHAPTER XLIII.

Southern Feeling.--Memorial Services at Jefferson,

Kentucky.--Extracts from Address by Henry

Watterson.--Senator Bayard.--Ex-Speaker Randall.--Senator

Hill.--Extracts from some of the Southern Journals.

At the United States military post at Jefferson, Kentucky, memorial

services were held in the presence of fifteen thousand people.

Henry Watterson, the Democratic ex-Congressman, gave an eloquent

address, from which we quote the following:--

"I knew him well, and know now that I loved him. He was a man of ample

soul, with the strength of a giant, the courage of a lion, and the heart

of a dove. There never lived a man who yearned for the approval of his

fellow-men, who felt their anger more. There never lived a man who

struggled harder to realize Paul's idea, and to be all things to all

men. Did ever the character sketched by Paul find a nobler example, for

he was blameless, vigilant, sober, of good behavior, apt to teach, not

given to filthy lucre. No one without the little family circle of

relatives and friends in which he lived will ever know how a certain

dismal, though in truth trivial, episode in his career cut him to the

soul. Born a poor man's son, to live and die a poor man, with

opportunities unbounded for public pillage, with licensed robbery going

on all around him, and he pinched for the bare means to maintain

himself, his wife and his little ones with decency and comfort, to be

held up to the scorn of men as one not honest! He is gone now, and

before he went he had outlived the wounds which party friends alike with

party foes had sought to put upon his honor and manhood, and maybe

to-day somewhere among the stars he looks down upon the world and sees

at last how selfish and unreal were the assaults of those in whose way

he stood. It is a pleasure to me to reflect amid these gloomy scenes

that some friendly words of mine gratified him at a moment when he

suffered most. Not in the last campaign, for it would have been a crime

in me to have hesitated then, but away back when no vision of the

presidency had crossed the disc of his ambition, and when the cruelest

blows were struck from behind. It is also a pleasure for me to remember

the last time I saw him. It was during an all-night session of the

House, when in company with Joseph Hawley of Connecticut, Randall Gibson

of Louisiana, and Randolph Tucker, we took possession of the committee

rooms of Proctor Knott, who joined us later, and turned all bickerings

and jars into happy forgetfulness of section and party. I do well

remember how buoyant he was that night in spirit and how robust in

thought, full of suggestion, and in repartee, unaffected and genial

ever; how delighted to lay aside the statesman and the partisan and be a

boy again, and how loth he was, with the rest, to recross the narrow

confines which separate the real and ideal, and to descend into the hot

abyss below. I could not have gone thence to blacken that man's

character any more than to do another deed of shame; and Republican

though he was, and party chief, he had no truer friends than the

brilliant Virginian whom he loved like a brother, and the eminent

Louisianian whose counsels he habitually sought. I refer to an incident

unimportant in itself to illustrate a character which unfolded to the

knowledge of the world through affliction, and whose death has awakened

the love and admiration of mankind.

"All know that he was a man of spotless integrity who might have been

rich by a single deflection, but who died poor, who broadened and rose

in height with each rise in fortune, who was not less a scholar because

he had wanted early advantages, and who, not yet fifty, leaves as a

priceless heritage to his countrymen the example of how God-given

virtues of the head and heart may be employed to the glory of God and

the uses of men, by one who makes all things subordinate to the

development of the good within him. On all these points we think

together; there are not two opinions. We stand upon common ground; we

shall separate and go hence, and each shall take his way. Interests

shall clash, beliefs shall jar, party spirit shall lift its horned head

and interpose to chill and cloud our better natures. That is but a

condition of our being. We are mortal and we live in a free land. Out of

discussion and dissension ends are shapened; we rough-hewing in spite of

us. However, occasions come which remind us that we have a country and

are countrymen; which tell us we are a people bound together by many

kindred ties. No matter for our quarrels, they will pass away. No matter

for our mistakes, they shall be mended. But yesterday we were at war one

with the other. The war is over. But yesterday we were arrayed in the

anger of party conflict; behold how its passions sleep in the grave with

Garfield. I am here to-day to talk to you of him, and through him and in

his memory and honor to talk of our country. He was its chief

magistrate, our President, representative of things common to us all;

stricken down in the fulness of life and hope by wanton and aimless

assassination. He fell like a martyr; he suffered like a hero; he died

like a saint. Be his grave forever and aye a resting place for the

people, and for the seeds that burst thereon to let the violets bring

spring flowers of peace and love for all the people. Citizens, the flag

which waves over us was his flag and it is our flag. Soldiers, standing

beneath that flag and this armed fortress of the Republic, I salute your

flag and his flag reverently. It is my flag. I thank God, and I shall

teach my children to thank God, that it did not go down amid the

fragments of a divided country, but that it floats to-day, though at

half mast, as a symbol of union and liberty, assuring and reassuring us,

that though the heart that conceived the words be cold, and the lips

that uttered them be dumb, 'God reigns and the government at Washington

still lives.'"

The tributes paid to the memory of Garfield by his political opponents

show strikingly how widely he was honored and beloved by those who knew

him as a friend as well as the leader of a party.

Senator Bayard always treated the President with affectionate respect,

and mourns him deeply. Ex-Speaker Randall "knew him intimately and

respected him greatly." Senator Hill is much affected by the death.

"Poor Garfield," he says, "was a big-hearted and a big-brained man. I

shall never forget the last time I saw him. He was so cheerful and

apparently happy. I never saw him fuller of mental and physical vigor

and of hope for the future than then. I want to always remember him as

he appeared to me then--a perfect man."

The _Courier-Journal_ of Louisville, Kentucky, said: "The President is

dead, and all the nations responding to that touch of sympathy which

makes the whole world kin stand uncovered in the presence of a calamity;

for tragedies, ever calamitous, are doubly so when they spring from

murder and attach themselves to the head of the State, the symbol of

power, the representative of the people and law. If ever mortal stood in

these relations to his country and his time, this man did so. It was the

universal sense that he did so which brought around his bedside his

fellow citizens without distinction of political opinion, and caused

women who had never seen him to pray for him, and little children, who

conceived not the emergency nor the magnitude nor the contingencies

hanging upon his life, to ask each day after his well-being, as if he

were a father ill and dying in some far-off place. Perhaps, too, the

flash of the assassin's pistol let in to many a heart a feeling of

honest regret, before dormant and unconscious, that they had consented

to see so good and so useful a man so pitilessly assailed in his private

honor during periods of angry partisan contention, and a consequent

wish, personally, to disavow this and to make a part of it at least up

to him in his dire misfortune."

The _Baltimore Sun_ (Independent), alluding to President Garfield's

death, said: "Turning from the peculiarly tragic and distressing

circumstances of the President's death, 'tis difficult to exaggerate the

loss which the nation sustains in his death at this time. Although his

Administration was in its infancy, President Garfield had already met

the confidence of his country in the integrity of his purposes, the

moderation, soundness and conservatism of his policy."

Said another Southern Journal: "In his death, mournful as it is, the

sections will evince a common sympathy that may cement more closely the

bonds of that fraternity so essential to the keeping of the compact

between the States. North, South, East and West will join in the grief

over the grave of the dead President--a sure sign that the currents of

the national life flow as strong as they ever did in the history of the

Union."

The _New Orleans Times_ said: "Throughout our whole land parties stand

disarmed, and citizens bitterly deplore the death of James A. Garfield.

Henceforth he lives in memory, and though he was permitted to accomplish

but little during his presidential service, by his death he has given to

his countrymen a deeper scrutiny into themselves--a most precious

service."

The _Picayune_, after referring to the assassination of President

Lincoln, said: "This is a sadder story in our national life. It was

Garfield's fortune to come to the high office of chief magistrate at a

time when peace and prosperity reigned throughout the broad confines of

this great land. There was naught but sincere respect for his authority

among the masses, and earnest wishes in the hearts of nearly all her

citizens that his administration might prove a happy one for himself as

it promised a prosperous one for the country. He was worthy of so proud

a position, and in his inaugural proclaimed the new life of a nation

united not in name but in truth."

The Life and Public Services of James A. Garfield Twentieth President of the United States, Including Full and Accurate Details of His Eventful Administration, Assassination, Last Hours, Death, Etc., Together with Notable Extracts from His Speeches and Letters · 第 43 / 50 章