CHAPTER XXIII.

Republican Convention at Chicago.--The Three

Prominent Candidates.--Description of

Conkling.--Logan.--Cameron.--Description of

Garfield.--Resolution Introduced by Conkling.--Opposition of

West Virginians.--Garfield's Conciliatory Speech.--His

Oration in Behalf of Sherman.--Opinions of the Press.

The National Convention of the Republican party that met at Chicago, in

June, 1880, will always be marked with a red-letter in the annals of our

country. The third-term issue, the unit rule, district representation,

and the arbitrary power of party managers, made the nomination for

President one long scene of hard fought battles.

The three prominent candidates were General Grant; James G. Blaine,

Senator from Maine; and John Sherman, Secretary of the Treasury.

The third-term party who desired the nomination of Grant, was strongly

supported by Senator Conkling of New York, Senator Cameron of

Pennsylvania, and Senator Logan of Illinois. These three great political

leaders are thus described by a graphic writer, who was present at the

opening of the Convention:--

"Just as the great Exposition Building had nearly filled up, there was a

simultaneous huzza throughout the hall and galleries, and it speedily

broke out in a hearty applause. The tall and now silvered plume of

Conkling was visible in the aisle, and he strode down to his place at

the head of his delegation with the majesty of an emperor. He recognized

the compliment by a modest bow, without lifting his eyes to the

audience, and took his seat as serenely as if on a picnic and holiday.

The Grant men seemed to be more comfortable when they found him by their

side and evidently ready for the conflict.

"Logan's swarthy features, flowing mustache, and Indian hair, were next

visible on the eastern aisle, but he stepped to the head of his

delegation so quietly that he escaped a special welcome. He sat as if in

sober reflection for a few moments, and then hastened over to Conkling

to perfect their counsel on the eve of battle. The two senatorial

leaders held close conference until the bustle about the chair gave

notice that the opposing lines were about to begin to feel each other,

and test their position.

"Cameron had just stepped upon the platform with the elasticity of a

boy, and his youthful, but strongly-marked face was recognized at once.

There was no applause. They all knew that he never plays for the

galleries, and that cheers are wasted upon him. He quietly sat down for

ten minutes, although the time for calling the convention to order had

passed by an hour, and looked calmly out upon the body so big with

destiny for himself and his Grant associates. As he passed by he was

asked,--

"'What of the battle?'

"'We have three hundred to start with,' he replied, 'and we will work on

till we win.'

"This was said with all the determination that his positive manner and

expression could add to language, and it summed up his whole strategy."

George F. Hoar, from Massachusetts, was appointed President of the

Convention; and among the delegates from Ohio, and enthusiastic

supporters of Sherman, was General Garfield, thus described by a writer

in the _Chicago Inter-Ocean_:--

"A big heart, a sympathetic nature, and a mind keenly sensitive to

everything that is beautiful in sentiment, are the artists that shade

down the gnarled outlines and touch with soft coloring the plain

features of his massive face. The conception of a grand thought always

paints a glow upon Garfield's face, which no one forgets who has seen

him while speaking. His eyes are a cold gray, but they are often--yes,

all the time when he is speaking--lit brilliantly by the warm light of

worthy sentiments, and the strong flame of a great man's conviction.

"In speaking, he is not so restless as Conkling; his speech is an appeal

for thought and calm deliberation, and he stands still like the rock of

judgment while he delivers it. There is no invective or bitterness in

his effort, but there is throughout an earnestness of conviction and an

unquestionable air of sincerity, to which every gesture and intonation

of voice is especially adapted."

On the second day of the convention a resolution was introduced by Mr.

Conkling that every member of the convention should support the nominee,

and that no one should hold a seat who was not willing thus to pledge

himself. The question was opposed by several voices, and when Mr.

Conkling called for a vote of the States, three delegates from West

Virginia voted in the negative. Another resolution was then offered by

Mr. Conkling, who declared that these delegates had forfeited their

seats in the convention.

The West Virginians asserted that they were true Republicans, but could

not, and would not, pledge themselves in this manner. A hot contest of

words would probably have ensued, had not Garfield taken the floor and

spoken as follows:--

"I fear the convention is about to commit a grave error. Every delegate,

save three, has voted for the resolution, and the three gentlemen who

have voted against it have risen in their places and stated that they

expected, and intended, to support the nominee of the convention, but

that it was not, in their judgment, a wise thing, at this time, to pass

the resolution which all the rest of the delegates had voted for. Were

they to be disfranchised because they thought so? That was the question.

Was every delegate to have his republicanism inquired into before he was

allowed to vote? Delegates were responsible for their votes, not to the

convention, but to their constituents. He himself would never in any

convention vote against his judgment. He regretted that the gentlemen

from West Virginia had thought it best to break the harmony of the

convention by their dissent. He did not know these gentlemen, nor their

affiliations, nor their relations to the candidates. If this convention

expelled those men then the convention would have to purge itself at the

end of every vote and inquire how many delegates who had voted 'no'

should go out. He trusted that the gentleman from New York would

withdraw his resolution and let the convention proceed with its

business."

One of the delegates from California immediately moved to lay the

resolution on the table, and Mr. Conkling thereupon withdrew it.

On the fourth day of the convention, and just after the Grant men had

set forth in glowing terms the claims of their candidate, Garfield was

called to the platform to represent Ohio. A hearty cheering greeted him

as he began:--

"MR. PRESIDENT: I have witnessed the extraordinary scenes of

this convention with deep solicitude. No emotion touches my

heart more quickly than a sentiment in honor of a great and

noble character. But as I sat on these seats and witnessed

these demonstrations, it seemed to me you were a human ocean

in a tempest. I have seen the sea lashed into fury and

tossed into spray, and its grandeur moves the soul of the

dullest man. But I remember that it is not the billows, but

the calm level of the sea from which all heights and depths

are measured. When the storm has passed and the hour of calm

settles on the ocean, when sunlight bathes its smooth

surface, then the astronomer and surveyor takes the level

from which he measures all terrestrial heights and depths.

"Gentlemen of the convention, your present temper may not

mark the healthful pulse of our people. When our enthusiasm

has passed, when the emotions of this hour have subsided, we

shall find the calm level of public opinion below the storm

from which the thoughts of a mighty people are to be

measured, and by which their final action will be

determined.

"Not here, in this brilliant circle where fifteen thousand

men and women are assembled, is the destiny of the Republic

to be decreed; not here, where I see the enthusiastic faces

of seven hundred and fifty-six delegates waiting to cast

their votes into the urn and determine the choice of their

party, but by four million Republican firesides, where the

thoughtful fathers with wives and children about them, with

the calm thoughts inspired by love of home and love of

country, with the history of the past, the hopes of the

future, and the knowledge of the great men who have adorned

and blessed our nation in days gone by--there God prepares

the verdict that shall determine the wisdom of our work

to-night. Not in Chicago in the heat of June, but in the

sober quiet that comes between now and November, in the

silence of deliberate judgment will this great question be

settled. Let us aid them to-night.

"But now, gentlemen of the convention, what do we want?

Twenty-five years ago this republic was wearing a triple

chain of bondage. Long familiarity with traffic in the

bodies and souls of men had paralyzed the consciences of a

majority of our people. The baleful doctrine of State

sovereignty had shocked and weakened the noblest and most

beneficent powers of the national government, and the

grasping power of slavery was seizing the virgin territories

of the West and dragging them into the den of eternal

bondage. At that crisis the Republican party was born. It

drew its first inspiration from that fire of liberty which

God has lighted in every man's heart, and which all the

powers of ignorance and tyranny can never wholly extinguish.

"The Republican party came to deliver and save the republic.

It entered the arena when the beleaguered and assailed

territories were struggling for freedom, and drew around

them the sacred circle of liberty which the demon of slavery

has never dared to cross. It made them free forever.

"Strengthened by its victory on the frontier, the young

party, under the leadership of that great man who, on this

spot, twenty years ago, was made its leader, entered the

national capital and assumed the high duties of the

government. The light which shone from its banner dispelled

the darkness in which slavery had enshrouded the capital,

and melted the shackles of every slave, and consumed in the

fire of liberty every slave-pen within the shadow of the

capitol.

"Our national industries by an impoverishing policy, were

themselves prostrated, and the streams of revenue flowed in

such feeble currents that the treasury itself was well-nigh

empty. The money of the people was the wretched notes of two

thousand uncontrolled and irresponsible state banking

corporations, which were filling the country with a

circulation that poisoned rather than sustained the life of

business. The Republican party changed all this. It

abolished the babel of confusion, and gave the country a

currency as national as its flag, based upon the sacred

faith of the people. It threw its protecting arm around our

great industries, and they stood erect as with new life. It

filled with the spirit of true nationality all the great

functions of the government. It confronted a rebellion of

unexampled magnitude, with slavery behind it, and, under

God, fought the final battle of liberty until victory was

won. Then, after the storms of battle were heard the sweet,

calm words of peace uttered by the conquering nation, and

saying to the conquered foe that lay prostrate at its

feet,--

"'This is our only revenge, that you join us in lifting to

the serene firmament of the Constitution, to shine like

stars forever and ever, the immortal principles of truth and

justice, that all men, white or black, shall be free and

stand equal before the law.'

"Then came the question of reconstruction, the public debt,

and the public faith. In the settlement of the questions the

Republican party has completed its twenty-five years of

glorious existence, and it has sent us here to prepare it

for another lustrum of duty and of victory. How shall we do

this great work? We cannot do it, my friends, by assailing

our Republican brethren. God forbid that I should say one

word to cast a shadow upon any name on the roll of our

heroes.

"This coming fight is our Thermopylae. We are standing upon a

narrow isthmus. If our Spartan hosts are united, we can

withstand all the Persians that the Xerxes of Democracy can

bring against us. Let us hold our ground this one year, for

the stars in their courses fight for us in the future. The

census taken this year will bring reinforcements and

continued power. But in order to win this victory now, we

want the vote of every Republican, of every Grant

Republican, and every anti-Grant Republican in America, of

every Blaine man and anti-Blaine man. The vote of every

follower of every candidate is needed to make our success

certain; therefore, I say, gentlemen and brethren, we are

here to take calm counsel together, and inquire what we

shall do.

"We want a man whose life and opinions embody all the

achievements of which I have spoken. We want a man who,

standing on a mountain height, sees all the achievements of

our past history, and carries in his heart the memory of all

its glorious deeds, and who, looking forward, prepares to

meet the labor and the dangers to come. We want one who will

act in no spirit of unkindness towards those we lately met

in battle. The Republican party offers to our brethren of

the South the olive-branch of peace, and wishes them to

return to brotherhood, on this supreme condition, that it

shall be admitted forever and forevermore, that in the war

for the Union, we were right and they were wrong. On that

supreme condition we meet them as brothers, and on no other.

We ask them to share with us the blessings and honors of

this great republic.

"Now, gentlemen, not to weary you, I am about to present a

name for your consideration--the name of a man who was the

comrade and associate and friend of nearly all those noble

dead whose faces look down upon us from these walls

to-night; a man who began his career of public service

twenty-five years ago; whose first duty was courageously

done in the days of peril on the plains of Kansas, when the

first red drops of that bloody shower began to fall which

finally swelled into the deluge of war. He bravely stood by

young Kansas then, and, returning to his duty in the

National Legislature, through all subsequent time his

pathway has been marked by labors performed in every

department of legislation.

"You ask for his monuments. I point you to twenty-five years

of national statutes. Not one great beneficent measure has

been placed in our statute books without his intelligent and

powerful aid. He aided these men to formulate the laws that

raised our great armies and carried us through the war. His

hand was seen in the workmanship of those statutes that

restored and brought back the unity and calm of the States.

His hand was in all that great legislation that created the

war currency, and in a still greater work that redeemed the

promises of the government and made the currency equal to

gold. And when at last called from the halls of legislation

into a high executive office, he displayed that experience,

intelligence, firmness and poise of character which has

carried us through a stormy period of three years. With

one-half the public press crying 'Crucify him,' and a

hostile Congress seeking to prevent success, in all this he

remained unmoved until victory crowned him.

"The great fiscal affairs of the nation, and the great

business interests of the country he has guarded and

preserved, while executing the law of resumption and

effecting its object without a jar and against the false

prophecies of one-half of the press and all the Democracy of

this continent. He has shown himself able to meet with

calmness the great emergencies of the government for

twenty-five years. He has trodden the perilous heights of

public duty, and against all the shafts of malice has borne

his breast unharmed. He has stood in the blaze of 'that

fierce light that beats against the throne,' but its

fiercest ray has found no flaw in his armor, no stain on his

shield. I do not present him as a better Republican or as a

better man than thousands of others we honor, but I present

him for your deliberate consideration. I nominate John

Sherman, of Ohio."

Of this powerful speech, that was constantly interrupted by storms of

applause, Whitelaw Reid said,--

"It was admirably adapted to make votes for his candidate, if speeches

ever made votes. It was courteous, conciliatory, and prudent."

The editor of the Chicago _Journal_ wrote as follows:--

"The supreme orator of the evening was General Garfield. He is a man of

superb power and noble character.... He indulged in no fling at others.

It was a model speech in temper and tone. The impression made was

powerful and altogether wholesome. Many felt that if Ohio had offered

Garfield instead of Sherman, she would have been more likely to win."

The Life and Public Services of James A. Garfield Twentieth President of the United States, Including Full and Accurate Details of His Eventful Administration, Assassination, Last Hours, Death, Etc., Together with Notable Extracts from His Speeches and Letters · 第 23 / 50 章