It was to be the practical application of that Golden Rule he had

so long preached. But to my mind the Russian Revolution had only

just begun. The event in which he saw the coming of the Lord I

looked on as only the first of probably many convulsions forced by

successive generations of unsatisfied radicals, irreconcilable

counterrevolutionists. When I voiced these pessimistic notions to

Steffens he called me heartless and blind.

But there were other forces working against the type of journalism in

which we believed. We were classed as muckrakers, and the school had

been so commercialized that the public was beginning to suspect it. The

public is not as stupid as it sometimes seems. The truth of the matter

was that the muckraking school was stupid. It had lost the passion for

facts in a passion for subscriptions.

The coming of the War in 1914 forced a new program. It became a grave

question whether, under the changed conditions, the increased confusion

of mind, the intellectual and financial uncertainties, an independent

magazine backed with little money could live. In undertaking the

_American_ we had all of us put in all the money we could lay our hands

on. We had cut the salaries of _McClure’s_ in two, reduced our scale of

living accordingly, and done it gaily as an adventure. And it had been a

fine fruitful adventure in professional comradeship. We had made a good

magazine, and we were all for making a better one and convinced we could

do it. “I don’t think,” Ray Baker wrote me not long ago, “that I look

back to any period of my life with greater interest than I do to

that—the eager enthusiasm, the earnestness, and the gaiety!” But we had

come to a time when under the new conditions the magazine required fresh

money, and we had no more to put in.

The upshot was that in 1915 the _American_ was sold to the Crowell

Publishing Company. The new owners wanted a different type of magazine,

and John Siddall, who had been steadily with us since I had unearthed

him in Cleveland as a help in investigating the Standard Oil Company,

was made active editor. Siddall was admirably cut out to make the type

of periodical the new controlling interests wanted. I have never known

any one in or out of the profession with his omnivorous curiosity about

human beings and their ways. He had enormous admiration for achievement

of any sort, the thing done whatever its nature or trend. His interest

in humankind was not diluted by any desire to save the world. It

included all men. He had a shrewd conviction that putting things down as

they are did more to save the world than any crusade. His instincts were

entirely healthy and decent. The magazine was bound to be what we call

wholesome. Very quickly he put his impress on the new journal, made it a

fine commercial success.

Gradually the old staff disintegrated. Peter Dunne went over to the

editorial page of _Collier’s_—Bert Boyden went to France with the

Y.M.C.A.—Mr. Phillips remained as a director and a consultant—Siddall

would hear of nothing else. “He is the greatest teacher I have ever

known. I could learn from him if I were making shoes,” he declared. And

years later when, facing his tragic death, he was preparing a new man to

take his place he told him solemnly, “Never fail to spend an hour a day

with J. S. P. just talking things over.”

As for me it was soon obvious there was no place for my type of work on

the new _American_. If I were to be free I must again give up security.

Hardly, however, had I acted on my resolution before along came Mr.

Louis Alber of the Coit Alber Lecture Bureau, one of the best known

concerns at that time in the business. Mr. Alber had frequently invited

me to join his troupe, and always I had laughed at the invitation: I was

too busy; moreover I had no experience, did not know how to lecture.

Now, however, it was a different matter. I was free, and I might forget

the situation in which I found myself by undertaking a new type of work.

Was not lecturing a natural adjunct to my profession? Moreover, Mr.

Alber wanted me to speak on these New Ideals in Business which I had

been discussing in the magazine, and he wanted me to speak on what was

known as a Chautauqua circuit, a kind of peripatetic Chautauqua. Perhaps

my willingness to go had an element of curiosity in it, a desire to find

out what this husky child of my old friend Chautauqua was like.

At all events I signed up for a seven weeks’ circuit, forty-nine days in

forty-nine different places.

15

A NEW PROFESSION

It was not until my signed contract to speak for forty-nine consecutive

days in forty-nine different places was laid before me that I realized I

had agreed to do what I did not know how to do. I had never in my life

stood on my feet and made a professional speech. To begin with—could I

make people hear? I felt convinced that I had something to say, and so

did my sponsors—but to what good if I could not be heard? What was this

thing they called “placing the voice”? I went to my friend Franklin

Sargent of the American Academy of Dramatic Arts, told him of my

predicament. After a first test he agreed with me that I did not know

how to use my voice, and that unless I could learn I was letting myself

in for a bad failure.

Mr. Sargent was good enough to take me on as a pupil, uninteresting a

one as I must have been. He began by putting me on the simplest

exercises but with severe instructions about keeping them up. I went

about my apartment day and night shouting “Ma, Me, Mi, Mo,” “Ba, Be, Bi,

Bo.” I learned that the voice must come from the diaphragm, and that the

diaphragm must be strong to throw it out for an hour at a time.

Regularly every morning and every night, lying on my back with books on

my stomach, I breathed deeply until I could lift four or five volumes.

By the time the circuit opened in July I knew theoretically how to use

my voice; but I soon found that to do it without now and then getting it

into my throat, making horrible noises and throwing myself into nervous

panics, I must be more conscious of it than was good for my method of

handling my material. Indeed, it was not until my second year of

speaking that I could count on my voice for the hour of the performance.

I never came to a point where I did not have to ask that a glass of

water be put within reach—just in case. I found a glass of water a

safety device if my attention was distracted for a moment and I lost my

line of argument. I could pick it up, pretend to drink, change my

position, regain poise.

So much for my voice. I knew how to make people hear what I was saying.

Now as to material. I was to talk on the same subject day after day.

That is, I was supposed to make daily the same speech. I was afraid of a

memorized speech. A lecture experience of my old friend George Kennan

was largely responsible for that. After he had published his classic

work on Siberia Mr. Kennan took his story to the lecture platform. He

wrote his lecture with characteristic care—memorized it and repeated it

night after night on the long tours he made. It was an admirable

lecture, one of the most moving I ever heard.

In telling me of his platform experiences Mr. Kennan dropped this

warning: “In giving a memorized lecture one must be very careful that no

two sentences end with the same words. In my lecture on Siberia I

unwittingly used five or six identical words to end different

sentences—one near the opening, the other near the closing of my talk.

One night when perhaps I was unusually tired, instead of picking up what

followed the first sentence I picked up the words that followed the

second. That is, I was ending my lecture when I had only just begun it.

I saved myself, but after that I always took care that there were no two

sentences in my talk with identical, even similar endings.”

My memory is a tricky and unreliable organ—never properly trained, never

held resolutely to its job. I should have been afraid to trust it on a

lecture platform. Moreover, I realized that, since I was no orator and

never should be, my only hope was to give the appearance of talking

naturally, spontaneously. I put together what seemed to me a logical

framework and decided to drape it afresh every day, never to begin with

the same words, to use fresh illustrations, to think aloud,

experimenting. I soon discovered a fresh beginning every day was too

much to ask of myself under the conditions of travel. I found it

foolish, too, for if I had struck an opening that arrested attention,

why change it for one that might not? I soon found that illustrations

which were all right in an article did not serve with an audience. The

line of argument which I would have followed in an article became more

effective on a platform if switched. That is, as it turned out, although

I was giving the same lecture every day, it was never quite the same. I

worked on it constantly; and that is what kept my interest. I think,

because always I found however tired I might be, however much I despised

myself for undertaking to do what I more and more realized I did not

know how to do, I always was interested in my subject, talking as if it

was something of which I had never talked before. It was that personal

interest in my material which carried me through.

I had not given a thought in advance to the physical aspect of my

undertaking. I had known that every day for forty-nine days I was to

speak in a different place; I knew that meant daily traveling, but that

had not disturbed me. I had always prided myself that I was superior to

physical surroundings. I had not been long on the Chautauqua Circuit

before I was realizing that they played an enormous part in my day. I

found I was inquiring about the town to which we were headed: “How about

the hotel? Are there bathrooms? If so, am I to get one?”

I was uneasy about the table—the ideas of cooking and serving—and at

night about the noises, the drafts and other unmentionable worries. To

my amazement the bed in which I was to sleep soon was taking an

altogether disproportionate place in my mind. It is a fact that, when

the circuit was over and I came to tell its story, I could draw a

diagram of any one of the rooms in which I had slept, giving the exact

location of the bed in relation to windows and doors and bathroom. I

remembered these beds when I did not remember the hotel.

To my surprise I found myself deeply interested in the physical life of

the circuit, so like the life of the circus. We performed in tents, and

our outfit was as gay as ever you saw—khaki tents bound in red, with a

great khaki fence about, pennants floating up and down the streets, and

within, order, cleanliness, and the smartest kind of little platform and

side dressing rooms.

Naturally I had no little curiosity about my traveling companions.

Scoffing eastern friends told me that there would be bell ringers,

trained dogs, and Tyrolese yodelers. I found no such entertainment, but

I could hardly have fallen in with pleasanter company. A quintette of

young people whose business it was to sing for three-quarters of an hour

before my afternoon lecture and for a like period before the evening

entertainment, proved to be the gayest, kindest, healthiest of

companions. They were hard workers, seriously interested in pleasing

their audiences. They knew not only how to work, but how to live on the

kind of junket that I had undertaken. In other words, here was a group

of five young people who were doing what to me was very unusual, in a

thoroughly professional way. The seventh member of our party, the

evening entertainer, Sydney Landon, had had long experience on the

circuit. He was doing his work exactly as a good writer or a good lawyer

would do his. I saw at once that what I had joined was not, as I had

hastily imagined, a haphazard semi-business, semi-philanthropic,

happy-go-lucky new kind of barnstorming. It was serious work.

In starting the Chautauqua work I was not conscious that there was a

large percentage of condescension in my attitude. My first audience

revealed my mind to me with painful definiteness, and humbled me beyond

expression. It was all so unlike anything that I had had in my mind. I

was to speak in the evening and arrived at my destination late and after

a rather hard day. It was a steel town—one which I had known long years

before. The picturesqueness of the thing struck me with amazement.

Planted on an open space in the straggling, dimly lighted streets, where

the heavy panting of the blast furnaces could be clearly heard, I saw

the tent ablaze with electric lights, for, if you please, we carried our

own electric equipment. From all directions men, women, and children

were flocking—white shirtwaists in profusion, few coats, and still fewer

hats. And there were so many of them! I felt a queer sensation of alarm.

Here in the high-banked tiers were scores upon scores of serious faces

of hard-working men. I had come to talk about the hopeful and optimistic

things that I had seen in the industrial life of the country; but face

to face with these men, within sound of the heavy panting of great

furnaces, within sight of the unpainted, undrained rows of company

houses which I had noticed as I came in on the train, the memory of many

a long and bitter labor struggle that I had known of in that valley came

to life, and all my pretty tales seemed now terribly flimsy. They were

so serious, they listened so intently to get something; and the tragedy

was that I had not more to give them. This was my first audience. I

never had another that made so deep an impression upon me.

I had not been long on the Circuit before I realized that my audience

had only a languid interest in my subject, that what they were really

interested in, wanted to hear and talk about, was the War, then ending

its second year. But I could not talk about the War. Nothing had ever so

engulfed me as in a black fog, closed my mouth, confused my mind.

Chiefly this was because of the apparent collapse of organized efforts

to persuade or to force peaceful settlements of international quarrels.

These had taken so large a place in the thinking and agitating of the

liberal-minded with whom I lived that I had begun to delude myself that

they were actually strong enough to prevent future wars. Largely these

efforts were the result of the revulsion the conflicts of the nineties

had caused; the Boer War, the Greco-Turkish War, the Spanish War. People

who wanted to live in peace wrote books, talked, organized

societies—national and international. Jane Addams stirred the

English-speaking world by her “Newer Ideals of Peace.” William H. Taft,

Elihu Root, leading public men, educators, combined in one or another

society advocating this or that form of machinery.

And while this was going on Theodore Roosevelt was doing his best to

counteract it by his bold talk of war as a maker of men, the only

adequate machine for preparing human beings for the beneficent strenuous

life he advocated.

What was the _American Magazine_ to do about it? It seemed to us that we

ought to find some answer to Theodore Roosevelt. Certainly we could not

do it by promoting organized efforts; certainly not by preaching. We

must prove him wrong.

In 1910 our attention was turned to what seemed a possibly useful

educational effort against war, inaugurated at Stanford University by

its president, David Starr Jordan. I knew Dr. Jordan slightly. His

argument for opening the channels of world trade in the interest of

peace had helped keep up my spirits when laboring against the tariff

lobbies that so effectively closed them. What were they doing in

Stanford? It was decided that I go out and see; at least there might be

material for an article or two. Early in 1911 Dr. Jordan arranged that I

spend a few weeks at the university. He was very cordial, meeting me at

Los Angeles, where I arrived low in mind and body from an attack of

influenza.

There was to be a peace meeting that night—Dr. Jordan was to speak. They

had announced me, and when I refused to get out of my bed they took it

as proof of indifference to the cause. The truth was that the idea of

speaking extemporaneously was at that time terrifying to me; ill too, I

could not, or perhaps would not, rally my forces. I would rather be

regarded as a sneak than attempt it.

But Dr. Jordan understood and laughed off my apology, and together we

made a leisurely trip to Palo Alto. He was a delightful companion when

he felt like talking, as he often did! There was nothing which did not

interest him. Looking out of the car window, he talked not of peace at

all but of birds and trees and fishes and Roosevelt and the recent

earthquake.

At Palo Alto I found that the most exciting course then offered to the

students was the six weeks on war and peace which I had come to study.

The big assembly room was packed for all the public lectures. Among the

advanced students following the course were several who have since made

names for themselves: Bruce Bliven, Robert L. Duffus, Maxwell Anderson.

There was considerable intensive work on special themes. One student was

collecting war slogans; another, making a comparison of declarations of

war, each of which called God to witness that its cause was just.

Another student was compiling tables showing the yearly increase in the

costs of armament in the twenty years from 1890 on; another, the

economic losses through the devastations caused by war; and so on. All

interesting and useful material.

But, study the work as closely as I could, I could not for the life of

me lay my hands on that definite something which the _American_ needed.

Finally I took my discouragement to Dr. Jordan, and together we planned

collaboration on a series of articles to be called “The Case Against

War.” Dr. Jordan in his autobiography, “The Days of a Man,” tells of our

scheme and what became of it; “crowding events permitted war to frame

its own case.”

In August, 1914, all of the machinery on which peace lovers had counted

collapsed. The Socialists in a body in every country took up arms; so

did organized labor, so did the professional advocates of peace.

It was not only this collapse of effort that had stunned me. From the

hour war was declared I had a sense of doom quite inexplicable in so

matter-of-fact a person. We should go in; of that, I felt certain. After

we did go in John Siddall more than once recalled how in August of 1914,

when a party of us were dining at the then popular Hungarian Restaurant

on Houston Street, I had said that before the thing was ended the United

States, the world, would be in.

“You are a prophet,” Siddall would laugh.

But I was not a prophet. It was the logic of my conviction that the

world is one, that isolation of nations is as fantastic as isolation of

the earth from the solar system, the solar system from the universe.

All this made a species of Fabian pacifist of me. I was for anything

that looked to peace, to neutrality, but it was always with the hopeless

feeling that one simply must do what one can if the house is on fire.

I could not share the hate of Germany, in spite of my profound devotion

to France, my conviction that Germany had believed a war of conquest

essential to realize what she called her destiny, that she had been

consciously preparing for it, that she thought the Day had come when she

could venture it.

The awful thing seemed too big for hate by puny humans, and I was amazed

and no little shocked soon after the outbreak when, visiting my friend

John Burroughs at Squirrel Lodge in the Catskills, I found him whom I

had always regarded as an apostle of peace and light in a continuous

angry fever against all things German. Woodchucks were troubling his

corn, and every morning he went out with his gun. “Another damned Hun,”

he would cry savagely when he returned with his dead game.

Time did not cure John Burroughs’ wrath, for in December, 1917, he

pledged himself in an open letter published in the New York _Tribune_

never to read a German book, never to buy an article of German make. But

John Burroughs was not the only one of my supposedly gentle-souled

friends who felt this serious necessity to punish not only now but

forever.

I was too befogged to hate or to take part in the organizations looking

to ending the War which sprang up all about, and which I felt so

despairingly were all futile.

There was Mr. Ford’s Peace Ship. Mr. Ford had startled me one day in the

spring of 1915, when in Detroit I was observing his methods for making

men, by saying suddenly: “You know I am rather coming to the conclusion

that we ought to join the Allies. If we go in we can finish the thing

quickly. And that is what should be done. As it is now, they will fight

to a finish. It ought some way to be stopped, and I see no other way.”

Six months later Mr. Ford called me up at my home in New York and asked

if I would not come to his hotel: he and Miss Addams wanted to talk with

me. Of course I went at once.

It is curious how sometimes, when one steps inside a door without

knowing what is behind it, one senses caution. The door was open to Mr.

Ford’s suite—nobody in sight, no answer to my ring; but I could hear

voices and followed them to a room at the end of the hall. Mr. Ford was

standing in the corner facing me. Before him were two rows of

men—reporters, I knew.

“Here, boys, is Miss Tarbell—she will go with us,” he called.

“Go where, Mr. Ford?” I asked.

“Oh,” he said, “we are chartering a Peace Ship. We are going to Europe

and get the boys out of the trenches by Christmas.”

I had a terrible sinking of heart. “Oh, Mr. Ford, I don’t think I could

go on such an expedition!”

“Come with me and we will convince you.”

And he led me into a room where Madame Rosika Schwimmer and my old

friend Fred Howe were talking—Jane Addams was not there.

“Tell Miss Tarbell what we are going to do. We want her to go along.”

And he went back to the reporters.

I put in one of the most difficult hours of my life. Madame Schwimmer

argued ably; so did Mr. Howe; and all that I could say was, feeling like

a poor worm as I said it, “I can’t see it.”

When Mr. Ford came back and they told him, “She can’t see it,” I tried

to explain my doubts. He listened intently and then very gently said,

“Don’t bother her—she’ll come.”

On top of this interview came a long telegram followed by a longer

letter, both signed by Henry Ford. I doubt now if he ever saw either of

them. Certainly the signature at the foot of the letter is not his. I am

putting them in here, long as they are, because they are important in

the history of the Peace Ship, and so far as I know have never been

printed. Here they are:

November 24, 1915

Will you come as my guest aboard the Oscar Second of the

Scandinavian-American Line sailing from New York December fourth for

Christiania, Stockholm and Copenhagen? I am cabling leading men and

women of the European Nations to join us en route and at some

central point to be determined later establish an International

Conference dedicated to negotiations leading to a just settlement of

the War. A hundred representative Americans are being invited among

whom Jane Addams, Thomas A. Edison and John Wanamaker have accepted

today. Full letter follows. With twenty thousand men killed every

twenty four hours, tens of thousands maimed, homes ruined, another

winter begun, the time has come for a few men and women with courage

and energy irrespective of the cost in personal inconvenience, money

sacrifice and criticism to free the good will of Europe that it may

assert itself for peace and justice with the strong probability that

international disarmament can be accomplished. Please wire reply.

November 27, 1915

Dear Miss Tarbell:—

From the moment I realized that the world situation demands

immediate action, if we do not want the war fire to spread any

further, I joined those international forces which are working

toward ending this unparalleled catastrophe. This I recognize as my

human duty.

There is full evidence that the carnage, which already has cost ten

millions of lives, can and is expected to be stopped through the

agency of a mediating conference of the six disinterested European

nations, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Switzerland, Spain, and

the United States.

Envoys to thirteen belligerent and neutral European governments have

ascertained in forty visits that there is a universal peace desire.

This peace desire, for the sake of diplomatic etiquette, never can

be expressed openly, or publicly, until one side, or the other, is

definitely defeated, or until both sides are entirely exhausted.

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