Sir Samuel Auchmuty had broken ground on the 20th, at 600 yards

distance from the works; and on the 24th, though no practicable

breach had been made, the general being apprehensive of the danger

of delay, determined upon an assault. The command of the principal

attack was entrusted to Colonel Gillespie. The advance guard was

formed by the rifle company of the 14th, while the grenadiers of

the 78th led the column, to which the light and rifle companies also

belonged. Immediately after midnight of the 25th Colonel Gillespie

marched, but his advance was impeded by the darkness of the night and

the intricacy of the country, which was parcelled out into pepper

and betel gardens, and intersected with ravines, so that the troops

were frequently obliged to move in single file. Towards daylight it

was found that the rear division, under Colonel Gibbs, had strayed,

but as it was impossible to remain long concealed, and to retreat

would have been to abandon the enterprise, it was determined to

assault without them. With the earliest streak of dawn the column was

challenged, but the men, advancing with fixed bayonets at the double,

speedily annihilated the enemy’s picquets, and obtained possession of

the protecting redoubt No. 3. At the same time the grenadiers of the

78th rushed up on the bamboo bridge over the Slokan, mingling with

the fugitives, and thus prevented its destruction by them. Owing to

the darkness still prevailing, many of the men fell over the bridge

into the canal, and were with difficulty rescued; while everywhere

the carnage was terrific, the road being enfiladed by numerous pieces

of artillery. The left of the attack now stormed and carried a

large redoubt, No. 4, to the left of the bridge, which was strongly

palisaded, and mounted upwards of twenty 18-pounders, besides several

24 and 32-pounders. Colonel Gibbs also came up at this moment, and

his force was joined by a portion of the 78th, under Captain Macleod

and Lieut. Brodie, who carried the redoubt No. 1 to the right; but

scarcely had his advance entered when it blew up with a tremendous

explosion, by which many of both parties were killed. It was said

that a train had been fired by some of the enemy’s officers, but this

has never been proved. Lieut.-Colonel Macleod’s (69th) attack against

redoubt No. 2 was also completely successful, though the army had to

deplore the loss of that gallant officer in the moment of victory.

“Major Yule’s attack was equally spirited, but after routing the

enemy’s force at Campong Maylayo, and killing many of them, he found

the bridge on fire, and was unable to penetrate further.”[481] He

therefore had to content himself with firing across the river. The

two attacks now joined, and, under Colonel Gillespie, advanced to

attack a body of the enemy inforced by a regiment of cavalry, which

was stationed on a rising ground above the fort, and protected their

park of artillery. The fire was very heavy, and though the British

actually reached the mouths of the enemy’s guns, they were twice

driven back, but rallying each time, they made a final charge and

dislodged the enemy. Here Lieutenants Hart and Pennycuik of the 78th

were wounded, the former having his thigh broken in two places by

a grape-shot. The commander-in-chief now ordered a general attack

upon the north face, which was led by Colonel Adams’ brigade, and

“the heroic 78th, which, though long opposed, now burst in with loud

shouts in the front of the line, and successively carried the works

on either hand.”[482] The regiment, under Lieut.-Colonel Campbell,

advanced along the high road, crossed the ditch and palisade under a

very heavy fire of grape and musketry, and carried the enemy’s work

in that direction. Two companies, under Colonel Macpherson, proceeded

along the bank of the Slokan and took possession of the dam-dyke,

which kept back the water from the ditch, thus preventing the enemy

from cutting it, and leaving the ditch dry for the main body of the

regiment to cross. In this service “Captain Macpherson was wounded

in a personal rencontre with a French officer.”[483] The loss of the

78th in this part of the action was very heavy. Lieutenant-Colonel

Campbell had both his thighs shattered by a grape-shot, and died

two days afterwards, and Captain William Mackenzie and Lieutenant

Matheson were also wounded. The regiment was necessarily much broken

up in crossing the ditch and palisades, but soon re-formed, and

completed the rout of the enemy.

In the space of three hours from the commencement of the action, all

the enemy’s works were in the possession of the British.

The loss of the enemy in killed, during the attack and pursuit, was

nearly 2000. The wounded were estimated at about 3000, while between

5000 and 6000 prisoners were taken, mostly Europeans, including a

regiment of Voltigeurs lately arrived from France.

The main body of the 78th lost 1 field officer (Lieut.-Colonel

Campbell) and 18 rank and file killed, and 3 sergeants and 62 rank

and file wounded; its total of killed and wounded, including the

three companies with Colonel Gillespie’s attack, being 164.

A force, which had been sent by sea to Cheribon to intercept General

Jansen’s retreat into the eastern portion of the island, having

arrived two days after he had passed, Sir Samuel Auchmuty determined

to undertake the pursuit. Accordingly, on the 5th of September, he

embarked at Batavia with the 14th and 78th Regiments, the grenadiers

of the 3rd Volunteer Regiment, and some artillery and pioneers,

less than 1000 men in all, with six field-pieces. The headquarters,

grenadier, rifle, and one battalion company of the 78th sailed in

the “Mysore,” under Major Fraser, and the remaining seven companies,

under Major Lindsay, in the “Lowjee Family.” On the 12th the troops

commanded by Major Lindsay landed at Samarang, and occupied the town

without opposition, and learnt that a considerable body of the enemy,

principally cavalry, was strongly posted upon the hills of Serondole,

about 5 or 6 miles distant. On the 16th the whole force, under the

command of Colonel Gibbs, advanced against Serondole at an early

hour. Although the position of the enemy was most formidable, his

troops gave way on all hands.

On the morning of the 18th a flag of truce arrived from General

Jansen, accepting unconditionally any terms Sir Samuel Auchmuty might

suggest. These were that the governor should surrender himself and

his army prisoners of war, resign the sovereignty of Java and all

the Dutch and French possessions in the East Indies into the hands

of Great Britain, who should be left free with regard to the future

administration of the island, the guarantee of the public debt, and

the liquidation of paper money.

Thus the fertile island of Java and its rich dependencies, the last

colonial possession of France, was wrested from her by British

prowess.

The regiment remained in Java till September 1816, when it embarked

for Calcutta. The only other enterprise we need mention in which

the 78th was engaged while in Java was an expedition against the

rebellious Sultan of Djokjokarta, when a great amount of treasure

was captured, including two solid silver soup-tureens of antique

design and exquisite finish, which the regiment still possesses. We

must also mention the melancholy death, at Probolingo, on the 18th

of May, 1813, of Lieut.-Colonel Fraser and Captain Macpherson at

the hands of some fierce banditti, these officers being on a visit

to a friend at Probolingo, when the banditti approached the place.

Next day a detachment, consisting of 100 of the most active of the

grenadier, rifle, and light companies, under Major Forbes of the

78th, marched against the banditti. After marching 64 miles in 18

hours the detachment came up with the main body of the banditti, and

the commanding officers thought it advisable to make a halt, in order

that the men might obtain some water before proceeding to the attack.

The enemy seeing this, and mistaking the motive, advanced boldly and

rapidly, headed by their chiefs. When within about 100 yards they

halted for a moment, and again advanced to the charge at a run, in

a close compact body, at the same time setting up a most dreadful

yell. The men on this occasion showed a steadiness which could not

be surpassed, not a shot being fired until the enemy was within a

spear’s length of their line, when they gave their fire with such

effect that it immediately checked the advance, and forced the enemy

to retreat with terrible loss. Upwards of 150 lay dead on the spot;

one of their chiefs was killed, and two more, who were taken alive

that afternoon, suffered the merited punishment of their rebellion.

Only a few of the 78th were wounded. The detachment now moved on to

Probolingo House, which it was supposed the insurgents would defend,

but having lost their principal leaders they dispersed without making

any further stand. Their force was estimated to have amounted to

upwards of 2500 men. The same evening the bodies of Colonel Fraser

and Captain Macpherson were brought in and interred in the square of

Probolingo.

During the period of its residence in Java the men of the regiment

had suffered extremely from the climate. Of that splendid body of

men, which in 1811 had left Madras 1027 strong, about 400 only now

remained, and strange to say, it had been observed that the stoutest

and largest men fell the first victims to disease.

The headquarters, in the “Guildford,” sailed from Batavia roads on

the 18th of September, and arrived safely at Calcutta on the 29th of

October.

The “Frances Charlotte,” with the remaining six companies, under

Major Macpherson, had a fine passage up the Bay of Bengal, until the

night of the 5th of November, when the vessel struck upon a rock

about 12 miles distance off the island of Preparis. Fortunately the

weather was moderate, but the ship carrying full sail at the time,

struck with such violence that she remained fast, and in fifteen

minutes filled to her main-deck.

“Now was displayed one of those examples of firmness and self-command

which are so necessary in the character of a soldier. Although the

ship was in the last extremity, and momentarily expected to sink,

there was no tumult, no clamorous eagerness to get into the boats:

every man waited orders, and obeyed them when received. The ship

rapidly filling, and appearing to be lodged in the water, and to

be only prevented from sinking by the rock, all hope of saving her

was given up. Except the provisions which had been brought up the

preceding evening for the following day’s consumption, nothing was

saved. A few bags of rice and a few pieces of pork were thrown into

the boats, along with the women, children, and sick, and sent to

the island, which was so rocky, and the surf so heavy, that they

had great difficulty in landing; and it was not until the following

morning that the boats returned to the ship. In the meantime, a small

part of the rock on which the ship lay was found dry at low water,

and covered with little more than a foot of water at full tide. As

many as this rock could admit of (140 men) were removed on a small

raft, with ropes to fix themselves to the points of the rock, in

order to prevent their being washed into the sea by the waves at high

water. The highest part of the rock was about 150 yards from the

ship. It was not till the fourth day that the boats were able to

carry all in the ship to the island, while those on the rock remained

without sleep, and with very little food or water, till the third

day, when water being discovered on the island, a supply was brought

to them.

“During all this time the most perfect order and resignation

prevailed, both on the island and on the rock. Providentially the

weather continued favourable, or those on the rock must have been

swept into the sea. In the evening of the fourth day the ‘Prince

Blucher,’ Captain Weatherall, and the ‘Po,’ Captain Knox, appeared

in sight, and immediately bore down to the wreck. They had scarcely

taken the men from the rock, and begun to steer for the island, when

it came on to blow a furious gale. This forced them out to sea. Being

short of provisions, and the gale continuing with great violence, the

commanders were afraid that they could not get back to the island in

sufficient time to take the people on board[484] and reach a port

before the stock was expended, and therefore bore away for Calcutta,

where they arrived on the 23rd of November. Two fast-sailing vessels

were instantly despatched with provisions and clothes, and, on the

6th of December, made the Island of Preparis. The people there were

by that time nearly reduced to the last extremity. The allowance

of provisions (a glass-full of rice and two ounces of beef for two

days to each person) was expended, and they had now only to trust

to the shell-fish which they picked up at low water. These soon

became scarce, and they had neither lines to catch fish nor firearms

to kill the birds and monkeys, the only inhabitants of the island,

which is small and rocky, covered with low trees and brushwood.

In this deplorable state the men continued as obedient, and the

officers had the same authority, as on parade. Every privation was

borne in common. Every man that picked up a live shell-fish carried

it to the general stock, which was safe from the attempts of the

half-famished sufferers. Nor was any guard required. However, to

prevent any temptation, sentinels were placed over the small store.

But the precaution was unnecessary. No attempt was made to break

the regulations established, and no symptoms of dissatisfaction

were shown, except when they saw several ships passing them without

notice, and without paying any regard to their signals. These signals

were large fires, which might have attracted notice when seen on an

uninhabited island. Captain Weatherall required no signal. He met

with some boards and other symptoms of a wreck, which had floated to

sea out of sight of the island; and suspecting what had happened,

immediately steered towards it. To his humanity the safety of the

people on the rock may, under Providence, be ascribed; for, as the

violence of the gale was such as to dash the ship to pieces, leaving

no part visible in a few hours, the men must have been swept off the

rock at its commencement.

“Five men died from weakness; several were drowned in falling off the

kind of raft made to convey them from the ship to the rock; and some

were drowned by the surf in going on shore; in all, fourteen soldiers

and two Lascars were lost. Unfortunately, the gale that destroyed

the ship blew off the island, so that no part of the wreck floated

on shore. Had it been otherwise, some things might have been carried

back to the island.”[485]

Many men died subsequently, in consequence of their sufferings on

this occasion. The officers and men lost the whole of their baggage,

and upwards of £2000 of the funds of the regiment went down in the

transport.

On the 9th the surviving officers and men were relieved; and, after

a quick run to Calcutta, landed on the 12th of December. All were

now assembled in Fort William, with the exception of one company in

Java; and, having received orders to make preparations to embark for

Europe, the following General Order was issued by his Excellency the

Governor-General in Council:--

“FORT WILLIAM,

“SATURDAY, _22nd February 1817_.

“The embarkation of the 78th Regiment for Europe calls upon the

Governor-General in Council to bear testimony to the conduct of that

distinguished corps during its service in every part of India. It is

most gratifying to this Government to pay to the regiment a tribute

of unqualified applause; the zeal and gallantry so conspicuously

manifested by the corps at Assaye, and so uniformly maintained

throughout all its subsequent exertions in the field, not having

been more exemplary than its admirable regularity and discipline on

every other occasion. Such behaviour, while it must be reflected

on by themselves with conscious pride, cannot fail to procure for

the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of the 78th

Regiment, the high reward of their sovereign’s approbation.”

An equally complimentary order was issued by the Commander-in-Chief.

The regiment embarked for England on board the “Prince Blucher”

transport, Captain Weatherall, to whom in a measure they owed their

lives, and sailed from the Sandheads on the 1st of March 1817. On the

5th of July the regiment arrived at Portsmouth, and re-embarked in

the “Abeona” transport for Aberdeen. A few weeks later the 78th was

was ordered to Ireland.

In rebutting an unfounded report as to the disaffection of the

three Highland regiments, the 42nd, 78th, and 92nd, General Stewart

says:--“The honour of Highland soldiers has hitherto been well

supported, and Ross-shire has to boast that the 78th has all along

maintained the honourable character of their predecessors. All

those who value the character of a brave and virtuous race may look

with confidence to this corps, as one of the representatives of the

military and moral character of the peasantry of the mountains.

In this regiment, twenty-three have been promoted to the rank of

officers during the war. Merit thus rewarded will undoubtedly have

its due influence on those who succeed them in the ranks.”[486]

III.

1804-1816.

Letter of Service granted to Major-General Mackenzie-Fraser to

raise a 2nd Battalion--Inspected and passed by the Marquis of

Huntly--List of Officers--At Hythe under Sir John Moore--Ordered

to Sicily--Joseph Bonaparte proclaimed King of Naples--Sir John

Stuart invades Calabria--Battle of Maida--Cotrone Capitulates--The

Regiment returns to Sicily--The Egyptian Expedition--Landing at

Aboukir--Capture of Alexandria--Failure at Rosetta--Disastrous

affair of El Hamet--Colonel M’Leod killed--Regiment Returns

Home--Sickness--Drafts to India--370 Men in the Walcheren

Expedition--Death of General Mackenzie-Fraser--Operations against

Napoleon in 1814--The Regiment lands in Holland--Brilliant affair

of Merxem--Antwerp besieged--The Siege abandoned--Various changes

of Quarters--Napoleon returns from Elba--During the 100 Days,

the Regiment garrisons Nieuwpoort--Sickness--Ordered to Brussels

after Waterloo--Conduct of the Highlanders in the Netherlands--The

Regiment returns Home--Ordered to be reduced--Effectives join the

1st Battalion, and the Dépôt proceeds to Aberdeen.

On the 17th of April 1804, a letter of service was granted to

Major-General Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser, Colonel of the 78th

Highlanders, in which his Majesty was pleased to approve of a second

battalion being added to that regiment, with a strength of 1000 men.

General Mackenzie-Fraser had been connected with the regiment ever

since it was first raised in 1793, his brother-in-law, now Lord

Seaforth, having appointed him its first Major; and it was chiefly

owing to his unremitting zeal and attention at headquarters, in

personally superintending and teaching the recruits, that its

energy and discipline in the field became so early conspicuous. He

therefore, when called upon to organise a young battalion, threw his

whole soul into the task, and his vigorous mind rested not until he

had collected around him a body of men in every way worthy of their

predecessors.

“No officer could boast of circumstances more favourable to such an

undertaking. Beloved by every one that had the good fortune of his

acquaintance, he found no difficulty in selecting gentlemen possessed

of various local interests in furtherance of his plan.

“The quality of the men, their youth and vigour, in short, we may say

with confidence, the raw material was unexampled.”[487]

LIST OF OFFICERS.

_Colonel._

Major-General Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser of Castle Fraser,

Colonel of 1st battalion.

_Lieutenant-Colonel._

Patrick M’Leod, younger of Geanies, from 1st Battalion.

_Majors._

David Stewart of Garth (author of the Sketches), Colonel, half-pay.

James Macdonell of Glengarry, Colonel and Major, Coldstream Guards.

_Captains._

Alexander Wishart, from first battalion.

Duncan Macpherson.

James Macvean.

Charles William Maclean, from 42nd.

Duncan Macgregor, Major, half-pay.

William Anderson.

Robert Henry Dick, from 42nd, and afterwards Lieut.-Colonel 42nd.[488]

Colin Campbell Mackay of Bighouse, Major, half-pay.

George Mackay.

_Lieutenants._

William Balvaird, Major, Rifle Brigade.

Patrick Strachan.

James Macpherson, killed in Java, 1814.

William Mackenzie Dick, killed at El Hamet, 1807.

John Matheson, Captain, half-pay.

Cornwallis Bowen.

William Mackenzie, Captain, half-pay.

Malcolm Macgregor.

James Mackay, Captain, half-pay.

Thomas Hamilton.

Robert Nicholson.

Charles Grant, Captain, half-pay.

Horace St Paul, Lieut.-Colonel, half-pay.

George William Bowes.

William Matheson.

William Cameron, Captain, half-pay.

_Ensigns._

John Mackenzie Stewart.

John Munro, killed in Java, 1811.

Christopher Macrae, killed at El Hamet, 1807.

Roderick Macqueen.

Neil Campbell, Captain, half-pay.

John L. Strachan.

Alexander Cameron.

Alexander Gallie.

Robert Burnet, Captain, 14th.

_Paymaster._--James Ferguson.

_Adjutant._--William Mackenzie, Captain.

_Quarter-Master._--John Macpherson.

_Surgeon._--Thomas Draper, D.I.

_Assistant-Surgeon._

William Munro, Surgeon, half-pay.

On the 25th of February 1805 the regiment embarked at Fort George,

and landed at Dover on the 9th of March, whence it marched into

quarters at Hythe, then under the command of Major-General Sir John

Moore.[489]

On the 19th of the same month they were inspected by their Colonel,

Major-General Mackenzie-Fraser, who published an order expressive of

his high approval of the condition in which he found the regiment.

On the 23rd of the same month they were inspected by Major-General

Sir John Moore, who conveyed in an order his approval of their

appearance.

“As one of the objects I have in view is to point out such

characteristic traits of disposition, principle, and habits as may

be in any way interesting, I shall notice the following circumstance

which occurred while this regiment lay at Hythe. In the month of

June orders were issued for one field-officer and four subalterns to

join the first battalion in India. The day before the field-officer

fixed on for this purpose left the regiment, the soldiers held

conferences with each other in the barracks, and in the evening

several deputations were sent to him, entreating him, in the

most earnest manner, to make application either to be allowed to

remain with them or obtain permission for them to accompany him.

He returned his acknowledgments for their attachment and for their

spirited offer; but as duty required his presence in India, while

their services were at present confined to this country, they must

therefore separate for some time. The next evening, when he went from

the barracks to the town of Hythe, to take his seat in the coach

for London, two-thirds of the soldiers, and officers in the same

proportion, accompanied him, all of them complaining of being left

behind. They so crowded round the coach as to impede its progress for

a considerable length of time, till at last the guard was obliged

to desire the coachman to force his way through them. Upon this the

soldiers, who hung by the wheels, horses, harness, and coach-doors,

gave way, and allowed a passage. There was not a dry eye amongst the

younger part of them. Such a scene as this, happening to more than

600 men, and in the streets of a town, could not pass unnoticed, and

was quickly reported to General Moore, whose mind was always alive

to the advantages of mutual confidence and esteem between officers

and soldiers. The circumstance was quite suited to his chivalrous

mind. He laid the case before the Commander-in-Chief; and his Royal

Highness, with that high feeling which he has always shown when a

case has been properly represented, ordered that at present there

should be no separation, and that the field-officer should return to

the battalion in which he had so many friends ready to follow him to

the cannon’s mouth, and when brought in front of an enemy, either to

compel them to fly or perish in the field.”[490]

[Illustration: Major-General Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser.

From Painting in possession of C. J. Mackenzie, Esq. of Portmore.]

Having been ordered for foreign service, the regiment embarked

at Portsmouth on the 28th of September 1805; but, hearing that

the combined French and Spanish fleets had put to sea from Cadiz,

the transports ran into the Tagus, where they remained until

intelligence arrived of the total destruction of the enemies’

flotilla at Trafalgar. They then proceeded to Gibraltar, where they

disembarked the first battalion of the 42nd and the second battalion

of the 78th.

On the 2nd of May, 1806, the regiment embarked for Sicily, and landed

at Messina on the 25th. There it was inspected by Major-General Sir

John Stuart,[491] who, at the earnest solicitation of the spirited

Queen of Naples, had determined on an expedition to Calabria against

the French, Napoleon having annexed to his empire the kingdom of

Naples. On the 16th of June, the 78th marched and encamped in the

vicinity of Milazzo, under command of Brigadier-General Auckland.

On the 27th of June the regiment embarked at Milazzo, and, on the

1st of July, landed in the Bay of St Euphemia in Calabria without

opposition. The force at first numbered 4200, but, being further

augmented by the arrival of the 20th Regiment, the total was 4790

men, as opposed to 7000 of the enemy, with the addition of 300

cavalry. General Stuart, who expected a large accession of Calabrian

volunteers to his standard, remained at St Euphemia till the 3rd,

with the mortification of finding nothing but apathetic indifference

among the people, where he had been led to expect a chivalrous

loyalty and effectual support. On the evening of that day news was

brought to him that General Regnier lay near the village of Maida,

about ten miles distant, with a force of 4000 infantry and 300

cavalry, and that he was merely waiting for a reinforcement of 3000

men to attack the British and drive them back upon the sea. Stuart,

who had no further assistance to expect, immediately made up his

mind to attack the French before the arrival of their fresh troops,

which course would at least equalise numbers in the first instance,

and give him the chance of beating them in detail. Accordingly, he

marched the same night and halted within a short distance of the

French camp; and, renewing the march at daylight, he crossed the

River Amato, which covered the front of the enemy’s position, near

its mouth, and sent forward his skirmishers to the attack. However,

as he advanced further into the plain, the truth suddenly broke

upon him. Like Wellesley at Assaye, he had expected to encounter

merely one-half of his adversary’s force; like him, he found himself

deceived. The whole French army was before him.

Stuart was a man of action; his decision once formed, he proceeded

to act upon it. He would advance. To retreat would be certain ruin

to the expedition, as he should be forced to re-embark even if he

escaped defeat; the morale of his troops would be destroyed; and

Calabria would be left hopelessly in the hands of the French. He knew

that he had the veterans of Napoleon before him in a proportion of

nearly two to one; but he preferred to trust to a cool head, British

pluck, and British steel. The following was the disposition of his

force:--

The light brigade, Lieut.-Colonel James Kempt, was composed of the

light infantry companies of the 20th, 27th, 35th, 58th, and 81st

Regiments, of two companies of Corsican Rangers under Lieut.-Colonel

Hudson Lowe, and of 150 chosen men of the 35th Regiment under

Major George Robertson. The first brigade, Brigadier-General

Auckland, consisted of the 78th and 81st Regiments. The second,

Brigadier-General Lowrie Cole, was formed of the grenadier

companies of the 20th, 27th, 35th, 58th, and 81st, under the Hon.

Lieutenant-Colonel O’Calloghan, and the 27th Regiment. The reserve,

Colonel John Oswald, consisted of the 58th and Watteville Regiment.

Stewart, in his admirable _Sketches_, gives a most spirited and

circumstantial account of the battle; and as he himself fought on

the occasion, it has been thought better to give his narrative

entire rather than to collate from other sources, especially as the

regimental records are very destitute of information:--

“The army was drawn up, having in its rear the head of the bay, and

in its front a broad and extensive valley, level in the centre,

and bounded on both sides by high, and in some places precipitous,

hills, with woods covering their sides in many parts, and in others

with corn-fields up to a considerable height. This valley, which is

of unequal breadth, being in some places four miles and in others

not more than two, runs across the Calabrian peninsula, from St

Euphemia to Cortona on the Adriatic, intersected at intervals to

nearly one-half its breadth by high ridges, which run out at right

angles from the mountains, forming the lateral boundaries of the

plain.... On the summit of one of these ridges, at somewhat more than

four miles distant, the army of General Regnier was seen drawn up

in columns, apparently ready either to descend to the plains or to

wait the attack of the British. General Stuart had now to come to an

instant decision. Disappointed of the support of the Calabrese, of

whom not more than 1000 had joined, and these badly armed and worse

disciplined, and therefore of no use in the attack, and being also

informed that a reinforcement of 3000 men was expected by the enemy

on the following day, he had no alternative but an immediate advance

or a retreat, either to the ships or to some strong position.

“To retreat was little congenial to the spirit of the commander; and

accordingly, actuated by the same confidence in his little army which

had encouraged him to engage in the enterprise, he resolved upon

advancing, little aware that the expected addition to the enemy’s

force had already taken place. While General Stuart’s ignorance of

this fact confirmed his resolution to attempt the strong position

of the enemy, the consciousness of superior numbers gave additional

confidence to General Regnier, who, looking down upon his enemy from

his elevated position, could now count every file below; and who,

as it is said, called out to his troops to mark his confidence in

their invincible courage, and his contempt for the English, whose

presumption in landing with so small a force he was determined to

punish by driving them into the sea. Accordingly, giving orders to

march, he descended the hill in three lines, through narrow paths

in the woods, and formed on the plain below. His army consisted of

more than 7000 men, with 300 cavalry, and a considerable train of

field artillery. He drew up his troops in two parallel lines of

equal numbers, with artillery and cavalry on both flanks, and with

field-pieces placed in different parts of the line. To oppose this

force, General Stuart placed in the front line the light brigade

of Lieut.-Colonel Kempt on the right, the Highland regiment in the

centre, and the 81st on the left.

“At eight o’clock in the morning, the corps composing the first

line advanced, the enemy commencing his forward march (presenting a

parallel front) nearly at the same moment. The distance between the

armies was at the time nearly three miles, and the ground perfectly

level, intersected only by drains, to carry off the water in the

rainy season, but not so large as to intercept the advance of the

field-pieces. When the first brigade moved forward, the second halted

for a short time, and then proceeded, followed by the reserve. The

forward movement of the opposing lines lessened the intervening

distance in double ratio. The first brigade passed over several

corn-fields with parties of reapers, who eagerly pointed out the

advance of the enemy, then at a distance of less than a mile. On a

nearer approach they opened their field-pieces; and, contrary to the

usual practice of French artillery, with little effect, the greater

part of the shot passing over the first line and not reaching the

second.

“This was an interesting spectacle. Two armies in parallel lines,

in march towards each other, on a smooth and clear plain, and in

dead silence, only interrupted by the report of the enemy’s guns;

it was more like a chosen field fixed upon by a general officer

for exercise, or to exhibit a sham fight, than, as it proved, an

accidental encounter and a real battle. No two rival commanders could

ever wish for a finer field for a trial of the courage and firmness

of their respective combatants; and as there were some present who

recollected the contempt with which General Regnier, in his account

of the Egyptian expedition, had chosen to treat the British, there

was as much feeling, mixed up with the usual excitements, as,

perhaps, in any modern engagement, excepting that most important of

all modern battles, where Buonaparte for the first, and perhaps the

last time, met a British army in the field.

“To the young Highlanders, of whom nearly 600 were under age,

the officers, with very few exceptions, being equally young and

inexperienced, it was a critical moment. If we consider a formidable

line, which, from numbers, greatly outflanked our first line,

supported by an equally strong second line, the glancing of whose

bayonets was seen over the heads of the first, the advance of so

preponderating a force on the three regiments of the first brigade

(the second being considerably in the rear) was sufficiently trying,

particularly for the young Highlanders.... I have already noticed

that the enemy’s guns were not well served, and pointed too high;

not so the British. When our artillery opened, under the direction

of Major Lemoine and Captain Dougal Campbell, no practice could

be more perfect. Every shot told, and carried off a file of the

enemy’s line. When the shot struck the line, two or three files

on the right and left of the men thrown down gave way, leaving a

momentary opening before they recovered and closed up the vacancy.

The inexperienced young Highlanders, believing that all the vacant

spaces had been carried off, shouted with exultation at the evident

superiority. It is not often that in this manner two hostile lines,

in a reciprocally forward movement, at a slow but firm pace, can make

their observations while advancing, with a seeming determination to

conquer or perish on the spot. These criticisms were, however, to

be soon checked by the mutual forward movement on which they were

founded. The lines were fast closing, but with perfect regularity

and firmness. They were now within 300 yards’ distance, and a fire

having commenced between the sharp-shooters on the right, it was time

to prepare for an immediate shock. The enemy seemed to hesitate,

halted, and fired a volley. Our line also halted and returned the

salute; and when the men had reloaded, a second volley was thrown

in. The precision with which these two volleys were fired, and

their effect, were quite remarkable. When the clearing-off of the

smoke--there was hardly a breath of wind to dispel it--enabled us

to see the French line, the breaks and vacancies caused by the men

who had fallen by the fire appeared like a paling of which parts had

been thrown down or broken. On our side it was so different, that,

glancing along the rear of my regiment, I counted only 14 who had

fallen by the enemy’s fire. The smoke having cleared off so that the

enemy could be seen, the line advanced at full charge. The enemy,

with seeming resolution to stand the shock, kept perfectly steady,

till, apparently intimidated by the advance, equally rapid and firm,

of an enemy, too, who they were taught to believe would fly before

them, their hearts failed, and they faced to the right-about, and

fled with speed, but not in confusion. When they approached within

a short distance of their second line, they halted, fronted, and

opened a fire of musketry on our line, which did not follow up the

charge to any distance, but halted to allow the men to draw breath,

and to close up any small breaks in the line. They were soon ready,

however, to advance again. A constant running fire was now kept up on

the march, the enemy continuing the same, but retiring slowly as they

fired, until they threw their first line on their second. They then

seemed determined to make a resolute stand, thus giving our line the

advantage of sooner closing upon them; but they would not stand the

shock; they gave way in greater confusion than in the first instance.

They had now lost a considerable number of men.

“At this period the enemy’s cavalry attempted to charge, but either

from the horses not being properly broke, or rather from the sharp

running fire kept up in their faces, the dragoons could not, with all

their exertions, bring them to the charge. At last, finding their

efforts unavailing, they galloped round the flanks of their line to

the rear, turned their horses loose, and fought on foot.

“Both lines of the enemy were now completely intermixed, and Regnier,

who was seen riding about, and from his violent gesticulations

seemingly in great agitation, seeing himself completely foiled in his

attack on the front, and being driven back more than a mile, made

an attempt to turn the left flank. For this purpose he brought some

battalions by an oblique movement to the British left, and gained so

much on that flank that the second line (the grenadier battalions

and the 27th Regiment, which now came up under General Cole) could

not form the line in continuation. Throwing back their left, they

therefore formed an angle of about 60 degrees to the front line, and

in this position opened a most admirably directed and destructive

fire, which quickly drove back the enemy with great loss. While

in this angular formation, the fire was incessantly and admirably

sustained, till a circumstance occurred in the centre which gave the

enemy a momentary advantage, but from which they afterwards suffered

severely.

“On the side of the French there was a Swiss Regiment, commanded by

an officer of the family of Watteville, a family which had also a

regiment in our service, and in the field that day. The Watteville

Regiment in the French service was dressed in a kind of light

claret-coloured uniform, something like scarlet when much worn, and

with hats so much resembling those of the band of our Watteville’s,

that when this corps was seen advancing from their second line, the

Highlanders, in their inexperience, believed they were our own, who

had in some manner got to the front; and a word passed quickly to

cease firing. The fire had accordingly slackened, before the voice

of the mounted officers, whose elevated position enabled them to

distinguish more clearly, could be heard, and the enemy, believing

this relaxation to proceed from a different cause, advanced with

additional boldness. This brought them so close that when the men

were undeceived and recommenced firing, it was with such effect that,

in ten minutes, the front was cleared, and the enemy driven back

with great precipitation. Indeed, the precision with which the men

took their aim during the whole action was admirable, and clearly

established the perfect self-possession and coolness of their minds.

“Unwilling to break the continuity of the narrative of the

proceedings on the centre and the left, where the action was

now nearly finished, I have delayed noticing the movements of

Lieut.-Colonel Kempt’s light brigade. This corps had for some time

been exercised in a uniform manner, under the training of that

officer, and they now even exceeded the high expectations formed of

them and their spirited commander. The party of the Corsican Rangers

attached to the light infantry were on the right. When the line

advanced within reach of musketry, they were sent out on the flank

and in front to skirmish, but on the first fire from the enemy’s

sharpshooters, they retreated in great haste. This, in some cases,

would have been an inauspicious, if not a fatal commencement to a

battle, when so much was to be done, and so much superior a force to

be opposed. But here this repulse did not extend beyond those who

gave way to the panic, and the light company of the 20th Regiment,

who had the right of the line, rushed forward, and in an instant

drove off the party which had advanced on the Corsicans, but with

the loss of Captain Maclean, the only officer killed on that day. In

a few minutes after this the two hostile lines came within charge

distance; and the left of the enemy pushing forward, both lines had

nearly met, when at this momentous crisis the enemy became appalled,

broke, and endeavoured to fly, but it was too late;--they were

overtaken with most dreadful slaughter.

“I now return to the centre and left, which continued hotly engaged,

always vigorously pushing the enemy, who still endeavoured to gain

upon the flank. But in this he was frustrated by the continued

advance of the British, who preserved the same angular formation, the

first line moving directly on its original front, and the second in

an oblique direction, with its right touching the left of the first.

“The fire now slackened, the enemy having lost much ground, being

repulsed in every attempt, and having sustained an unusual, and,

indeed, altogether an extraordinary loss of men. But General Regnier,

despairing of success against Colonel Kempt’s light corps on the

right, and still pushed by the troops in the centre and left,

prepared to make a desperate push in order to take our line in flank

on the left. At this moment the 20th Regiment marched up, and formed

on the left, nearly at right angles to General Cole’s brigade.

This regiment had that morning disembarked in the bay from Sicily

(the scarcity of transports preventing their earlier arrival), and

Lieut.-Colonel Ross having landed with great promptitude the moment

he heard the firing, moved forward with such celerity, that he

reached the left of the line as the enemy were pushing round to turn

the flank. Colonel Ross formed his regiment with his right supported

by the left of the 27th, and opposed a full front to the enemy. This

reinforcement seemed to destroy all further hopes of the enemy. So

feeble was this last attempt, that when Colonel Ross ordered out 80

men to act as sharpshooters in his front, they could not face even

the small detachment.

“The battle was now over. The confidence which had animated the

enemy during the greater part of the action appeared to have at last

totally forsaken them; they gave way at all points in the greatest

confusion, numbers, to assist their speed, throwing away their arms,

accoutrements, and every encumbrance....

“The disadvantage so frequently experienced in the transmarine

expeditions of England, occasioned by the want of ships for the

conveyance of a sufficient number of troops, was now severely felt;

for though the field was most favourable for the operations of

cavalry, that arm was, on the present occasion, totally wanting. As

soon as the ships had landed the infantry at St. Euphemia, they were

ordered back for the cavalry, who arrived the day after the battle.

Few victories, however, have been more complete, and as under equal

advantages of ground, of discipline in the troops, and ability in the

commanders, a hard fought battle is the most honourable, if gained

with little loss to the victors, and with great destruction to the

vanquished, so that engagement must be particularly so, in which a

greatly superior force is totally routed with a loss in killed of

more than 30 to 1: that is, on the present occasion with a loss of

1300 killed of the French to 41 killed of the British.

“The disparity of numbers being so great, the proofs of courage and

other military qualities, on the part of the victors, are conclusive.

Equally decisive were the advantages on the side of the victors in

regard to the subsequent operations of the campaign; for while the

English army was, on the following morning, but little diminished,

and quite prepared to meet a fresh opponent, if such could have been

brought against it, the enemy were so dispirited that on no after

occasion did they attempt to make a stand, which indeed their reduced

numbers rendered impossible. Their loss was 1300 killed and 1100

wounded, left on the field, besides the slightly wounded who retired

to the rear. Upwards of 200 of the latter were taken afterwards in

the hospital at Cotrone, on the opposite coast of the Adriatic.

“The loss of the Highlanders was 7 rank and file killed;

Lieut.-Colonel Patrick M’Leod, Major David Stewart, Captains Duncan

Macpherson and Duncan Macgregor, Lieutenant James Mackay, Ensigns

Colin Mackenzie and Peter Macgregor, 4 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 69

rank and file wounded.”

The British minister at the Sicilian court thus alluded to the battle

in his despatch:--“There is not to be found in the annals of military

transactions an enterprise prepared with more deliberate reflection

or executed with greater decision, promptitude, and success, than the

late invasion of Calabria by Sir John Stuart. I trust, therefore, you

will not think me presumptuous for venturing to add my testimony of

the high sense entertained by this court of the merits of the British

General and of his gallant army, who, on the fertile plains of Maida,

have added new trophies to those which the same troops had formerly

earned, from the same enemy, on the sandy regions of Egypt.”

The King of the Two Sicilies created Sir John Stuart, Count of Maida.

In England he received the thanks of Parliament, a pension of £1000

per annum, the Order of the Bath, a sword of honour, and the freedom

of the city of London.

In commemoration of this victory a gold medal was struck, and

conferred upon all the superior officers who were present.

The troops were re-embarked on the 2nd of August, and on the

night of the 9th the regiment made Messina harbour, and having

been disembarked, was ordered to take over quarters in the town

of Taormina, where it became subjected to the consequences of

its fatigues and privations during the late campaign, frequently

suffering from ill-health to the extent of from twenty to thirty men

per month. On the 13th of October, however, it was ordered round to

Syracuse, where it arrived on the 17th, and remained during the rest

of its stay in Sicily, until it was ordered to embark and join the

Egyptian expedition.

Early in 1807 an armament was fitted out in Sicily for the purpose of

occupying Alexandria, Rosetta, and the adjoining coast of Egypt. The

force on this occasion consisted of a detachment of artillery, the

20th Light Dragoons, the 31st, 35th, 78th, and De Rolle’s regiment,

and the corps of Chasseurs Britanniques, all under the command of

Major-General Mackenzie-Fraser. The expedition sailed on the 6th

of March, but, encountering bad weather, the “Apollo” frigate and

nineteen transports were separated from the fleet. The remainder,

with the commodore, anchored on the 16th off the Arab’s Tower to the

west of Alexandria. General Fraser, in consequence of the absence of

so large a proportion of his force, hesitated about landing; but,

being pressed by Major Misset, the British resident, who informed him

that the inhabitants were favourably disposed, and that there were

not more than 500 men in garrison, he disembarked his troops on the

17th and 18th. On the morning of the 19th took up a position on the

same ground that the British army occupied in March 1801. The town,

on being summoned, surrendered the next day, and in the evening the

other transports anchored in Aboukir bay. Vice-Admiral Duckworth,

with a fleet from the Dardanelles, arrived in the bay on the 22nd.

On the 27th of March a detachment, under Major-General Wauchope

and Brigadier-General Meade, took possession, without opposition,

of the forts and heights of Abûmandûr, a little above Rosetta.

The capture of this place was the next object. General Wauchope,

unconscious of danger, marched into the town at the head of the 31st

Regiment. Not a human being was to be seen in the streets, nor was

a sound to be heard. The troops wended their way through the narrow

and deserted streets towards an open space or market-place in the

centre of the town; but they had not proceeded more than half-way

when the portentous silence was broken by showers of musketry from

every house, from the first floor to the roof. Cooped up in these

narrow lanes, the troops were unable to return the fire with any

effect, nor, amidst the smoke in which they were enveloped, could

they see their assailants, and could only guess their position from

the flashes of their guns. They had, therefore, no alternative but

to retire as speedily as possible; but, before they had extricated

themselves, General Wauchope was killed, and nearly 300 officers and

soldiers were killed and wounded. General Meade was among the wounded.

After this repulse the troops returned to Alexandria; but General

Fraser, resolved upon the capture of Rosetta, sent back a second

detachment, consisting of the 35th, 78th, and De Rolle’s regiment,

under the command of Brigadier-General the Hon. William Stewart

and Colonel Oswald. This detachment, after some skirmishing, took

possession of Abûmandûr on the 7th of April, and on the following day

Rosetta was summoned to surrender, but without effect. Batteries were

therefore speedily erected, and a position was taken up between the

Nile and the gate of Alexandria; but, from the paucity of the troops,

it was found impossible to invest the town on all sides, or prevent a

free communication across the Nile to the Delta. The batteries opened

their fire; but with no other effect than damaging some of the houses.

The enemy having erected some batteries on the Delta for the purpose

of taking the British batteries in flank, Major James Macdonell of

the 78th, with 250 men, under Lieutenant John Robertson, and 40

seamen from the Tigre, were detached on the 16th across the river,

opposite to Abûmandûr, to destroy these batteries. To conceal his

movements, Major Macdonell made a considerable circuit, and coming

upon the rear of the batteries at sunrise, attacked the enemy, and

driving him from the batteries, turned the guns upon the town. But

as the enemy soon collected in considerable force, he destroyed the

batteries, and embarking the guns, recrossed the river with only four

men wounded.

General Stewart had been daily looking for a reinforcement of

Mamelukes from Upper Egypt; but he was disappointed in this

expectation. While a detachment of De Rolle’s, under Major Vogelsang

of that regiment, occupied El Hamet, another detachment, consisting

of five companies of the Highlanders, two of the 35th Regiment, and

a few cavalry and artillery under Lieut.-Colonel Macleod, was sent

on the 20th to occupy a broad dyke or embankment, which, with a dry

canal, runs between the Nile and the Lake Etko, a distance of about

two miles. On reaching his destination, Colonel Macleod stationed his

men, amounting to 720, in three divisions, with an equal number of

dragoons and artillery between each. One of these he disposed on the

banks of the Nile, another in the centre, and the third upon the dry

canal.

Meanwhile the enemy was meditating an attack on the position, and

on the morning of the 21st, while numerous detached bodies of their

cavalry began to assemble round the British posts, a flotilla of

about 70 djerms or large boats full of troops was observed slowly

descending the Nile. With the intention of concentrating his force,

and of retreating if necessary to the camp at Rosetta, Colonel

Macleod proceeded to the post on the right, occupied by a company of

the 35th and the Highland grenadiers. He had not, however, sufficient

time to accomplish this object, as the enemy left their boats with

great rapidity; and while they advanced on the left and centre

posts, their cavalry, with a body of Albanian infantry, surrounded

the right of the position, and attacked it furiously at all points.

Colonel Macleod formed his men into a square, which, for a long

time, resisted every effort of the enemy. Had this handful of men

been attacked in one or two points only, they might have charged the

enemy; but they were so completely surrounded that they could not

venture to charge to any front of the square, as they would have

been assailed in the rear the moment they faced round. At every

successive charge made by the cavalry, who attempted, at the point of

the bayonets, to cut down the troops, the square was lessened, the

soldiers closing in upon the vacancies as their comrades fell. These

attacks, though irregular, were bold, and the dexterity with which

the assailants handled their swords proved fatal to the British.

This unequal contest continued till Colonel Macleod and all the

officers and men were killed, with the exception of Captain Colin

Mackay of the 78th and eleven Highlanders, and as many more of the

35th.[492] With this small band, Captain Mackay, who was severely

wounded, determined to make a desperate push to join the centre, and

several succeeded in the attempt; but the rest were either killed or

wounded. Captain Mackay received two wounds, and was about reaching

the post when an Arab horseman cut at his neck with such force that

his head would have been severed from his body, had not the blow been

in some measure neutralised by the cape of his coat and a stuffed

neckcloth. The sabre, however, cut to the bone, and the captain fell

flat on the ground, when he was taken up by Sergeant (afterwards

Lieutenant) Waters, who alone escaped unhurt, and carried by him to

the post.

During their contest with the right, the enemy made little exertions

against the other posts; but when, by the destruction of the first,

they had gained an accession of disposable force, they made a warm

onset on the centre. An attempt was at first made to oppose them;

but the commanding officer soon saw that resistance was hopeless,

and desirous of saving the lives of his men, he hung out a white

handkerchief as a signal of surrender. The firing accordingly ceased,

and the left, following the example of the centre, also surrendered.

A general scramble of a most extraordinary kind now ensued amongst

the Turks for prisoners, who, according to their custom, became

the private property of the captors. In this _melée_ the British

soldiers were pulled about with little ceremony, till the more active

amongst the Turkish soldiery had secured their prey, after which

they were marched a little distance up the river, where the captors

were paid seven dollars for every prisoner they had taken. Some of

the horsemen, less intent upon prize-money than their companions,

amused themselves by galloping about, each with the head of a British

soldier stuck upon the point of his lance.

When General Stewart was informed of the critical situation of

Colonel Macleod’s detachment, he marched towards Etko, expecting

that it would retreat in that direction; but not falling in with

it he proceeded to El Hamet, where, on his arrival, he learned

its unfortunate fall. With a force so much reduced by the recent

disaster, and in the face of an enemy emboldened by success and daily

increasing in numbers, it was vain to think of reducing Rosetta,

and therefore General Stewart determined to return to Alexandria.

He accordingly commenced his retreat, followed by the enemy, who

sallied out from Rosetta; but although the sandy plain over which

he marched was peculiarly favourable to their cavalry, they were

kept in effectual check by the 35th and the 78th. No further hostile

operations were attempted; and the prisoners, who had been sent to

Cairo, having been released by capitulation, the whole army embarked

for Sicily on the 22nd of September.

The loss of the 78th at El Hamet was 159 men, with Lieut.-Colonel

Patrick Macleod, younger of Geanies, Lieutenants William Mackenzie

Dick, Christopher Macrae, and Archibald Christie, killed. The

officers taken prisoners were Captain Colin Campbell Mackay

(severely wounded), Lieutenants John Matheson, Malcolm Macgregor,

Alexander Gallie, P. Ryrie and Joseph Gregory (wounded), with

Assistant-Surgeon Alexander Leslie.

“The death of Lieut.-Colonel Macleod was sincerely regretted by the

battalion which he had hitherto commanded since its formation, and

confirmed by his own example. He ever laboured to render the relative

duties of officers and men merely habitual; his chief object was to

establish a high character to his corps, and those common interests

by which he found means to unite every individual. The regiment still

embraces his memory, which, combined with every pleasing retrospect

to our little history, shall long be cherished amongst us with

feelings of fraternal attachment and sincere respect.”[493]

[Illustration: Colonel Patrick Macleod of Geanies.

From the original Painting by Raeburn, in possession of Colin

Mackenzie, Esq. of Portmore.]

After returning to Sicily, the 78th joined an expedition under Sir

John Moore, intended for Lisbon; but the regiment was withdrawn, and

ordered to England, where it landed, and was marched to Canterbury in

the spring of 1808.

About this time several changes took place amongst the field-officers

of the regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel Hercules Scott of the 1st

battalion was removed to the 103d Regiment, and was succeeded by

Major John Macleod from the 56th. Major David Stewart was promoted

to the lieutenant-colonelcy of the Royal West India Rangers, and was

succeeded by Major Robert Hamilton from the 79th Highlanders.

Shortly after the return of the regiment to England, it obtained a

considerable accession of recruits raised from several Scotch militia

regiments, chiefly from that of Perthshire, by Major David Stewart,

who, in consequence of a wound received at Maida, had been obliged

to return to Scotland. A detachment of 400 men, including 350 of the

newly-raised men (of whom 280 were six feet in height and upwards,

and of a proportionate strength of limb and person), was drafted to

reinforce the second battalion in India. The remainder of the second

battalion was then removed from Little Hampton, in Sussex, where they

had been for a short time quartered, to the Isle of Wight, where

they remained till August 1809, when a detachment of 370 men, with

officers and non-commissioned officers, was sent on the unfortunate

expedition to Walcheren, being incorporated with a battalion

commanded by the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel Cochrane. The men

suffered greatly from fever and ague, which affected the rest of the

troops, and were so emaciated that they did not recover their usual

strength till the following year. Another draft of all the men fit

for service in India was made in 1810, and joined the first battalion

at Goa on the eve of the departure of the expedition against Batavia

in 1811.

Lieut.-General Mackenzie-Fraser had had the command of a division

in the Walcheren expedition, but the fever spared neither rank nor

age, and the gallant and veteran colonel of the Ross-shire Buffs

was struck down, and expired, to the inexpressible grief of the

regiment, with which he had been connected since it was first raised.

“’Twas now that we were doomed to sustain a loss, which was keenly

felt by every rank, in the death of Lieut.-General Mackenzie-Fraser,

adored in our first battalion, to whom his virtues were more

particularly known; the same manifest qualities could not fail to

have endeared him to every member of the second, and to draw from it

a genuine tribute of heart-felt regret, whilst it mingles with the

public voice its filial homage to the memory of such uncommon worth.

Individually we lament the departure of a father and a friend--as

a regiment we would weep over the ashes of the most beloved of

colonels! Although the undeviating advocate of discipline and good

order, never did the star of rank impose a humiliating deference

upon those whose affection and esteem he never failed to secure by

his boundless benevolence and gentle manners. To indulge in this

heart-felt eulogy is not peculiarly our province--his country has

already weighed his value--and in its acknowledgments he has amply

received what was ever the proudest meed of his soul.”[494]

Lieut.-General Sir James Craig succeeded to the command of the

regiment on the 15th of September 1809, and on his death, about

eighteen months afterwards, the colonelcy was conferred on Sir Samuel

Auchmuty.

On the 10th of January, the same day that it landed, the 78th marched

to Oudenbosch, the head-quarters of Sir Thomas Graham,[495] and his

force of 8000 men, and the following day proceeded to Rosendaal, and

thence to Calmpthout. General Bülow had established his headquarters

at Breda, and the object of the allied commanders was the investiture

and reduction of Antwerp, and the destruction of the docks and

shipping. On the 12th Colonel Macleod was ordered to march, so as

to come up with the division of Major-General Kenneth Mackenzie,

then moving upon Capelle, and arrived just before dark, when,

notwithstanding a most fatiguing day’s march, it was found that only

three men had fallen out. On the 13th the division was under arms

an hour before daylight, and on the arrival of Sir Thomas Graham,

Colonel John Macleod was appointed to the command of a brigade,

consisting of the 25th (2nd battalion), 33rd, 56th, and 78th, when

the command of the latter regiment devolved on Lieut.-Colonel

Lindsay. The divisions of Majors-General Kenneth Mackenzie and Cooke,

with their guns, were put in motion about 8 o’clock, on the road to

Eeckeren, with the intention of feeling the environs of Antwerp, and

reconnoitring the position of the enemy’s fleet, in conjunction with

the advance of General Bülow’s corps. It was deemed necessary for

this purpose to dispossess the enemy of the village of Merxem, within

a few hundred yards of the outworks, and this service was confided by

Major-General Mackenzie to Colonel Macleod.

The 78th, previously the left centre battalion of the brigade,

was now brought to the front, by the special order of Sir Thomas

Graham; and its light company, together with that of the 95th (rifle

regiment), commenced skirmishing with the enemy among the hedges

and thick underwood in advance, and to the left of the road. The

regiment then moved forward in oblique échelon through the fields

on the right, and formed line on the leading division. In advancing

it became exposed to the fire of the enemy’s sharp-shooters, who

were firing from behind the hedges in front, the light companies of

the 78th and 95th, having uncovered to the left when the line moved

forward. It, however, wisely reserved its fire, as it would have

had but little effect from the formation of the ground, which was

completely intersected with hedges and frozen ditches; but a full

view of the enemy was shortly after obtained in a small field close

to the village. They appeared to be numerous, but retired before the

fire of the 78th, which now opened and appeared to gall them very

much. Colonel Macleod, seeing the necessity of an immediate assault,

ordered up the Highlanders, who, without a moment’s hesitation,

rushed forward at the charge, and falling upon the enemy, drove

them through and beyond the village. The light company had crossed

the Breda Chaussée (which intersected the advance of the battalion,

and forms the principle street of the village), and making a detour

round that part of the village beyond it, swept everything before

it, and came up on the flank of the battalion, which had arrived

on the Antwerp side. “Every appearance at the time, and subsequent

accounts from sources likely to be correct, give reason to believe

that there were upwards of 3000 men (the French themselves admit of 4

battalions), put to the most shameful flight by the 78th, not quite

300 men, and about 40 riflemen; and it may be assumed that the panic

struck that day into the garrison of Antwerp prevented any subsequent

sortie from the garrison till the day it was given up.”

In their determined and steady onslaught, the 78th was exposed on

both flanks to the fire of the enemy who were posted in houses

commanding the entrance to the village, and had the regiment

hesitated in its movements, their loss must have been very severe;

but the rapidity with which they carried out their orders ensured

success with a comparatively small loss. The enemy left a large

number of killed and wounded in the street, and the regiment took

25 prisoners. Among the dead was found the body of the French

Général-de-division, Avy, said to have been an excellent officer. The

loss of the regiment in killed was Ensign James Ormsby, who carried

the regimental colour, with nine rank and file left on the field;

Lieutenant William Mackenzie, who was mortally wounded through the

body, and died next morning upon the waggons, going to Calmpthout.

Colonel Macleod was very severely wounded in the arm; and Captain

Sime and Lieutenants Bath and Chisholm were also severely wounded.

Lieutenant Mackenzie was extremely regretted by his brother officers,

as he was a young man of a clear and strong mind, and a most

promising officer.

His Excellency Sir Thomas Graham, in a general order of January

13th, spoke of the conduct of the 78th and other regiments engaged

in the highest terms. “No veteran troops,” he said, “ever behaved

better than these men, who met the enemy the first time, and whose

discipline and gallantry reflect great credit on themselves and their

officers.”

This was the only enterprise in which the Highlanders were engaged in

the Netherlands. Their duties, until the return of the battalion to

Scotland in 1816, were confined to the ordinary details of garrison

duty at Brussels, Nieuwpoort, and other places.

In the month of March 1815, when in daily expectation of returning to

England, accounts were received of the change of affairs in France.

Napoleon had returned from Elba, the Bourbons had fled, and the

hundred days had commenced. Orders were therefore issued immediately

for the army to be in readiness to take the field.

Nieuwpoort, a garrison town, nine miles from Ostend, and regarded

as a frontier fortress, had been suffered to fall into a state of

dilapidation when in the hands of the French, and since it had come

into the possession of the government of the Netherlands, they had

done nothing towards placing it in an efficient state for defence.

A company of German artillery, with some guns and stores, was sent

there on the 19th of March, and the 2nd battalion of the 78th,

mustering about 250 effective men, followed on the 22nd, when the

garrison was placed under the command of Colonel Macleod. Little

respite from duty or labour was to be expected until the place was

put out of all danger of being taken by a coup-de-main. On the 24th

the garrison was augmented by a Hanoverian battalion, of between 500

and 600 men, and the works progressed so quickly, that they were

completed and inspected by His Grace the Duke of Wellington on the

17th of April. At this time the battalion was the least effective

British regiment in the Netherlands in point of numbers, and when the

army commenced its operations, it was so much further reduced by the

unhealthiness of its station, as to have 70, 80, and finally 100 men

totally disabled by ague. It was therefore, unhappily, condemned to

the daily routine of garrison duty and labour, and did not share in

that glorious campaign which culminated in the victory of Waterloo.

After repeated representations to the authorities of the extreme

unhealthiness of their quarters, and the alarming increase of the

numbers on the sick list, the matter happened to come to the ears of

the commander of the forces, when His Grace ordered the immediate

removal of the 78th to Brussels. Here it remained for more than

three months. During its former stay it had greatly ingratiated

itself with the inhabitants, and on the present occasion, as soon

as the rumour of its departure was circulated among them, they did

all they could to have the order rescinded. Failing this, the Mayor

of the city was called upon to make, in their name, the following

declaration:--

“As Mayor of Brussels, I have pleasure in declaring that the Scotch

Highlanders, who were garrisoned in the city during the years 1814

and 1815, called forth the attachment and esteem of all by the

mildness and suavity of their manners and excellent conduct, insomuch

that a representation was made to me by the inhabitants, requesting

me to endeavour to detain the 78th regiment of Scotchmen in the town,

and to prevent their being replaced by other troops.”

Brussels was the last quarters of the battalion before its return

home, but the same spirit as that breathed in the above testimony

had been apparent in every part of the country. In no town was the

regiment stationed where the inhabitants did not hail its advent with

pleasure, and witness its departure with regret.

“This battalion was no more employed except on garrison duties, in

the course of which the men conducted themselves so as to secure the

esteem of the people of Flanders; as their countrymen of the Black

Watch had done seventy years before. It is interesting to observe, at

such distant periods, the similarity of character on the one hand,

and of feelings of respect on the other. In examining the notices of

what passed in 1744 and 1745, we find that an inhabitant of Flanders

was happy to have a Highlander quartered in his house, as he was

not only kind and peaceable in his own demeanour, but protected his

host from the depredations and rudeness of others. We find also that

in Germany, in 1761 and 1762, in regard to Keith’s Highlanders,

much was said of ‘the kindness of their dispositions in everything,

for the boors were much better treated by those _savages_, than by

the polished French and English.’ When such accounts are read and

compared with those of what passed in 1814 and 1815, in which it

is stated that ‘they were kind as well as brave’--‘enfans de la

famille’--‘Lions in the field, and lambs in the house;’--when these

accounts of remote and recent periods are compared, they display a

steadiness of principle not proceeding from accidental occurrences,

but the result of natural dispositions originally humane and

honourable.

“It is only justice to mention, that it was the conduct of this

battalion, for eighteen months previous to June 1815, that laid the

foundation of that favourable impression in the Netherlands, which

was confirmed by the 42nd, and the other Highland regiments who

had arrived only just previous to the battle of Waterloo, so that

little could have been known to the Flemish of what their conduct

in quarters might prove. Enough was known, however, to cause a

competition among the inhabitants who should receive them into their

houses.”[496]

On the 24th of December, orders had been received to reduce the

regiment by four companies, and the supernumerary officers had

proceeded home.

The six remaining companies marched from Brussels, on the 5th of

February, 1816, to Ostend, where they embarked for England, three

companies sailing on the 10th, and three on the 11th. The right wing

landed at Ramsgate on the 12th, and was ordered to march immediately

to Deal Barracks. The left wing arrived at Ramsgate on the 16th, and

was forwarded to Canterbury, where it was joined by the right wing

next day.

Major-General Sir George Cooke, K.C.B., having been ordered to

inspect the regiment, and report upon the number of men fit for

service in India, and those to be discharged or placed in veteran

battalions, found 20 sergeants, 9 drummers, and 253 rank and file fit

for Indian service; and this being reported to the Horse Guards, the

men were ordered to be held in readiness for embarkation, to join the

1st battalion.

An order for reducing the 2nd battalion was received from the Horse

Guards, and carried into effect on the 29th of February 1816, the

effective non-commissioned officers and men being transferred to the

1st battalion.

The colours of the regiment were presented to Colonel Macleod by Sir

Samuel Auchmuty, the colonel of the regiment, to be by him preserved

as “a pledge of the mutual attachment which subsisted between himself

and the battalion.”

To the records of the 2nd battalion Colonel Macleod appended the

following remarks:--

“Colonel Macleod, in reading over the history of the 2nd battalion of

the 78th Regiment, and considering its progress and termination under

such happy circumstances, would do violence to his own feelings did

he not subjoin his testimony to the interesting narrative in which

he bore his share for nine years of the period. Were he capable of

doing justice to his sentiments on a review of the proceedings of

that period of his services in the battalion, those results from the

grateful and best feelings of his heart must render the expression of

them impracticable.

“To record the merits of all the officers that served under him

would be unavailing, but he will sum up with an assertion, that no

commanding officer in His Majesty’s service has the pride to boast of

never having for nine years found it necessary to place an officer

under arrest; that no regulation for the discipline of the army had

ever been violated, and that in every instance the rules of good

breeding regulated the discharge of the duties of the officer and

the gentleman; he never witnessed a dispute at the mess-table, nor

ever heard of a quarrel from it: with what pleasure must he ever meet

those who contributed so much to his personal comforts as a friend,

and pride as an officer.

“To the conduct of the non-commissioned officers and men his

exultation is equally due in their degree; their order and discipline

on every occasion attracted the notice and approbation of general

officers and inhabitants in quarters, and their marked admiration in

the field. For their individual and collective attachment to him, he

must ever consider them the dutiful children of a fond parent....

“As a lasting testimony of his approbation, and thanks to

Lieut.-Colonel Lindsay, Major Macpherson, Major Colin Mackay, Lieut.

and Adjutant Smith, Lieut. Chisholm, Quartermaster Gunn, and Surgeon

Munro, the field officers and staff who so ably assisted him in the

more immediate discharge of his duties at the concluding services of

the battalion, he desires that their names, as well as that of every

officer composing the battalion, may be inserted in this conclusion

of the narrative. He will retain a copy of it to remind him of those

who have been his faithful friends, his valuable associates, and

sharers in his everlasting esteem.”

The reduction having been carried into effect, and the claims of the

men to be discharged settled, the dépôt proceeded to Aberdeen, where

it remained quartered till July 1817, when it was joined by the 1st

battalion newly returned from India, and the two battalions of the

78th were once more consolidated.

On the 13th of July 1817, the 1st battalion landed at Aberdeen, and

marched into barracks occupied by the dépôt of the 2nd battalion,

with which it was immediately amalgamated, and the regiment has

since remained as a single battalion. The regiment, now consisting

of 638 rank and file, maintained its headquarters at Aberdeen, with

detachments at Perth, and Forts George, William, and Augustus.[497]

Having received a route for Ireland, the headquarters marched from

Aberdeen on the 31st of October, embarked at Port Patrick on the

22nd of November, and a few hours later landed at Donaghadee. Thence

the regiment proceeded to Belfast, and having there received orders

for Mullingar, it marched thither, and arrived at its destination

on the 3rd of December; headquarters and four companies remained at

Mullingar, and the remaining five (the 5th company being still in

India), under Lieut.-Colonel Lindsay, proceeded to Tullamore, two

small detachments being sent to Ballymahon and Longford.

We need not follow the movements of the 78th during its stay in

Ireland for nearly nine years, during which time it was broken

up into numerous detachments, stationed at various small towns

throughout the country, for the purpose of keeping in check the many

disturbers of the peace with whom the country was at this period

infested. Wherever the regiment was stationed while in Ireland

at this time, it invariably won the good-will and respect of the

magistrates and people. When about to leave Mullingar, in June 1819,

an extremely flattering series of resolutions was sent to Colonel

Macleod by a meeting of magistrates and gentlemen held at Trim.

In October 1818 the Highland Society of London presented to the

regiment twenty-five copies of the Poems of Ossian in Gaelic, “to be

disposed of by the commanding officer of the regiment in such manner

as he may judge most expedient, and as best calculated to promote the

views of the Society.” At the same time the secretary of the Highland

Society conveyed the high respect which the Society entertained “for

that national and distinguished corps and the wish on their part that

it may long continue to cherish, as it now does, the noble sentiments

of the patriotic Ossian.” We need scarcely say that these sentiments

were warmly reciprocated by Colonel Macleod, who then commanded the

78th. About a year after this, in September 1819, Colonel Macleod

was promoted to the rank of major-general, and was succeeded in the

command of the regiment by Lieutenant-Colonel Lindsay, who, on the

reduction of the establishment of the regiment in September 1818, had

been placed on half-pay.

The regiment was reviewed by the Right Honourable Sir David Baird,

Commander of the Forces,[498] on the 24th of July, when its

appearance and steadiness called forth his highest approbation.

On the 11th of August 1822, Lieutenant-General Sir Samuel Auchmuty,

G.C.B., colonel of the regiment, died in Dublin, having been, a short

time previously, appointed to the command of the forces in Ireland.

He was succeeded in the regiment by Major-General Sir Edward Barnes,

K.C.B.

When the regiment left Kilkenny for Dublin, in August 1824, a

letter was received from the grand jury of the county Kilkenny,

expressive of their high sense of the good conduct of the regiment

during its stay of two years and a half in that county, and of their

satisfaction at the unanimity which had at all times prevailed

between them and the inhabitants. The regiment would have changed

its station the preceding year, but was allowed to remain at the

particular request of the gentlemen of the county. Lieut.-Colonel

Lindsay was appointed a magistrate of the counties of Kilkenny and

Carlow, and Captain Lardy a magistrate of Carlow.

On the 13th of January 1826, the regiment moved from Fermoy to Cork.

Orders were received on the 26th of January for the regiment to hold

itself in readiness to embark for Ceylon, in consequence of which

four service companies and six dépôt companies were immediately

formed. On the 7th of March new arms were issued to the six service

companies, and a selection of the old ones made for the dépôt. The

old arms had been in possession more than nine years, but not having

been originally good, were considered unfit to be taken to a foreign

station. Some of the arms issued as new had been previously for a

short time in the possession of the 42nd Highlanders.

The service companies of the regiment embarked at the Cove of Cork on

board three ships, which sailed together on the morning of the 23rd

of April, and arrived at Colombo on the 9th, the 17th, and the 28th

of August respectively, after a favourable passage.

The regiment remained in garrison at Colombo, from its disembarkation

until the 2nd of October 1828, when the first division marched for

Kandy.

“It was a great satisfaction to the officers of the regiment, to

receive from the officers of the civil service their testimony to the

good conduct of the men, that during nearly three years’ residence in

Kandy no complaint had ever been made of ill treatment or injustice

by them to any of the natives.”

On the 2nd of August 1831, the regiment received routes for

four companies to Trincomalee, and to Galle. The companies for

Trincomalee, with the headquarters, disembarked at their destination

on the 22nd of August.

A year after its arrival the station was attacked by cholera in its

most malignant form, and the regiment suffered severely.

The crisis of the disease, both in the fort and in the hulk, was from

the night of the 22nd to that of the 24th; in these 48 hours 25 men

died. The cases after that became gradually fewer and less virulent,

and, by the 2nd of November, the disease may be said to have entirely

left the fort, though it continued to rage among the natives outside

for a month or six weeks longer. Altogether, in the 78th, there were

attacked 132 men, 10 women, and 3 children, and of these there died

56 men, 2 women, and 1 child.

The regiment, after this lamentable visitation, became tolerably

healthy, and continued so during the remainder of its stay at

Trincomalee; it returned to Colombo in October and November 1834, and

remained there until September 1835, when it was ordered to Kandy.

Colonel Lindsay having embarked on leave of absence to England on the

11th of April 1836, the command of the regiment devolved on Major

Douglas, who eventually succeeded to the lieutenant-colonelcy, on

Colonel Lindsay selling out in April 1837.

The regiment remained in Kandy, detaching a company to Nuwera Ellia,

until the orders were received for its return to England on the 28th

of March 1837; and on the 1st and 3rd of August it marched in two

divisions to Colombo. At the different inspections, Sir John Wilson,

the Major-General commanding, expressed his satisfaction with the

general appearance and conduct of the regiment, and previous to the

embarkation on its return to England, he issued an order conveying

the high opinion he had formed of officers and men during their

service in Ceylon.

Two companies had embarked on board the “Numa” transport on the

15th of May, and on the 2nd of September following the headquarters

embarked on board the “Barossa” transport, and sailed next day.

The deaths which took place during the service of the regiment

in Ceylon were--Captains Macleod and Lardy, Paymaster Chisholm,

and Assistant-Surgeon Duncan, with 295 men. Detachments had been

received at various periods, but of the original number embarked

from England, 1 field officer, 2 captains, 1 subaltern, 2 regimental

staff, 3 sergeants, 4 drummers, and 208 rank and file returned. The

total strength of the regiment on embarkation for England was--1

lieutenant-colonel, 5 captains, 9 subalterns, 3 regimental staff, 30

sergeants, 10 drummers, and 363 rank and file.

The headquarters landed at Limerick on the 9th of February 1838.

The division in the “Numa” transport had previously landed at the

same place in November 1837, both vessels having been driven into

the Shannon by stress of weather and shortness of provisions. In

the headquarters’ ship, owing to its being later in the season, the

officers and men suffered more severely from the intense cold and wet.

The detachment in the “Numa” transport, after landing, had joined

the dépôt at Cork, and the headquarters, after remaining three weeks

in Limerick to recover from the general debility occasioned by their

late sufferings, marched to Buttevant, where the service and dépôt

companies were reunited.

The regiment brought home a young elephant (an elephant being the

regimental badge), which had been presented to the officers in Kandy

by Major Firebrace of the 58th, and which had been trained to march

at the head of the band.

Orders having been given to permit volunteers to be transferred to

the 71st, 85th, and 93rd Regiments, to complete these corps previous

to their embarking for America, 23 men volunteered to the 71st, and

38 to the 85th; 28 men were discharged as unfit for further service,

thus leaving the regiment 183 below its establishment.

The regiment having been ordered to Glasgow, embarked in steamers at

Cork, and landed in two divisions on the 8th of June 1838. In Glasgow

it remained until August 1839, when it was ordered to Edinburgh. The

establishment had been completed in June, and in August the order for

augmenting regiments to 800 rank and file was promulgated, when the

regiment recommenced recruiting, and finally completed its number in

January 1840.

On the 17th of July the regiment embarked at Glasgow for Liverpool,

where it arrived on the 22nd. Headquarters were at Burnley, and

detachments were sent out to various places.

The regiment remained thus detached, in consequence of disturbances

which had taken place in the manufacturing towns of Lancashire,

until the 23rd of June 1841, when it was moved to Manchester. This

was the first time the regiment had been together since its return

from Ceylon. It left Manchester for Dublin on the 19th of November,

and on the 1st of April 1842, it re-embarked for Liverpool, and

proceeded by train to Canterbury, where it arrived on the 8th, having

been ordered to hold itself in readiness for India. Volunteers were

received from the 72nd, 79th, 92nd, and 93rd Highlanders, and from

the 55th Regiment. The embarkation, on board six ships, was very

hurried, owing to the disastrous news received from India.

The elephant, which had been brought from Ceylon, was presented to

the Zoological Society of Edinburgh, previous to the regiment leaving

Dublin.

The 78th sailed from Gravesend about the end of May, in various

ships, and had arrived in Bombay by the 30th of July, with the

exception of the “Lord Lynedoch,” which did not arrive until a month

after. The regiment landed at Panwel, _en route_ for Poonah, marching

by the same road that it took in 1803, when proceeding to reinstate

the Peishwah on his musnud.

The regiment was quartered in Poonah until the 7th of April 1843,

when it was ordered to Sindh. The right wing marched on the 7th.

Lieutenant-Colonel Douglas being ordered on special duty to Sindh,

the command of the regiment was taken over by Major Forbes. After

several contradictory orders, a final order was received at

Khandallah, to leave the families and heavy baggage, and embark

immediately at Panwel for Kurrâchee. There the headquarters and five

companies landed on the 20th of May. The left wing having joined

from Bombay after the rains, the regiment marched for Sukhur in two

divisions. There was no beaten track, and native guides were procured

to lead the column, but even these frequently went astray. The march

was sometimes through dreary wastes of heavy sand, dotted with the

cactus and other bushes, and at other times through the dry bed of

a river. Frequently, when the regiment halted, there was no sign of

water to be seen, but by digging a few feet down, in certain spots,

the water would suddenly well up, and in a short time form a little

pond. The water would subside again after some hours, but men, camp

followers, and cattle, received their supply, and the skins and other

vessels would meanwhile be filled. The regiment marched into Sukhur

apparently in excellent health, but disease must have been contracted

on the way up, when passing through swampy tracts where the heat of

the sun had engendered malaria.

“The excitement of the march kept the scourge from showing itself,

but no sooner had the men settled in their barracks than a most

virulent fever broke out, which continued, without cessation,

throughout the stay of the regiment. Some lingered for weeks, some

for days. It was not unfrequent to hear of the death of a man to whom

one had spoken but half an hour previously. The hospital, a large

one, was of course filled at once; some of the barrack-rooms were

converted into wards, and at one time there were upwards of 800 men

under treatment. Some hundreds of the less dangerously affected were

marched about, a few paces, morning and evening, in hopes that by

their being called ‘convalescent,’ the mind might act beneficially

on the body, but as death called them away the group became less and

less.

“Day after day we attended at the hospital for, in fact, funeral

parade; for four or five, and then eight or nine, men died daily;

you did not ask who had died, but how many. Firing parties were

discontinued, not only that the sad volleys might not disturb the

dying, but because there were no men for the duty. In the graveyard

at Sukhur lie the bodies of hundreds of the regiment--officers, men,

women, and children. Major-General Simpson, Sir Charles Napier’s

lieutenant (who afterwards commanded our armies in the Crimea), was

at Sukhur at the time, and on his return to Hyderabad, caused to be

erected there at his own expense a monument to the memory of all

those who died, which feeling and tender act filled our hearts with

the warmest gratitude. It was the spontaneous effusion of a truly

noble mind. The remains of the regiment also erected a monument in St

Giles’ Cathedral, Edinburgh, to the memory of their comrades who died

in Sindh.

“The regiment lost, between the 1st of September 1844 and 30th of

April 1845, 3 officers, 532 men, 68 women, 134 children--total, 737

souls.

“The medical men attributed the sickness in a great degree to the

improper time at which the regiment was moved, and the malaria

engendered by the heat of the sun on the swampy plains which had

been overflowed by the Indus. The deaths continued very frequent all

the time we remained, and at last, on the 21st and 25th of December

1844, we embarked, or rather the men crawled, on board common

country boats, which conveyed us to Hyderabad. These boats were very

imperfectly chuppered, _i.e._, straw, reed, or matting roofed. The

sun struck through the thatching by day, and the very heavy dews

penetrated it by night, when it was extremely cold. When we moored

in the evening we used to bury our dead, and I sewed up many of the

poor fellows in their blankets and rugs, the only substitutes for a

coffin we had. We dug the graves deep, and with the bodies buried the

boxes and everything else that had belonged to them. We put layers

of thorns inside, round, and on the top of the graves, in hopes of

preserving the remains of our poor comrades from the attacks of

the troops of jackals swarming in the neighbourhood. There were no

stones to be had, so thorns and bushes well beaten down were all the

protection we could give. We were much pleased on learning afterwards

that in many cases our efforts had been successful, and that the

wild people who live near the river had respected the graves of the

white men. The two divisions of the regiment buried between Sukhur

and Hyderabad, nearly 100 men, besides women and children. After

its arrival the mortality still continued very great, and it was

not until the warm weather set in that the sickness began to abate.

The miserable remains of as fine a regiment as ever was seen, left

Hyderabad in two parties, on the 24th of February and 4th of March

1845, respectively, for the mouth of the river, whence they went

by steamer to Bombay. Some of the officers of the regiment, myself

among the number, were detained in Sindh on court-martial duty; when

relieved some went to Bombay _via_ Kurrâchee, and at the latter

place heard reports to the effect that the mortality in the regiment

was to be attributed to intemperance. Indignation at this cruel and

false charge, which was reported to Major Twopeny, caused him to

write to Sir Charles Napier’s military secretary. Had not some of

the officers of the regiment passed through Kurrâchee, these reports

might have been believed, for every exertion was made at the time to

persuade the public that climate had nothing to do with the disease.

There was not a murmur heard in the regiment all the time of the

plague, but the survivors were determined to relieve the memory of

their dead from such a charge, and prove that the will of God, and

not alcohol, had caused the mortality. The canteen returns showed how

little liquor had been consumed, and the officers, who daily visited

the hospital and the barracks, not only in the common course of duty,

but to tend, comfort, and read to the men, could not fail to have

observed any irregularity, had any existed. The poor dying men were

not thinking of intoxicating liquors, but met death with the utmost

firmness and resignation. It was an accursed charge, and cannot

be too highly censured. When relieved from duty, the officers who

had been detained joined the wreck of the regiment at Fort George,

Bombay. Invaliding committees sat, and most of the survivors were

sent home, so that but a very small remnant of that once splendid

corps slowly took its way to Poonah, which, two years before, it

had left full of health, strength, and hope. There the regiment got

100 volunteers from the 2nd Queen’s, then going home, and between

recruiting and volunteering, by December 1845, 700 had joined. These

were afterwards always known as ‘The 700.’”[499]

At Bombay 105 non-commissioned officers and men were invalided, and

the regiment in one division, amounting in number to 313 (being

reduced by sickness to less than one-third its strength), proceeded

to Poonah on the 4th of April 1845, but did not arrive there until

the 18th, being unable to march more than six or seven miles a day.

“FORT-WILLIAM, _15th August 1845_.

“_To the Secretary to Government_,

“_Military Department, Bombay_.

“Sir,--I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No.

3167, of the 14th ultimo, and in reply, to express to you, for the

information of the Government of Bombay, the satisfaction with which

the Governor-General in Council has perused the correspondence to

which it gave cover, so clearly proving, as it does, to be utterly

unfounded, the report that intemperance had occasioned the sickness

by which Her Majesty’s 78th Highlanders was prostrated in Sinde, and

which, unhappily, proved so fatal to that fine corps.--I am, Sir,

your most obedient servant,

(Signed) “J. STUART, _Lieut.-Col._

“_Secretary to Government of India_,

“_Military Department_.”

The 78th left Goraporee lines, Poonah, on the 18th of December 1845,

for Khirkee, six miles distant. The regiment returned to Poonah on

the 14th of February 1846, and marched for Belgaum, under command of

Lieutenant-Colonel Douglas, who died of fever at Hyderabad on the 1st

of October 1849, while on staff employ, and was succeeded by Major

Walter Hamilton.

After being stationed at Khirkee and Belgaum for some time, the

regiment left Belgaum for Bombay and Aden, on the 6th and 7th of

November 1849. The left wing, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel

W. Hamilton, arrived at Aden on the 25th, and the right wing, under

the command of Major H. Stisted, proceeded to Colabba, Bombay, where

it arrived on the 16th of the same month. An exchange of wings took

place in October 1850, the headquarters still remaining at Aden.

During the year 1851 the Arab tribes round Aden committed several

outrages, in one of which, near Labaj, in the month of March,

Lieutenant Macpherson of the 78th was very dangerously wounded,

having been stabbed in no fewer than seven places. About a fortnight

after this affair, as Lieutenant Delisser of the regiment was riding

to Steamer Point (about five miles distant from the barracks), at

eight o’clock A.M., he was attacked by an Arab, armed with a crease

or dagger, and wounded severely in the arm and slightly in the

stomach. Lieutenant Delisser got off his horse, and, seizing the

Arab, wrested the crease from his hand, and with one blow nearly

severed his head from his body. The corpse was afterwards hung in

chains at the entrance to the fortifications from the interior.

The regiment being ordered to Poonah, the left wing, consisting of

the light and Nos. 5, 6, and 7 companies, under command of Major

Colin Campbell M’Intyre, left Bombay for that station on the 10th

of February 1853, and arrived on the 18th of the same month. The

right wing left Aden for Poonah in three detachments in January and

February; and thus, after a separation of upwards of three years, the

regiment was once more united at Poonah on the 5th of March 1853.

In the month of May 1854 new accoutrements and colours were furnished

to the regiment by the estate of the late General Paul Anderson.

The alteration in the new accoutrements consisted in a waist and

cross-belt, instead of double cross-belts.

The clothing of the whole army having been altered in the year 1856,

the regiment was supplied with the Highland jacket.

IV.

1857.

War declared with Persia--Expedition despatched--Gen. Stalker

takes Resheer and Busheer--A second division despatched, of

which the 78th forms part, and the whole placed under command of

Sir James Outram--Expedition to Boorasjoon and destruction of

the enemy’s stores--Night attack and battle of KOOSHAB--General

Havelock joins the second division--Naval and military expedition

up the Euphrates--Mohammrah bombarded and taken--Flight of the

Shah-zada, Prince Khander Meerza, and his army--The Persian camps

occupied--Expedition to Ahwaz, on the Karoon--The Shah-zada and his

troops fly from 300 men to Shuster--Total destruction of the Persian

dépôts of provisions at Ahwaz--Return of the expedition--Peace

signed--Havelock’s opinion of the 78th--The 78th sail from Persia,

and arrive safely at Calcutta.

The Governor-General of India having declared war against Persia on

the 1st of November 1856, an expedition was despatched the same month

from Bombay to the Persian Gulf. The force consisted of one division

only, comprising two infantry brigades, with cavalry, artillery, and

engineers, the whole under the command of Major-General Stalker. Its

strength was 5670 fighting men, of whom 2270 were Europeans, with

3750 followers, 1150 horses, and 430 bullocks, and its equipment

and embarkation were completed in an incredibly short space of

time, chiefly owing to the manly exertions of Lord Elphinstone, the

Governor of Bombay. On the 6th of December a sufficiently large

portion of the fleet arrived off Busheer to commence operations,

and on the 7th a landing was effected at Ras Hallila, about twelve

or thirteen miles below Busheer. On the 9th the expedition advanced

against Resheer, which, after some resistance, was taken. Next day

General Stalker formed his line of attack against Busheer, but after

a bombardment of four hours, the Governor surrendered, and the

garrison, to the number of about 2000 men, laid down their arms, and

being conducted into the country, were set at liberty. Sixty-five

pieces of artillery were found in the town, which now became the

head-quarters of the army, an entrenched camp being formed, with a

ditch 3 feet deep and 6 feet wide, and a parapet, about a mile beyond

the walls.

This expedition was subsequently reinforced by a second division,

of which the 78th Highlanders formed part. Early on the morning of

the 7th of January 1857 the left wing, consisting of 12 officers and

388 men, commenced its march under the command of Major M’Intyre,

and the head-quarters, consisting of 16 officers and 421 men, under

the command of Colonel Stisted, started on the morning of the 8th.

A dépôt, consisting of 1 officer and 89 men, was left at Poonah

in charge of Lieutenant Gilmore. After staying a short time at

Khandallah, the regiment arrived at Bombay on the 19th, and embarked

in three ships, which sailed the same day. Headquarters arrived off

Busheer on July 1st, and disembarked immediately in light marching

order, with no baggage except bedding, consisting of a settzingee,

or cotton padded rug, and a pair of blankets. The left wing having

arrived on the previous day, had already landed in the same order,

and marched into the entrenched camp, where the whole regiment was

assembled, occupying an outwork near the lines of the 64th Regiment,

in which tents had been pitched for officers and men. Owing, however,

to the insufficient supply of these, 30 men, or 2 officers and

their servants, had to find accommodation in a zowtee tent, 10

feet by 8. Both officers and men were received in camp with great

hospitality, the men of the different companies of the 64th and 2d

Bombay Europeans sending their rations of spirits and porter to the

corresponding companies of the 78th.

It had come to the notice of Sir James Outram that the Persian

Government were making vast preparations for the recovery of Busheer,

and that Sooja-ool-Moolk, the Persian commander, and reputed to be

the best general in the Persian army, had assembled a formidable

force at the town of Boorasjoon, 46 miles from Busheer, where he had

formed an entrenched camp. This force consisted of a total of 8450

cavalry and infantry.

The Persian force was well supplied with food and ammunition, and it

had been intended that it should form the nucleus of a very large

army assembling for the recovery of Busheer.

At six o’clock in the evening of the 3d of February the following

force was drawn up, in two lines of contiguous columns at

quarter-distance, outside the entrenched camp:--

Cavalry--3d Bombay Light Cavalry, 243; Poona Horse, 176. Infantry

(Europeans)--H.M. 64th regiment, 780; H.M. 78th Highlanders,

739; 2d Bombay European Light Infantry, 693. Infantry, &c.

(Natives)--Sappers, 118; 4th Bombay Rifle Regiment, 523; 20th

Regiment Bombay N.I., 442; 26th Regiment Bombay N.I., 479; Beloochee

Battalion, 460. Guns--3d Troop Horse Artillery, 6; 3d Light Field

Battery, 6; 5th Light Field Battery, 6. Total sabres, 419; Europeans,

2212; Natives, 2022. Total men, 4653; guns, 18.

The force was not provided with tents or extra clothing of any kind;

but every man carried his great coat, blanket, and two days’ cooked

provisions.

After a march of 46 miles in forty-one hours, during which the troops

were exposed to the worst of weather--cold winds, deluging storms of

rain and thunder, and clouds of driving sand, the greater part of

the march lying through a reedy swamp--the force reached the enemy’s

entrenched position near the town of Boorasjoon, on the morning of

the 5th, but was only in time to find the enemy abandoning it. A

smart brush, however, took place between their rearguard and the

British cavalry, in which an officer and two or three troopers

received some slight wounds. By two o’clock the force was in

possession of the enemy’s entrenched camp, and great quantities of

ammunition of all kinds, together with grain and camp equipage, were

captured, the enemy having gone off in a most hurried and disorderly

manner.

“The 6th and 7th of February were passed in the enemy’s position,

destroying stores and searching for buried guns, which were

afterwards ascertained to have been thrown down wells; their

carriages and wheels, being found by us, were burned. Some treasure

was also discovered, and many horses and carriage cattle secured.

During this time no annoyance was experienced from the enemy, though

an alarm on the night of the 6th caused the whole of the troops to

stand to arms. From information received afterwards, and their own

despatch, this alarm was not altogether a groundless one, as they

fell up to our outposts; but finding the troops under arms, and it

being a bright moonlight night, they attempted nothing. Many jokes

were, however, current in camp next day on the events of the night,

the picket of one regiment having taken a _door_ prisoner, which was

leaning against a bush in a most suspicious manner; and those of two

other gallant corps skirmished up to, and were very nearly having a

battle of their own with a patrol of the Poonah Horse. However, all

passed off without accident.

“Many spies were doubtless in our camp during the entire period

of our stay, and the enemy were well informed of every movement;

regardless of which, however, intercourse between the villagers and

camp was encouraged, and such strict precautions enforced that they

should not be pillaged or ill-treated, that they were civil if not

friendly, and at any rate gave no trouble.”[500]

The troops had been somewhat exhausted by their march of 46 miles

through rain, mud, morass, and sand in forty-one hours; but being

now recruited by their two days’ rest, and Sir James Outram having

heard that the enemy had succeeded in getting his guns through the

difficult pass of Maak, considered it better to rest content with the

moral effect produced by the capture and destruction of their stores,

and accordingly ordered a return to Busheer.

“At eight o’clock on the evening of the 7th,” Captain Hunt says, “the

return march to Busheer was commenced, the column taking with it as

much of the captured stores as carriage was procurable for, and the

military Governor of Boorasjoon as a prisoner--this personage proving

a double traitor. The General’s intention that the return march

should be a leisurely one had been so widely made known through the

force, that the stirring events then so shortly to occur were little

indeed expected by any one.... Shortly after midnight a sharp rattle

of musketry in the rear, and the opening of two horse artillery guns,

put every one on the _qui vive_, and that an attack in force upon the

rearguard was taking place became apparent to all. The column at once

halted, and then moved back to extricate the baggage and protecting

troops. These, however, were so ably handled by Colonel Honnor (who

was in command) as to need little assistance, save for the increasing

numbers of the assailants.

“In about half an hour after the first shot was fired, not the

rearguard only, but the entire force, was enveloped in a skirmishing

fire. Horsemen galloped round on all sides, yelling and screaming

like fiends, and with trumpets and bugles making as much noise as

possible. One of their buglers had the audacity to go close to a

skirmishing company of the Highlanders, and sound first the ‘Cease

fire,’ and afterwards, ‘Incline to the left,’ escaping in the dark.

Several English officers having, but a few years since, been employed

in organising the Persian troops, accounted for the knowledge of

our bugle-calls, now artfully used to create confusion. The silence

and steadiness of the men were most admirable, and the manœuvring

of regiments that followed, in taking up position for the remaining

hours of darkness, was as steady as an ordinary parade, and this

during a midnight attack, with an enemy’s fire flashing in every

direction, and cavalry surrounding, ready to take advantage of

the slightest momentary confusion. Pride may well be felt in the

steadiness of any troops under such circumstances; and how much more

so when, as on the present occasion, two-thirds had never before been

under an enemy’s fire. The horsemen of the enemy were at first very

bold, dashing close up to the line, and on one occasion especially

to the front of the 78th Highlanders; but finding that they could

occasion no disorder, and having been in one or two instances roughly

handled by the cavalry and horse artillery, this desultory system of

attack gradually ceased, and the arrangement of the troops for the

remainder of the night was effected under nothing more serious than

a distant skirmishing fire. The formation adopted was an oblong, a

brigade protecting each flank, and a demi-brigade the front and rear,

field battery guns at intervals, and a thick line of skirmishers

connecting and covering all; the horse artillery and cavalry on the

flank of the face fronting the original line of march, the front and

flanks of the oblong facing outwards; the baggage and followers being

in the centre. When thus formed the troops lay down, waiting for

daylight in perfect silence, and showing no fire or light of any kind.

“Scarcely was the formation completed when the enemy opened five

heavy guns, and round shot were momentarily plunging through and over

our position, the range of which they had obtained very accurately.

Our batteries replied; and this cannonade continued, with occasional

intervals, until near daylight, causing but few casualties,

considering the duration of the fire.”

It appears that, in abandoning their position at Boorasjoon,

Sooja-ool-Moolk (reputed to be the best officer in the Persian army),

with his force, had taken the direct road to Shiraz by the Maak Pass,

and the Elkanee, with his horse, had retired to the one leading to

the Haft Moola, and that they had planned a night attack on the

British camp on the night that the troops marched. The explosion of

the magazine at Boorasjoon gave the Persians the first intimation of

the departure of the British force, when they hastened after it, in

the expectation of being able to attack it on the line of march, and

possibly create confusion and panic in the dark.

At daybreak on the 8th of February the Persian force, amounting

to over 6000 infantry and 2000 horse, besides several guns, was

discovered on the left rear of the British (north-east of the line of

march) in order of battle. The Persians were drawn up in line, their

right resting on the walled village of Kooshab and a date grove,

and their left on a hamlet with a round fortalice tower. Two rising

mounds were in front of their centre, which served as redoubts,

behind which they placed their guns; and they had deep nullahs on

their right front and flank, thickly lined with skirmishers. Their

cavalry, in considerable bodies, were on both flanks, commanded by

the hereditary chief of the tribes in person. The whole army was

commanded by Sooja-ool-Moolk.

The British artillery and cavalry at once moved rapidly to the

attack, supported by two lines of infantry, a third line protecting

the baggage. The first line was composed of the 78th Highlanders

under Major M’Intyre, a party of Sappers on the right, the 26th

Regiment Native Infantry, the 2nd European Light Infantry, and the

4th Regiment Bombay Rifles on the left of all. The second line had

H.M.’s 64th Regiment on its right, then the 20th Regiment Native

Infantry, and the Belooch Battalion on its left. The light companies

of battalions faced the enemy’s skirmishers in the nullahs, and

covered both flanks and rear of their own army. A detachment of

the 3d Cavalry assisted in this duty, and as the enemy showed some

bodies of horse, threatening a dash on the baggage or wounded men,

these were of considerable service. They had also in their charge the

Governor of Boorasjoon, who, endeavouring to attract attention by

placing his black Persian cap on a stick, and waving it as a signal

to his countrymen, was immediately, and very properly, knocked off

his horse, and forced to remain on his knees until the fortune of the

day was decided.

“The lines advanced directly the regiments had deployed, and so

rapidly and steadily did the leading one move over the crest of a

rising ground (for which the enemy’s guns were laid) that it suffered

but little, the Highlanders not having a single casualty, and the

26th Native Infantry, their companion regiment in brigade, losing

only one man killed, and having but four or five wounded. The 1st

Brigade, 1st Division, fared worse, as the shot, passing over the

regiments then in their front, struck the ranks, and occasioned the

greatest loss of the day. The 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, suffered

equally, but had more killed among their casualties especially in the

2nd European Light Infantry.

“During this time the cannonade had been continuous; but as the

Persian fire in some degree slackened, our artillery advanced to

closer action, making most beautiful practice, and almost silencing

the opposing batteries. Some bodies of horse soon presented an

opportunity for a charge, and the squadrons of the 3rd Cavalry and

Tapp’s Irregulars, who had hitherto been on the right front, dashed

at them, accompanied by Blake’s Horse Artillery, and made a most

sweeping and brilliant charge, sabring gunners, and fairly driving

the enemy’s horse off the field. The infantry lines were still

advancing rapidly, and in beautifully steady order, to sustain this

attack, and were just getting into close action when the enemy lost

heart, and his entire line at once broke and fled precipitately.

“More than 700 of their dead were left upon the field, with many

horses; how many were slain in the pursuit, or died of their

wounds, it was of course impossible to ascertain. No great number

of prisoners (said to be about 100) fell into our hands; their own

cowardly treachery in many instances, after having received quarter,

enraged the men, and occasioned a free use of the bayonet. One or two

men of consequence were, however, among those taken. These brilliant

results were secured on our part with a loss of only 1 officer and 18

men killed, and 4 officers and 60 men wounded. Among the unfortunate

camp-followers, however, crowded together during the preceding night

attack, several were killed and wounded, and many not accounted

for.”[501]

The troops bivouacked for the day in the battlefield, and at night

accomplished a march of twenty miles (by another route) over a

country rendered almost impassable by the heavy rains which fell

incessantly. Through sticky mud, half clay and sand, the column

marched the whole night after the action. The guide misled the force,

and at four o’clock in the morning of the 9th a halt was called to

wait for daylight. In the midst of pelting rain, sunk knee-deep in

mud, and exposed to a biting north-easterly wind, two hours were

passed, without a tree even in sight, and the swamp around looking in

the hazy light like a vast lake. Yet men and officers alike stretched

themselves in the mire, endeavouring to snatch some sort of rest

after their exhausting labours. The foot of Chah Gudack was at length

reached by ten in the morning, whence, after a rest of six hours, the

march was continued through deep swamps to Busheer, which was reached

before midnight; the force having thus performed another most arduous

march of forty-four miles, under incessant rain, besides fighting

and defeating the enemy during its progress, within the short space

of fifty hours. Though the men were tired and fagged, they were in

excellent spirits.

In Sir James Outram’s despatch to General Sir H. Somerset the name of

Brigadier Stisted (78th) was particularly mentioned.

This wet march from Boorasjoon having completely destroyed the shoes

of the men, Sir James Outram generously took upon himself to order

that each man of the force should be supplied with a new pair free of

expense, the cost of which was subsequently defrayed by Government.

The marching hose of the 78th were all spoiled and rendered useless,

and in many cases could only be taken off by being cut to pieces.

A long gray stocking, procurable from the Government stores, was

substituted, and continued to be worn until the adoption of the white

spats in the following year.

On the return of the expedition it was the intention of General

Outram immediately to proceed against the Fort of Mohammrah, situated

at the junction of the Shut-el-Arab (the Euphrates) and the Karoon,

but owing to the non-arrival of the requisite reinforcements from

India, occasioned by tempestuous weather in the Gulf of Persia, and

other causes, Sir James was unable to leave Busheer until the 18th of

March. In the meantime the troops were busily employed in erecting

five formidable redoubts, four in front and one in rear of the

entrenched camp. While lying before Busheer the light company of the

78th was supplied with Enfield rifles.

Brigadier-General Havelock[502] having arrived in February, took

command of the Indian division, and Brigadier Walker Hamilton, of the

78th Highlanders, arriving from Kurrâchee, where he had been for some

months commanding the brigade, assumed command of the 1st Brigade,

2nd Division, which had hitherto been commanded by Colonel Stisted of

the 78th; the latter officer now resumed the command of the regiment.

[Illustration: Major-General Sir Henry Havelock, K.C.B.]

In the beginning of March the embarkation of the troops destined for

the bombardment of Mohammrah commenced, and continued at intervals

as the weather permitted, until the departure of General Outram on

the 18th. The place of rendezvous for the expedition was about

sixteen miles from the mouth of the Euphrates, opposite the village

of Mohammrah. On the 16th of March the “Kingston” sailed from Busheer

with 6 officers and 159 non-commissioned officers and rank and file,

being No. 8 and the light company of the 78th, under Captain Hunt.

These were followed on the 12th by headquarters, consisting of 9

officers and 228 men, under command of Colonel Stisted, accompanied

by Brigadier-General Havelock; also by 6 officers and 231 men under

Major M’Intyre. A few days previous to the attack on Mohammrah, Nos.

1, 2, and 3 companies, under Major Haliburton, joined the rest of the

regiment.

All the ships comprising the expedition were assembled at the

appointed rendezvous by the 21st of March, and the next two days were

occupied in the arrangement of details for the attack.

For some months past the Persians had been strengthening their

position at Mohammrah; batteries of great strength had been erected,

consisting of solid earth, 20 feet thick and 18 feet high, with

casemated embrasures on the northern and southern points of the banks

of the Karoon and Shut-el-Arab, at the junction of the two rivers.

These, with other earthworks, armed with heavy ordnance, completely

commanded the passage of the latter river, and were so judiciously

placed and so skilfully formed as to sweep the whole stream to the

extent of the range of the guns down the river and across to the

opposite shore. Indeed, everything that science could suggest and

labour accomplish in the time appeared to have been done by the

enemy, to prevent any vessel from passing up the river above their

position. The banks, for many miles, were overgrown with dense date

groves, affording a perfect cover for riflemen; and the opposite

shore, being neutral (Turkish) territory, was not available for the

erection of counter batteries.

The plan of action resolved upon was to attack the enemy’s batteries

with the armed steamers and sloops of war, and when the fire

was nearly silenced, to pass up rapidly with the troops in small

steamers towing boats, land the force above the northern forts, and

immediately advance upon and attack the entrenched camp.

The Persian army, numbering 13,000 men of all arms, with 30 guns, was

commanded by the Shah-zada, Prince Khanler Meerza, in person. The

strength of the British force was 4886 of all arms, together with

five steamers of the Indian navy, and two sloops of war, the entire

command of the expedition being committed to Commodore Young of that

service; the 78th Highlanders numbered 830.

On the morning of the 24th of March the fleet of ships of war and

transports got under weigh, and made up the river to within three

miles of the southern battery, opposite the village of Harteh, where

they anchored.

By nine o’clock on the morning of the 26th the fire of the heavy

batteries was so reduced by the fire from a mortar raft, followed up

by that from the vessels of war, that the rendezvous flag was hoisted

by the “Feroze” as a signal for the advance of the troops in the

small steamers and boats. This was accomplished in admirable order,

although at the time the fire from the batteries was far from being

silenced. The leading steamer was the “Berenice,” carrying on her

deck the whole of the 78th Highlanders and about 200 Sappers.

Passing under the shelter of the ships of war, the troopships were

brought to the banks above the forts, the water being sufficiently

deep for them to lie close alongside the bank, and skirmishers were

at once thrown out to cover the disembarkation of the force. In the

meantime, the artillery fire from the Persian forts gradually ceased,

and musketry was opened from them and from breastworks in their

vicinity, and maintained with spirit for some time, when storming

parties were landed, that drove out the defenders and took possession

of their works and guns.

By half-past one o’clock the troops were landed and formed, and

advanced without delay in contiguous columns at quarter-distance,

through the date groves and across the plain, upon the entrenched

camp of the enemy, who, without waiting for the approach of the

British, fled precipitately after exploding their largest magazine,

leaving behind them tents and baggage and stores, with several

magazines of ammunition and 16 guns. Their loss was estimated at

about 200 killed.

For the next few days, while the tents and the baggage were being

disembarked, the army bivouacked under the date trees on the

river-bank by day, and removed to the sandy plain by night, to avoid

the unhealthy miasma.

It having been ascertained that the enemy had retreated to the town

of Ahwaz, about 100 miles distant up the river Karoon, where they had

large magazines and supplies, Sir James Outram determined to despatch

an armed flotilla to that place to effect a reconnaissance.

The expedition was placed under the command of Captain Rennie of the

Indian navy, and consisted of three small armed steamers, towing

three gunboats and three cutters, and carrying on board No. 5 and

the light company of the 78th, with Captain M’Andrew, Lieutenants

Cassidy, Finlay, and Barker, and the grenadiers of the 64th Regiment;

in all 300 men, under command of Captain Hunt of the 78th. This force

came in sight of Ahwaz on the morning of the 1st of April. The whole

Persian army was here observed posted in a strong position on the

right bank of the Karoon. It having been ascertained from some Arabs

that the town itself, on the left bank, was nearly deserted, it was

determined to land the party, advance upon Ahwaz, and, if possible,

destroy the dépôt of guns and ammunition.

At eleven in the morning the little band of 300 landed and advanced

at once in three columns, covered by skirmishers, the whole party

being extended in such a way that it appeared like a large body of

men. The left column consisted of the light company of the 78th, with

its skirmishers and supports, both in one rank, the remainder of the

company marching in columns of threes in single ranks, with three

paces distance between each man. The grenadier company of the 64th

and No. 5 company of the 78th formed the right and centre columns in

the same order. The gun-boats were sent off in advance up the river,

and taking up a position within shell-range of the enemy’s ridges,

opened fire upon them.

The troops thus marched in a mimic brigade, advanced under cover of

the gunboats’ fire, and within an hour and a half Ahwaz was in their

possession, and the Persian army, consisting of 6000 infantry, 5

guns, and a cloud of Bukhtyuri horsemen, numbering upwards of 2000,

was in full retreat upon Dizful, leaving behind it 1 gun, 154 stand

of new arms, a great number of mules and sheep, and an enormous

quantity of grain.

Having remained at Ahwaz for two days, the plucky little force

returned to Mohammrah, which it reached on the 5th of April, and

where it received the hearty thanks of the General for the signal

service which it had rendered.[503]

On the very same day news was received that peace with Persia had

been concluded at Paris on the 4th of March; but the British forces

were to remain encamped at Mohammrah until the ratification of the

treaty.

On the 15th of April the regiment was inspected by Brigadier-General

Havelock, C.B., who expressed his extreme satisfaction at the highly

efficient state in every respect in which he found it.[504]

At length, on the 9th of May, a field force order was issued,

directing the Indian division to be broken up, and the several

regiments composing it to be sent to their respective destinations.

In this order Sir James Outram bade the troops farewell, and

expressed in the very highest terms his admiration of their conduct

in every respect.

Thus ended the Persian campaign, during which the 78th had the good

fortune to mature its campaigning qualities under the auspices of

Outram and Havelock, names which were shortly destined to render its

own illustrious.

A medal was sanctioned to be worn by the troops engaged in the

Persian campaign.

In the regiment, Colonel Stisted, who for a time acted as brigadier,

and afterwards commanded the regiment, was made a Companion of the

Bath; and Captains Drummond, Hay, and Bouverie, who acted as majors

of brigade at Busheer and Mohammrah, respectively, received brevet

majorities. The regiment received orders to place the words “Persia”

and “Kooshab” upon its colours and appointments.

On the 10th of May 1857, the 78th sailed from Mohammrah _en route_

for Bombay. Touching only at the port of Muscat, the vessels all

arrived safe in Bombay harbour on the 22nd and 23rd, and there

received the astounding intelligence that the entire Bengal army

had mutinied, seized Delhi, and in many cases massacred all the

Europeans. The 78th was ordered to proceed immediately to Calcutta,

along with the 64th, its old comrades, who had also just arrived from

Persia. Colonel Walter Hamilton, having arrived from Persia, took

command of the regiment, which, numbering 28 officers and 828 men,

was transferred to four ships, which arrived at Calcutta on the 9th

and 10th of June.

V.

1857-1859.

The Indian Mutiny[505]--Barrackpoor--Benares--Allahabad--Havelock’s

force--March to Cawnpoor and Lucknow--Futtehpoor--Aong--Pandoo

Nuddee--Nana Sahib’s iniquities--The taking of Cawnpoor--Havelock’s

opinion of the 78th--His stirring Order--March to Lucknow--Onao

--Buseerutgunge--Havelock retires to Munghowar--Reinforced

--Commences second march--Buseerutgunge again--Bourbeake Chowkey

--Bithoor--Force returns to Cawnpoor--Cholera--Sir James Outram

and reinforcements arrive--Sir James resigns command of the army

of relief to Havelock--Third march to Lucknow--Munghowar--Lucknow

reached--The enemy encountered and repulsed--The Alum Bagh

occupied--Position of the garrison--Advance from the Alum Bagh

--Char Bagh--The road to the Residency--The 78th the rear-guard

--Its fierce encounter with the enemy--Fights its way to the

main body at the Furrah Buksh--The desperate advance led by

the 78th--The Residency reached--“Martin’s House”--Dangerous

position of Surgeons Jee and Home and their wounded men--The guns

brought in--The Victoria Cross--Sorties upon the enemy--Arrangements

for holding out until relief comes--Position of the 78th--Arrival

of Sir Colin Campbell--Preparations for a junction--The relief

effected--Evacuation of the Residency--The 78th selected to cover

the retreat--Rewards--The occupation of the Alum Bagh under Colonel

M’Intyre--Sir James Outram occupies the Alum Bagh--Engagement

with the enemy--Sir James Outram’s opinion of the 78th--Capture

of the city of Lucknow--The three field forces--The 78th occupy

Bareilly--Ordered to England--Fêted at Bombay--Arrival at home.

On the 10th of June 1857 the 78th Highlanders proceeded to Chinsurah,

where arrangements were made for their immediate transit to Benares.

The grenadiers and No. 1 company started on the 11th and 12th. On

the night of the 13th, at 11 P.M., an order was received by express

from Calcutta for the 78th to march immediately to Barrackpoor, and

if possible reach that place by daybreak. The regiment marched to

Barrackpoor, and after assisting in disarming the native troops,

it returned to Chinsurah on the 16th, and the daily departure of

detachments to Benares was resumed.