[275] Culloden Papers, No. CCXLIII. “On this occasion the Duke of

Cumberland was so much struck with the conduct of the Highlanders,

and concurred so cordially in the esteem which they had secured

to themselves both from friends and foes, that, wishing to show a

mark of his approbation, he desired it to be intimated to them,

that he would be happy to grant the men any favour which they chose

to ask, and which he could concede, as a testimony of the good

opinion he had formed of them. The reply was worthy of so handsome

an offer. After expressing acknowledgments for the condescension

of the commander-in-chief, the men assured him that no favour he

could bestow would gratify them so much as a pardon for one of

their comrades, a soldier of the regiment, who had been tried by

a court-martial for allowing a prisoner to escape, and was under

sentence of a heavy corporal punishment, which, if inflicted, would

bring disgrace on them all, and on their families and country.

This favour, of course, was instantly granted. The nature of this

request, the feeling which suggested it, and, in short, the general

qualities of the corps, struck the Duke with the more force, as,

at the time, he had not been in Scotland, and had no means of

knowing the character of its inhabitants, unless, indeed, he had

formed his opinion from the common ribaldry of the times, when it

was the fashion to consider the Highlander ‘as a fierce and savage

depredator, speaking a barbarous language, and inhabiting a barren

and gloomy region, which fear and prudence forbade all strangers to

enter.’”--Stewart’s _Sketches_, i. p. 274-5.

[276] _Life of Colonel Gardiner._

[277] Account published at Paris, 26th May 1745.

[278] _The Conduct of the Officers at Fontenoy Considered._ Lond.

1745.--“Such was the battle of Fontenoy, and such were the facts

from which a very favourable opinion was formed of the military

qualifications of the Black Watch, as it was still called in

Scotland. At this period there was not a soldier in the regiment born

south of the Grampians.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_, i. 278.

[279] _Caledonian Mercury_, March 1747.

[280] _Hague Gazette._

[281] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[282] There were few courts-martial; and, for many years, no instance

occurred of corporal punishment. If a soldier was brought to the

halberts, he became degraded, and little more good was to be expected

of him. After being publicly disgraced, he could no longer associate

with his comrades; and, in several instances, the privates of a

company have, from their pay, subscribed to procure the discharge of

an obnoxious individual.

Great regularity was observed in the duties of public worship. In

the regimental orders, hours were fixed for morning prayers by the

chaplain; and on Sundays, for Divine service, morning and evening.

The greatest respect was observed towards the ministers of religion.

When Dr Ferguson was chaplain of the corps, he held an equal, if not,

in some respects, a greater, influence over the minds of the men

than the commanding officer. The succeeding chaplain, Mr Maclaggan,

preserved the same authority; and, while the soldiers looked up with

reverence to these excellent men, the most beneficial effects were

produced on their minds and conduct by the religious and moral duties

which their chaplains inculcated.

[283] “During the whole of 1756 the regiment remained in Albany

inactive. During the winter and spring of 1757, they were drilled

and disciplined for bush-fighting and sharp-shooting, a species

of warfare for which they were well fitted, being in general good

marksmen, and expert in the management of their arms.”--Stewart’s

_Sketches_.

[284] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[285] Smollett’s _History of England_.

[286] This officer, who was son of Duncan Campbell, of the family of

Duneaves, in Perthshire, along with Gregor MacGregor, commonly called

Gregor the Beautiful, grandfather of Sir Gregor MacGregor, were the

two who were presented to George II. in the year 1743, when privates

in the Black Watch.

[287] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[288] _St James’s Chronicle._

[289] “It has been observed, that the modern Highland corps display

less of that chivalrous spirit which marked the earlier corps from

the mountains. If there be any good ground for this observation, it

may probably be attributed to this, that these corps do not consist

wholly of native Highlanders. If strangers are introduced among

them, even admitting them to be the best of soldiers, still they

are not Highlanders. The charm is broken,--the conduct of such a

corps must be divided, and cannot be called purely national. The

motive which made the Highlanders, when united, fight for the honour

of their name, their clan, and district, is by this mixture lost.

Officers, also, who are strangers to their language, their habits,

and peculiar modes of thinking, cannot be expected to understand

their character, their feelings, and their prejudices, which, under

judicious management, have so frequently stimulated to honourable

conduct, although they have sometimes served to excite the ridicule

of those who knew not the dispositions and cast of character on which

they were founded. But if Highland soldiers are judiciously commanded

in quarters, treated with kindness and confidence by their officers,

and led into action with spirit, it cannot on any good grounds be

alleged that there is any deficiency of that firmness and courage

which formerly distinguished them, although it may be readily allowed

that much of the romance of the character is lowered. The change of

manners in their native country will sufficiently account for this.

“In my time many old soldiers still retained their original manners,

exhibiting much freedom and ease in their communications with the

officers. I joined the regiment in 1789, a very young soldier.

Colonel Graham, the commanding officer, gave me a steady old soldier,

named William Fraser, as my servant,--perhaps as my adviser and

director. I know not that he had received any instructions on that

point, but Colonel Graham himself could not have been more frequent

and attentive in his remonstrances, and cautious with regard to

my conduct and duty, than my old soldier was, when he thought he

had cause to disapprove. These admonitions he always gave me in

Gaelic, calling me by my Christian name, with an allusion to the

colour of my hair, which was fair, or _bane_, never prefixing _Mr_

or _Ensign_, except when he spoke in English. However contrary to

the common rules, and however it might surprise those unaccustomed

to the manners of the people, to hear a soldier or a servant

calling his master simply by his name, my honest old monitor was

one of the most respectful, as he was one of the most faithful, of

servants.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_, p. 302.

[290] General Stewart says that two officers, anxious to obtain

commissions, enlisted eighteen Irishmen at Glasgow, contrary to the

peremptory orders of Lord John Murray, that none but Highlanders

should be taken. Several of the men were O’Donnels, O’Lachlans,

O’Briens, &c. To cover this deception the O was changed to Mac, and

the Milesians passed muster as true Macdonnels, Maclachlans, and

Macbriars, without being questioned.

[291] _Letters from Guadeloupe._

[292] “By private accounts, it appears that the French had formed the

most frightful and absurd notions of the _Sauvages d’Ecosse_. They

believed that they would neither take nor give quarter, and that they

were so nimble, that, as no man could catch them, so nobody could

escape them; that no man had a chance against their broadsword; and

that, with a ferocity natural to savages, they made no prisoners, and

spared neither man, woman, nor child: and as they were always in the

front of every action in which they were engaged, it is probable that

these notions had no small influence on the nerves of the militia,

and perhaps regulars of Guadaloupe.” It was always believed by the

enemy that the Highlanders amounted to several thousands. This

erroneous enumeration of a corps only eight hundred strong, was said

to proceed from the frequency of their attacks and annoyance of the

outposts of the enemy, who “saw men in the same garb who attacked

them yesterday from one direction, again appear to-day to advance

from another, and in this manner ever harassing their advanced

position, so as to allow them no rest.”--_Letters from Guadaloupe._

[293] An Indian sachem, astonished at the success of the British

arms, remarked that “the English, formerly women, are now men, and

are thick all over the country as trees in the woods. They have taken

Niagara, Cataraque, Ticonderoga, Louisburg, and now lately Quebec,

and they will soon eat the remainder of the French in Canada, or

drive them out of the country.”

[294] _Westminster Journal._

[295] It was in 1776 that William Pitt, afterwards Lord Chatham,

uttered in Parliament his famous eulogy on the Highland

regiments:--“I sought for merit wherever it could be found. It is

my boast that I was the first minister who looked for it, and found

it, in the mountains of the north. I called it forth, and drew into

your service a hardy and intrepid race of men: men who, when left by

your jealousy, became a prey to the artificies of your enemies, and

had gone nigh to have overturned the State, in the war before last.

These men, in the last war, were brought to combat on your side; they

served with fidelity, as they fought with valour, and conquered for

you in every quarter of the world.”

[296] To allure the young Highlanders to enlist into other regiments,

recruiting parties assumed the dress of the Royal Highlanders, thus

deceiving the recruits into the belief that they were entering

the 42d. When the regiment lay in Dublin, a party of Highland

recruits, destined for the 38th regiment, arrived there; but on

representing the deception which had been practised upon them, they

were, after a full inquiry, discharged by Lord Townshend, the lord

lieutenant. They, however, immediately re-enlisted into the 42d

regiment.--_Stewart._

[297] At this time, the words of “the Garb of Old Gaul” were

composed. Major Reid set them to music of his own composition,

which has ever since been the regimental march. Peace and country

quarters affording leisure to the officers, several of them indulged

their taste for poetry and music. Major Reid was one of the most

accomplished flute-players of the age. He died in 1806, a general in

the army, and colonel of the 88th or Connaught Rangers. He left the

sum of £52,000 to the University of Edinburgh, where he was educated,

to establish a Professorship of Music in the College, with a salary

of not less than £300 per annum, and to hold an annual concert on the

anniversary of his birth-day, the 13th of February; the performance

to commence with several pieces of his own composition, for the

purpose of showing the style of music in his early years, and towards

the middle of the last century. Among the first of these pieces is

the Garb of Old Gaul. [See account of Clan Robertson.] The statement

in Stewart’s _Sketches_, that this song was originally written in

Gaelic by a soldier of the 42d, is incorrect. Dr David Laing says,

in Wood’s _Songs of Scotland_, edited by G. F. Graham, that it

was originally written in English by Lieutenant-General Sir Henry

Erskine, Bart., second son of Sir John Erskine of Alva, who commanded

the Scots Greys in 1762. It has been attributed to Sir Henry Erskine

of Torry, but it was not written by him. Its earliest appearance (in

English) was in _The Lark_, 1765. An indifferent translation into

Gaelic, by Morrison, was published in Gillies’ _Gaelic Poetry_, 1786.

This is the first Gaelic version. A much better translation into

Gaelic is by Captain M’Intyre, and appeared in _Am Filidh_, a Gaelic

Song Book, edited by James Munro, 12mo, Edin. 1840.

We give here the original song, with the Gaelic version of Captain

M’Intyre:--

IN THE GARB OF OLD GAUL.

In the garb of old Gaul, with the fire of old Rome,

From the heath-covered mountains of Scotia we come;

Where the Romans endeavoured our country to gain,

But our ancestors fought, and they fought not in vain.

Such our love of liberty, our country, and our laws,

That, like our ancestors of old, we stand by freedom’s cause;

We’ll bravely fight, like heroes bright, for honour and

applause,

And defy the French, with all their arts, to alter our laws.

No effeminate customs our sinews unbrace,

No luxurious tables enervate our race;

Our loud-sounding pipe bears the true martial strain,

So do we the old Scottish valour retain.

As a storm in the ocean when Boreas blows,

So are we enraged when we rush on our foes:

We sons of the mountains, tremendous as rocks,

Dash the force of our foes with our thundering strokes.

We’re tall as the oak on the mount of the vale,

Are swift as the roe which the hound doth assail,

As the full moon in autumn our shields do appear,

Minerva would dread to encounter our spear.

Quebec and Cape Breton, the pride of old France,

In their troops fondly boasted till we did advance;

But when our claymores they saw us produce,

Their courage did fail, and they sued for a truce.

In our realm may the fury of faction long cease,

May our councils be wise and our commerce increase,

And in Scotia’s cold climate may each of us find,

That our friends still prove true and our beauties prove kind.

Then we’ll defend our liberty, our country, and our laws,

And teach our late posterity to fight in freedom’s cause,

That they like our ancestors bold, for honour and applause,

May defy the French, with all their arts, to alter our laws.

EIDEADH NAN GAEL.

Ann an éideadh nan Gàel,

Le tein’-àrdain na Ròimh’,

’S ann o fhraoch-bheannaibh Alba

A dh’ fhalbh sinn a chum gleòis,

Tir a stribhich na Ròimhich

Le foirneart thoirt uainn,

Ach ar sinnscarra chòmhraig,

’S mar sheòid thug iad buaidh!

Le sòghalas no féisdeachas

Ar féithean las cha-n fhàs;

Cha toir ròic no ruidht oirnn striocadh

Chum’s gu’u díobair sinn ar càil;

’S i a’ phìob a’s àírde nual

A bhios g’ ar gluasad gu blàr;--

Sin an ceòl a chumas suas annainn

Cruadal nan Gàel.

’S co-chruaidh sinn ris na daragan

Tha thall-ud anns a’ ghleann;

Is co-luath sinn ris an eilid

Air nach beir ach an cù seang;

Mar a’ ghealach làn as t-fhogar

Nochdar aghaidh ar cuid sgiath,

’S roimh ’r lannan guineach geur

Air Minérbha bi’dh fiamh!

Mar a shéideas a’ ghaoth tuath

Air a’ chuan a’s gairge toirm,

’S ann mar sin a ni sinn brùchdadh

Air ar naimhde ’nùll gu borb;

Mar chreaga trom a’ tùirling orr’

Thig ur-shiol nam beannta,

G’ an caitheamh as le ’n tréuntas,

’S le géiread an lann.

Mar so, ar Lagh ’s ar Righeachd

Gu’n dionar leinn gu bràth;--

Agus cath air taobh ua saorsa

Gu’m faoghluim sinn d’ ar n-àl;

Gus an diong iad fòs an seanairean

’Am fearalas s ’an càil,

’S gus an cuir iad cìs gun tainng

Air an Fhraing ’s air an Spàinn.

[298] “Officers and non-commissioned officers always wore a small

plume of feathers, after the fashion of their country; but it was not

till the period of which I am now writing that the soldiers used so

many feathers as they do at present.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[299] Jackson’s _European Armies_.

[300] Stewart’s _Sketches_. The use of silver lace was not

discontinued until 1830.

[301] Of the number of privates, 931 were Highlanders, 74 Lowland

Scotch, 5 English (in the band), 1 Welsh, and 2 Irish.

[302] The Oxford transport, with a company of the 42d on board, was

captured by an American privateer. The military officers and ship’s

crew were taken on board the privateer, and a crew and guard sent

to the transport, with directions to make the first friendly port.

A few days afterwards the soldiers overpowered the Americans; and

with the assistance of the carpenter, who had been left on board,

navigated the vessel into the Chesapeak, and casting anchor at

Jamestown, which had been evacuated by Lord Dunmore and the British,

she was taken possession of, and the men marched as prisoners to

Williamsburgh in Virginia, where every exertion was made, and every

inducement held out, to prevail with them to break their allegiance,

and join the American cause. When it was found that the offers of

military promotion were rejected, they were told that they would

have grants of fertile land to settle in freedom and happiness,

and that they would all be lairds themselves, and have no rents to

pay. These latter inducements also failed. “These trustworthy men

declared they would neither take nor possess any land, but what

they had deserved by supporting their king, whose health they could

not be restrained from drinking, although in the middle of enemies;

and when all failed, they were sent in small separate parties to

the back-settlements.”--They were exchanged in 1778, and joined the

regiment.--Stewart’s _Sketches_, i. 368.

[303] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[304] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[305] “This hill was so perpendicular, that the ball which wounded

Lieutenant Macleod, entering the posterior part of his neck, ran down

on the middle of his ribs, and lodged in the lower part of his back.

“One of the pipers, who began to play when he reached the point of

a rock on the summit of the hill, was immediately shot, and tumbled

from one piece of rock to another till he reached the bottom.

“Major Murray, being a large corpulent man, could not attempt this

steep ascent without assistance. The soldiers, eager to get to the

point of their duty, scrambled up, forgetting the situation of Major

Murray, when he, in a melancholy supplicating tone, cried, ‘Oh

soldiers, will you leave me!’ A party leaped down instantly, and

brought him up, supporting him from one ledge of the rocks to another

till they got him to the top.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[306] “On this occasion Sergeant Macgregor, whose company was

immediately in the rear of the picquet, rushed forward to their

support with a few men who happened to have their arms in their

hands, when the enemy commenced the attack. Being severely wounded,

he was left insensible on the ground. When the picquet was

overpowered, and the few survivors forced to retire, Macgregor, who

had that day put on a new jacket with silver-lace, having, besides,

large silver buckles in his shoes, and a watch, attracted the notice

of an American soldier, who deemed him a good prize. The retreat

of his friends not allowing him time to strip the sergeant on the

spot, he thought the shortest way was to take him on his back to a

more convenient distance. By this time Macgregor began to recover;

and, perceiving whither the man was carrying him, drew his dirk,

and grasping him by the throat, swore that he would run him through

the breast if he did not turn back and carry him to the camp. The

American finding this argument irresistible, complied with the

request, and meeting Lord Cornwallis (who had come up to the support

of the regiment when he heard the firing), and Colonel Stirling, was

thanked for his care of the sergeant; but he honestly told them that

he only conveyed him thither to save his own life. Lord Cornwallis

gave him liberty to go whithersoever he chose. His lordship procured

for the sergeant a situation under government at Leith, which he

enjoyed many years.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[307] From Watson’s _Annals of Philadelphia_ we learn that a Mrs

Gordon opened a boarding-house in Front Street, which was much

frequented by British officers during the American Revolution war,

and at times was nearly filled with officers of the 42d and Royal

Irish. “The British Barracks,” we learn from Watson’s _Annals of

Philadelphia_, “were built in the Northern Liberties soon after the

defeat of Braddock’s army, and arose from the necessity, as it was

alleged, of making better permanent provision for troops deemed

necessary to be among us for future protection. Many of the people

had so petitioned the king, not being then so sensitive of the

presence of ‘standing armies’ as their descendants have since become.

The parade and ‘pomp of war’ which their erection produced in the

former peaceful city of Penn, gave it an attraction to the town’s

people, and being located far out of town, it was deemed a pleasant

walk to the country and fields, to go out and see the long ranges of

houses, the long lines of kilted and bonneted Highlanders, and to

hear ‘the spirit stirring fife and soul-inspiring drum!’ The ground

plot of the barracks extended from Second to Third Street, and from

St Tamany Street to Green Street, having the officers’ quarters, a

large three-storey brick building, on Third Street, the same now

standing as a Northern Liberty Town Hall. The parade ground fronted

upon Second Street, shut in by an ornamental palisade fence on the

line of that street. After the war of Independence they were torn

down, and the lots sold for the benefit of the public. It was from

the location of those buildings that the whole region thereabout was

familiarly called Campingtown. In 1758 I notice the first public

mention of ‘the new barracks in Campingtown,’ the _Gazettes_ stating

the arrival there of ‘Colonel Montgomery’s Highlanders,’ and some

arrangement by the City Council to provide them their bedding, &c.

In the year 1764 the barracks were made a scene of great interest to

all the citizens; there the Indians, who fled from the threats of the

murderous Paxtang boys, sought their refuge under the protection of

the Highlanders, while the approach of the latter was expected, the

citizens ran there with their arms to defend them and to throw up

entrenchments.”

[308] “In the year 1776 (says General Stewart) the three battalions

of the 42d and of Fraser’s Highlanders embarked 3248 soldiers; after

a stormy passage of more than three months, none died; they had only

a few sick, and these not dangerously.”

[309] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[310] “On the 1st of June this year, Lord John Murray died, in the

forty-second year of his command of the regiment, and was succeeded

by Major-General Sir Hector Munro. It is said that Lord Eglinton

was much disappointed on that occasion. He had formed an attachment

to the Highland soldiers, when he commanded his Highland regiment

in the seven years’ war; and, owing to Lord J. Murray’s great age,

had long looked to the command of the Royal Highlanders. In Lord

North’s administration, and likewise in Mr Pitt’s, he had, in some

measure, secured the succession; but the king had previously, and

without the knowledge of his ministers, assented to an application

from Sir H. Munro. Lord Eglinton was appointed to the Scots Greys

on the first vacancy. Till Lord John Murray was disabled by age,

he was the friend and supporter of every deserving officer and

soldier in the regiment. The public journals during the German or

seven years’ war give many instances. I shall notice one. When the

disabled soldiers came home from Ticonderoga in 1758, to pass the

Board at Chelsea, it is stated, ‘that the morning they were to appear

before the Board, he was in London, and dressed himself in the full

Highland uniform, and, putting himself at the head of all those

who could walk, he marched to Chelsea, and explained their case in

such a manner to the Commissioners, that all obtained the pension.

He gave them five guineas to drink the king’s health, and their

friends, with the regiment, and two guineas to each of those who had

wives, and he got the whole a free passage to Perth, with an offer

to such as chose to settle on his estate, to give them a house and

garden.’”--_Westminster Journal._

[311] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[312] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[313] One of these, a trumpeter, was brought to England by the 42d,

and given over to the York Rangers, at the formation of that corps.

[314] General Stewart says that in the assault on the redoubts, when

proceeding from the second to the third, he found a lad of seventeen

years of age whom he had enlisted in August preceding, with his foot

on the body of a French soldier, and his bayonet thrust through from

ear to ear, attempting to twist off his head. Lieutenant Stewart

touched him on the shoulder, and desired him to let the body alone.

“Oh, the brigand,” said he, “I must take off his head.” When told

that the man was already dead, and that he had better go and take the

head off a living Frenchman, he answered, “You are very right, Sir;

I did not think of that;” and immediately ran forward to the front

of the attack. Yet such is the power of example, that this young

man, so bold, turned pale and trembled, when, a few days after he

had enlisted, he saw one of his companions covered with blood from a

cut he had received in the head and face in some horseplay with his

comrades.

[315] In one of the skirmishes in the woods between a party of

the 42d and the enemy, Lieutenant-Colonel Graham (afterwards a

lieutenant-general and governor of Stirling Castle) was wounded,

and lay senseless on the ground. “His recovery from his wound,”

says General Stewart, “was attended by some uncommon circumstances.

The people believing him dead, rather dragged than carried him over

the rough channel of the river, till they reached the sea-beach.

Observing here that he was still alive, they put him in a blanket and

proceeded in search of a surgeon. After travelling in this manner

four miles, I met them, and directed the soldiers to carry him to a

military post, occupied by a party of the 42d under my command. All

the surgeons were out in the woods with the wounded soldiers, and

none could be found. Colonel Graham was still insensible. A ball

had entered his side, and passing through, had come out under his

breast. Another, or perhaps the same ball, had shattered two of his

fingers. No assistance could be got but that of a soldier’s wife,

who had been long in the service, and was in the habit of attending

sick and wounded soldiers. She washed his wounds, and bound them

up in such a manner, that when a surgeon came and saw the way in

which the operation had been performed, he said he could not have

done it better, and would not unbind the dressing. The colonel soon

afterwards opened his eyes, and though unable to speak for many

hours, seemed sensible of what was passing around him. In this

state he lay nearly three weeks, when he was carried to Kingston,

and thence conveyed to England. He was still in a most exhausted

state,--the wound in his side discharging matter from both orifices.

He went to Edinburgh, with little hopes of recovery; but on the

evening of the illumination for the victory of Camperdoun, the smoke

of so many candles and flambeaux having affected his breathing, he

coughed with great violence; and, in the exertion, threw up a piece

of cloth, carried in and left by the ball in its passage through his

body. From that day he recovered as by a charm.

“The soldier’s wife,” continues the General, “who was so useful

to him in his extremity, was of a character rather uncommon. She

had been long a follower of the camp, and had acquired some of its

manners. While she was so good and useful a nurse in quarters, she

was bold and fearless in the field. When the arrangements were made

previously to the attack on the Vizie on the 10th of June, I directed

that her husband, who was in my company, should remain behind to

take charge of the men’s knapsacks, which they had thrown off to be

light for the advance up the hill, as I did not wish to expose him

to danger on account of his wife and family. He obeyed his orders,

and remained with his charge; but his wife, believing, perhaps, that

she was not included in these injunctions, pushed forward to the

assault. When the enemy had been driven from the third redoubt, I was

standing giving some directions to the men, and preparing to push on

to the fourth and last redoubt, when I found myself tapped on the

shoulder, and turning round, I saw my Amazonian friend standing with

her clothes tucked up to her knees, and seizing my hand, ‘Well done,

my Highland lad,’ she exclaimed, ‘see how the brigands scamper like

so many deer!’--‘Come,’ added she, ‘let us drive them from yonder

hill!’ On inquiry, I found that she had been in the hottest fire,

cheering and animating the men; and when the action was over, she was

as active as any of the surgeons in assisting the wounded.”

[316] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[317] When the boats were about to start, two young French field

officers, who were prisoners on board the _Minotaur_, Captain Louis,

went up to the rigging “to witness, as they said, the last sight of

their English friends. But when they saw the troops land, ascend the

hill, and force the defenders at the top to fly, the love of their

country and the honour of their arms overcame their new friendship:

they burst into tears, and with a passionate exclamation of grief and

surprise ran down below, and did not again appear on deck during the

day.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[318] “The great waste of ammunition,” says General Stewart, “and

the comparatively little execution of musketry, unless directed by

a steady hand, was exemplified on this occasion. Although the sea

was as smooth as glass, with nothing to interrupt the aim of those

who fired,--although the line of musketry was so numerous, that

the soldiers compared the fall of the bullets on the water to boys

throwing handfuls of pebbles into a mill-pond,--and although the

spray raised by the cannon-shot and shells, when they struck the

water, wet the soldiers in the boats,--yet, of the whole landing

force, very few were hurt; and of the 42d one man only was killed,

and Colonel James Stewart and a few soldiers wounded. The noise and

foam raised by the shells and large and small shot, compared with

the little effect thereby produced, afford evidence of the saving

of lives by the invention of gunpowder; while the fire, noise,

and force, with which the bullets flew, gave a greater sense of

danger than in reality had any existence. That eight hundred and

fifty men (one company of the Highlanders did not land in the first

boats) should force a passage through such a shower of balls and

bomb-shells, and only one man killed and five wounded, is certainly

a striking fact.” Four-fifths of the loss of the Highlanders was

sustained before they reached the top of the hill. General Stewart,

who then commanded a company in the 42d, says that eleven of his men

fell by the volley they received when mounting the ascent.

[319] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[320] Concerning this episode in the fight, and the capture of the

standard of the “Invincibles” by one of the 42d, we shall here

give the substance of the narrative of Andrew Dowie, one of the

regiment who was present and saw the whole affair. We take it from

Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley’s Memoranda, and we think our readers

may rely upon it as being a fair statement of the circumstances. It

was written in 1845, in a letter to Sergeant-Major Drysdale of the

42d, who went through the whole of the Crimean and Indian Mutiny

campaigns without being one day absent, and who died at Uphall, near

Edinburgh--Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel in the regiment--on

the 4th July 1865:--While Dowie was inside of the ruin above

mentioned, he observed an officer with a stand of colours, surrounded

by a group of some 30 men. He ran and told Major Stirling of this,

who advanced towards the French officer, grasped the colours, carried

them off, and handed them to Sergeant Sinclair of the 42d Grenadiers,

telling him to take them to the rear of the left wing, and display

them. The major then ordered all out of the fort to support the

left wing, which was closely engaged. Meantime, some of the enemy

seeing Sinclair with the colours, made after and attacked him. He

defended himself to the utmost till he got a sabre-cut on the back

of the neck, when he fell with the colours among the killed and

wounded. Shortly afterwards the German regiment, commanded by Sir

John Stewart, came from the rear line to the support of the 42d, and

in passing through the killed and wounded, one Anthony Lutz picked

up the colours, stripped them off the staff, wound them round his

body, and in the afternoon took them to Sir Ralph’s son, and it was

reported received some money for them. In 1802 this German regiment

(97th or Queen’s Own) arrived at Winchester, where this Anthony

Lutz, in a quarrel with one of his comrades, stabbed him with a

knife, was tried by civil law, and sentence of death passed upon him.

His officers, to save his life, petitioned the proper authorities,

stating that it was he who took the “Invincible Colours.” Generals

Moore and Oakes (who had commanded the brigade containing the

42d), then in London, wrote to Lieut.-Col. Dickson, who was with

the regiment in Edinburgh Castle, and a court of inquiry was held.

Sergeant Sinclair was sent for from Glasgow, and, along with Dowie,

was examined on the matter, the result of the examination being

in substance what has just been narrated. Sergeant Sinclair was a

captain in the 81st regiment in Sicily in 1810.

[321] General Hutchinson’s _Official Despatches_.

[322] See note, pp. 370, 71.

[323] Further details concerning this unfortunate misunderstanding

will be given when we come to speak of the presentation of the vase

in 1817.

[324] Of these 231 were Lowlanders, 7 English, and 3 Irish.

[325] General Orders, Horse Guards, 1st February 1809.

[326] “It was not without cause that the Highland soldiers shed tears

for the sufferings of the kind and partial friend whom they were now

about to lose. He always reposed the most entire confidence in them;

placing them in the post of danger and honour, and wherever it was

expected that the greatest firmness and courage would be required;

gazing at them with earnestness in his last moments, and in this

extremity taking pleasure in their successful advance; gratified at

being carried by them, and talking familiarly to them when he had

only a few hours to live; and, like a perfect soldier, as he was,

dying with his sword by his side. Speaking to me, on one occasion,

of the character of the Highland soldiers, ‘I consider,’ said he,

‘the Highlanders, under proper management, and under an officer who

understands and values their character, and works on it, among the

best of our military materials. Under such an officer, they will

conquer or die on the spot, while their action, their hardihood, and

abstinence, enable them to bear up against a severity of fatigue

under which larger, and apparently stronger, men would sink. But it

is the principles of integrity and moral correctness that I admire

most in Highland soldiers, and this was the trait that first caught

my attention. It is this that makes them trustworthy, and makes

their courage sure, and not that kind of flash in the pan, which

would scale a bastion to-day, and to-morrow be alarmed at the fire

of a picquet. You Highland officers may sleep sound at night, and

rise in the morning with the assurance that, with your men, your

professional character and honour are safe, unless _you yourselves

destroy the willing and excellent material entrusted to your

direction_.’ Such was the opinion particularly addressed to me, as a

kind of farewell advice in 1805, when my regiment left his brigade to

embark for the Mediterranean. It was accompanied by many excellent

observations on the character of the Highland soldier, and the duties

of Highland officers, especially what regards their management

of, and behaviour towards their soldiers, and the necessity of

paying attention to their feelings. The correctness of his views on

this important subject I have seen fully confirmed by many years’

experience.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[327] Cannon’s _Historical Record of the 42d_.

[328] Marmont’s _Despatch_.

[329] The loss of the 79th will be found stated in the memoirs of

that regiment.

[330] General Graham’s Despatches.

[331] In a conversation between General Hill and Major-General

Stewart (Garth), a few days after the battle, the former, alluding

to the attempt of the enemy to take the redoubt, said to General

Stewart, “I saw your old friends the Highlanders in a most perilous

situation; and had I not known their firmness I should have trembled

for the result. As it was, they could not have resisted the force

brought against them if they had not been so instantaneously

supported.” Being asked by General Stewart what was the amount at

which he calculated the strength of the enemy’s column of attack,

he replied, “Not less than 6000 men.” In passing soon afterwards

through Languedoc, Stewart stopped to view a brigade of French

infantry exercising. The French commanding officer rode up to him,

and invited him, with great politeness, to accompany him through the

ranks. Talking of the recent battles, the French general concluded

his observations thus,--“Well, we are quite satisfied if the English

army think we fought bravely, and did our duty well.” General Stewart

mentioning the Highland corps, “Ah!” said the Frenchman, “these are

brave soldiers. If they had good officers, I should not like to

meet them unless I was well supported. I put them to the proof on

that day.” Being asked in what manner, he answered “that he led the

division which attempted to retake the redoubt;” and on a further

question as to the strength of the column, he replied, “More than

6000 men.” As General Hill was more than two miles from the field of

action, the accuracy of his calculation is remarkable.

[332] Anton’s _Military Life_, p. 120.

[333] Cannon’s _Historical Records of the 42d_, p. 141.

[334] For music of this see end of the history of this regiment.

[335] Anton’s _Military Life_, p. 188.

[336] One English pint. There were four days’ allowance of bread, and

three days’ of beef and spirits, issued before leaving Brussels for

each man.

[337] These are the only officers of the regiment now (1873) alive

who served in the Peninsula and at Waterloo; the former being now

Captain Innes, and a military knight of Windsor, and the latter,

Captain Orr, residing in Edinburgh.

[338] Stewart’s _Sketches_.

[339] There were no exchanges of men and officers between this and

the first battalion.

[340] The number of men who died in this battalion from December

1803, to 24th October 1814, was 322. The number discharged and

transferred to the first battalion and to other regiments, from 1803

till the reduction in 1814, was 965 men.

[341] The deaths by sickness in the second battalion are not

included. This battalion sustained very little loss in war.

[342] Anton’s _Military Life_, p. 247.

[343] The following is an extract from the account published at

the time; “Tuesday, the first division of the 42d regiment, under

the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Henry Dick (who succeeded

to the command of the regiment, on the death of Lieutenant-Colonel

Sir Robert Macara, killed at Quatre Bras), marched into the Castle.

Major-General Hope, commander of the district, and Colonel David

Stewart of Garth, accompanied the Lieutenant-Colonel at the head

of the regiment. Not only the streets of the city were crowded

beyond all former precedent with spectators, but the windows, and

even the house-tops, were occupied. The road from Musselburgh, a

distance of six miles, was filled with relations and friends; and

so great was the crowd, that it was after four o’clock before they

arrived at the Castle Hill, although they passed through Portobello

about two o’clock. It was almost impossible for these gallant men

to get through the people, particularly in the city. All the bells

were rung, and they were everywhere received with the loudest

acclamations.”

[344] Peelers and Bobbies are names by which the police are

sometimes, even yet, referred to. They were embodied under an Act

brought in by Sir Robert Peel about 1820. In 1823 it was extended to

all Ireland.

[345] The 12th, 20th, 23d, 45th, 71st, 91st, 97th, and second

battalion Rifle Brigade.

[346] Lieutenant-Colonel Johnstone appropriately acknowledged the

honour thus conferred upon him by his Cephalonian friends:--

“_Farewell to Cephalonia, 1843._

“GENTLEMEN,

“_Nobili e cari Signori._

“I hardly know how to express my sense of your kindness, or how much

I feel honoured by the announcement you have just made me of the

intention of my friends in Cephalonia to present me with a medal, on

my departure from this Island. As a proof of yours and their esteem,

I cannot value it too highly, nor can I fail, however poor my merits

may have been, to appreciate the generosity of feeling which has

actuated you on this occasion.

“Your allusions to the 42d and my family have been most gratifying

to me, and one and all desire to join me in every good wish for

your prosperity and happiness. May this happiness be long continued

to you; and may the zeal and ability for which so many of you are

distinguished be honourably and usefully employed in promoting the

best interests of your country.

“Dear Friends, farewell,

“Cari Cefeleni Amici, Addio.”

[347] Galatabourna, close to the Black Sea, about five miles to the

south-west of Varna.

[348] Whose kindness in allowing us to make these extracts we have

pleasure in acknowledging.

[349] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, vol. ii. pp. 186, 216.

[350] Ibid. vol. ii. p. 234.

[351] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, vol. ii. p. 242.

[352] Ibid. vol. ii. p. 242.

[353] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, v. ii. p. 252.

[354] _Letters from Headquarters._

[355] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, v. ii. p. 443.

[356] We shall take the liberty of quoting here the same author’s

sketch of Campbell’s career:--

“Whilst Ensign Campbell was passing from boyhood to man’s estate, he

was made partaker in the great transactions which were then beginning

to work out the liberation of Europe. In the May of 1808 he received

his first commission--a commission in the 9th Foot; and a few weeks

afterwards--then too young to carry the colours--he was serving with

his regiment upon the heights of Vimieira. There the lad saw the

turning of a tide in human affairs; saw the opening of the mighty

strife between ‘Column’ and ‘Line;’ saw France, long unmatched upon

the Continent, retreat before British infantry; saw the first of

Napoleon’s stumbles, and the fame of Sir Arthur Wellesley beginning

to dawn over Europe.

“He was in Sir John Moore’s campaign, and at its closing

scene--Corunna. He was with the Walcheren expedition; and afterwards,

returning to the Peninsula, he was at the battle of Barossa, the

defence of Tarifa, the relief of Taragona, and the combats at Malaga

and Osma. He led a forlorn hope at the storming of St Sebastian,

and was there wounded twice; he was at Vittoria; he was at the

passage of the Bidassoa; he took part in the American war of 1814;

he served in the West Indies; he served in the Chinese war of 1842.

These occasions he had so well used that his quality as a soldier

was perfectly well known. He had been praised and praised again and

again; but since he was not so connected as to be able to move the

dispensers of military rank, he gained promotion slowly, and it was

not until the second Sikh war that he had a command as a general:

even then he had no rank in the army above that of a colonel. At

Chilianwalla he commanded a division. Marching in person with one

of his two brigades, he had gained the heights on the extreme right

of the Sikh position, and then bringing round the left shoulder, he

had rolled up the enemy’s line and won the day; but since his other

brigade (being separated from him by a long distance) had wanted his

personal control, and fallen into trouble, the brilliancy of the

general result which he had achieved did not save him altogether from

criticism. That day he was wounded for the fourth time. He commanded

a division at the great battle of Gujerat; and, being charged to

press the enemy’s retreat, he had so executed his task that 158 guns

and the ruin of the foe were the fruit of the victory. In 1851 and

the following year he commanded against the hill-tribes. It was he

who forced the Kohat Pass. It was he who, with only a few horsemen

and some guns, at Punj Pao, compelled the submission of the combined

tribes then acting against him with a force of 8000 men. It was he

who, at Ishakote, with a force of less than 3000 men, was able to end

the strife; and when he had brought to submission all those beyond

the Indus who were in arms against the Government, he instantly gave

proof of the breadth and scope of his mind as well as of the force

of his character; for he withstood the angry impatience of men in

authority over him, and insisted that he must be suffered to deal

with the conquered people in the spirit of a politic and merciful

ruler.

“After serving with all this glory for some forty-four years, he

came back to England; but between the Queen and him there stood a

dense crowd of families--men, women, and children--extending further

than the eye could reach, and armed with strange precedents which

made it out to be right that people who had seen no service should

be invested with high command, and that Sir Colin Campbell should

be only a colonel. Yet he was of so fine a nature that, although he

did not always avoid great bursts of anger, there was no ignoble

bitterness in his sense of wrong. He awaited the time when perhaps he

might have high command, and be able to serve his country in a sphere

proportioned to his strength. His friends, however, were angry for

his sake; and along with their strong devotion towards him there was

bred a fierce hatred of a system of military dispensation which could

keep in the background a man thus tried and thus known.

“Upon the breaking-out of the war with Russia, Sir Colin was

appointed--not to the command of a division, but of a brigade. It was

not till the June of 1854 that his rank in the army became higher

than that of a colonel.”

[357] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, vol. ii. pp. 474-79.

[358] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, vol. ii. pp. 481-86.

[359] Many of our people who had heard the cheers of the Highlanders

were hindered from seeing them by the bend of the ground, and they

supposed that the cheers were uttered in charging. It was not so. The

Highlanders advanced in silence.

[360] Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 487-90, 493.

[361] _Letters from Headquarters._

[362] We omitted to notice the death of this excellent officer in the

proper place. It occurred while the regiment was at Vido in 1835.

Sir Charles had gone on leave to Switzerland, with unaccountable

reluctance it is said, though he was in apparently perfect health,

and died at Geneva, after a short illness, on 30th September. His

loss was deeply lamented by all ranks. The announcement of his

unexpected death cast a gloom over the regiment, which was long felt.

His gentlemanly bearing and kindly disposition made him universally

loved and respected both by officers and men. The regiment was

fortunate in his successor--Major William Middleton, who had served

in the corps from 1803.

[363] Alluding to the Brigade Centre for the 42d and 79th being told

off for Dundee, which was subsequently altered to Perth.

[364] The rank after the name is that held in December 1872, or the

one attained before death. The first date is that of joining the

regiment, followed by the rank at the time. Field and staff officers

since 1817 are included in the general list, as well as in the

separate succession lists of those officers. Those left unfinished

were alive, or still serving in the regiment, on the 1st January 1873.

[365] Never served in the regiment as an officer.

[366] Never served in the Regiment as an Officer.

LOUDON’S HIGHLANDERS.

1745-1748.

Raising of Regiment--Rebellion of 1745--Flanders--Bergen-op-Zoom

--Reduction of Regiment.

The bravery displayed by Lord John Murray’s Highlanders at Fontenoy

opened the eyes of Government to the importance of securing the

military services of the clans. It was therefore determined to

repair, in part, the loss sustained in that well-fought action, by

raising a second regiment in the Highlands, and authority to that

effect was granted to the Earl of Loudon. By the influence of the

noblemen, chiefs, and gentlemen of the country, whose sons and

connexions were to be appointed officers, a body of 1250 men was

raised, of whom 750 assembled at Inverness, and the remainder at

Perth. The whole were formed into a battalion of twelve companies,

under the following officers, their commissions being dated June 8th

1745:--

_Colonel._--John Campbell, Earl of Loudon, who died in 1782,

a general in the army.

_Lieutenant-Colonel._--John Campbell (afterwards Duke of

Argyll), who died a field-marshal in 1806.

_Captains._

John Murray (afterwards Duke of Athole), son of Lord George Murray.

Alexander Livingstone Campbell, son of Ardkinglass.

John Macleod, younger of Macleod.

Henry Munro, son of Colonel Sir Robert Munro of Fowlis.

Lord Charles Gordon, brother of the Duke of Gordon.

John Stewart, son of the Earl of Moray.

Alexander Mackay, son of Lord Reay.

Ewen Macpherson of Clunie.

John Sutherland of Forse.

Colin Campbell of Ballimore, killed at Culloden.

Archibald Macnab, who died a lieutenant-general in 1791, son of

the laird of Macnab.

_Lieutenants._

Colin Campbell of Kilberrie.

Alexander Maclean.

John Campbell of Strachur, who died in 1806, a general in the army,

and colonel of the 57th regiment.

Duncan Robertson of Drumachuine, afterwards of Strowan.

Patrick Campbell, son of Achallader.

Donald Macdonald.

James Macpherson of Killihuntly.

John Robertson or Reid, of Straloch, who died in 1806, at the age

of eighty-five, a general in the army and colonel of the 88th

or Connaught Rangers.[367]

Patrick Grant, younger of Rothiemurchus.

John Campbell of Ardsliginish.

Alexander Campbell, brother to Barcaldine.

Donald Macdonell of Lochgarry.

Colin Campbell of Glenure.

_Ensigns._

James Stewart of Urrard.

John Martin of Inch.

George Munroe of Novar.

Malcolm Ross, younger of Pitcalnie.

Hugh Mackay.

James Fraser.

David Spalding of Ashintully.

Archibald Campbell.

Donald Macneil.

Alexander Maclagan, son of the minister of Little Dunkeld.

Robert Bisset of Glenelbert, afterwards commissary-general of

Great Britain.

John Grant, younger of Dalrachnie.

Before the regiment was disciplined, the rebellion broke out, and

so rapid were the movements of the rebels, that the communication

between the two divisions, at Perth and Inverness, was cut off.

They were therefore obliged to act separately. The formation of the

regiment at the time was considered a fortunate circumstance, as

many of the men would certainly have joined in the insurrection;

and indeed several of the officers and men went over to the rebels.

Four companies were employed in the central and southern Highlands,

whilst the rest were occupied in the northern Highlands, under Lord

Loudon. Three companies under the Hon. Captains Stewart and Mackay,

and Captain Munro of Fowlis, were, with all their officers, taken

prisoners at the battle of Gladsmuir. Three other companies were also

at the battle of Culloden, where Captain Campbell and six men were

killed and two soldiers wounded.

On the 30th of May 1747, the regiment embarked at Burntisland for

Flanders, but it did not join the Duke of Cumberland’s army till

after the battle of Lafeldt, on the 2d of July. Though disappointed

of the opportunity which this battle would have given them of

distinguishing themselves, another soon offered for the display

of their gallantry. Marshal Saxe having determined to attack the

strong fortress of Bergen-op-Zoom, with an army of 25,000 men under

General Count Lowendahl, all the disposable forces in Brabant,

including Loudon’s Highlanders, were sent to defend the lines, which

were strongly fortified. To relieve the garrison, consisting of

six battalions, and to preserve a communication with the country,

eighteen battalions occupied the lines. The fortress, which was

considered impregnable, was defended by 250 pieces of cannon. The

siege was carried on unremittingly from the 15th of July till the

17th of September, during which time many sorties were made. In

the _Hague Gazette_, an account is given of one of these, which

took place on the 25th of July, in which it is stated “that the

Highlanders, who were posted in Fort Rouro, which covers the lines

of Bergen-op-Zoom, made a sally, sword in hand, in which they were

so successful as to destroy the enemy’s grand battery, and to kill

so many of their men, that Count Lowendahl beat a parley, in order

to bury the dead. To this it was answered, that had he attacked the

place agreeably to the rules of war, his demand would certainly have

been granted; but as he had begun the siege like an incendiary, by

setting fire to the city with red-hot balls, a resolution had been

taken neither to ask or grant any suspension of arms.”

Having made breaches in a ravelin and two bastions, the besiegers

made an unexpected assault on the night of the 16th of September, and

throwing themselves into the fosse, mounted the breaches, forced open

a sally port, and, entering the place, ranged themselves along the

ramparts, almost before the garrison had assembled. Cronstrun, the

old governor, and many of his officers, were asleep, and so sudden

and unexpected was the attack, that several of them flew to the ranks

in their shirts. Though the possession of the ramparts sealed the

fate of the town, the Scottish troops were not disposed to surrender

it without a struggle. The French were opposed by two regiments of

the Scotch brigade, in the pay of the States-general, who, by their

firmness, checked the progress of the enemy, and enabled the governor

and garrison to recover from their surprise. The Scotch assembled in

the market-place, and attacked the French with such vigour that they

drove them from street to street, till, fresh reinforcements pouring

in, they were compelled to retreat in their turn,--disputing every

inch as they retired, and fighting till two-thirds of their number

fell on the spot, killed or severely wounded,--when the remainder

brought off the old governor, and joined the troops in the lines.

The troops in the lines, most unaccountably, retreated immediately,

and the enemy thus became masters of the whole navigation of the

Scheldt. “Two battalions,” says an account of the assault published

in the _Hague Gazette_, “of the Scotch brigade have, as usual, done

honour to their country,--which is all we have to comfort us for

the loss of such brave men, who, from 1450, are now reduced to 330

men--and those have valiantly brought their colours with them, which

the grenadiers twice recovered from the midst of the French at the

point of the bayonet. The Swiss have also suffered, while others

took a more _speedy way to escape_ danger.” In a history of this

memorable siege the brave conduct of the Scotch is also thus noticed:

“It appears that more than 300 of the Scotch brigade fought their

way through the enemy, and that they have had 19 officers killed and

18 wounded. Lieutenants Francis and Allan Maclean of the brigade

were taken prisoners, and carried before General Lowendahl, who thus

addressed them: ‘Gentlemen, consider yourselves on parole. If all had

conducted themselves as you and your brave corps have done, I should

not now be master of Bergen-op-Zoom.’”[368]

The loss of a fortress hitherto deemed impregnable was deeply felt by

the allies. The eyes of all Europe had been fixed upon this important

siege, and when the place fell strong suspicions were entertained of

treachery in the garrison. Every thing had been done by the people of

the United Provinces to enable the soldiers to hold out: they were

allowed additional provisions of the best quality, and cordials were

furnished for the sick and dying. Large sums of money were collected

to be presented to the soldiers, if they made a brave defence; and

£17,000 were collected in one day in Amsterdam, to be applied in the

same way, if the soldiers compelled the enemy to raise the siege.

Every soldier who carried away a gabion from the enemy was paid a

crown, and such was the activity of the Scotch, that some of them

gained ten crowns a-day in this kind of service. Those who ventured

to take the burning fuse out of the bombs of the enemy (and there

were several who did so), received ten or twelve ducats. In this

remarkable siege the French sustained an enormous loss, exceeding

22,000 men; that of the garrison did not exceed 4000.[369]

After the loss of Bergen-op-Zoom, Loudon’s Highlanders joined the

Duke of Cumberland’s army, and at the peace of 1748 returned to

Scotland, and was reduced at Perth in June of the same year.

FOOTNOTES:

[367] For details as to General Reid, see accounts of Clan Robertson

and the 42d Regiment.

[368] Lieutenant Allan Maclean was son of Maclean of Torloisk. He

left the Dutch and entered the British service. He was a captain in

Montgomery’s Highlanders in 1757; raised the 114th Highland regiment

in 1759; and, in 1775, raised a battalion of the 84th, a Highland

Emigrant regiment; and, by his unwearied zeal and abilities, was

the principal cause of the defeat of the Americans at the attack on

Quebec in 1775-6. Lieutenant Francis Maclean also entered the British

service, and rose to the rank of Major-general. In the year 1777 he

was appointed colonel of the 82d regiment, and, in 1779 commanded

an expedition against Penobscot in Nova Scotia, in which he was

completely successful.--_Stewart’s Sketches._

[369] The following anecdote of faithful attachment is told by Mrs

Grant, in her _Superstitions of the Highlanders_. Captain Fraser of

Culduthel, an officer of the Black Watch, was a volunteer at this

celebrated siege, as was likewise his colonel, Lord John Murray.

Captain Fraser was accompanied by his servant, who was also his

foster-brother. A party from the lines was ordered to attack and

destroy a battery raised by the enemy. Captain Fraser accompanied

this party, directing his servant to remain in the garrison. “The

night was pitch dark, and the party had such difficulty in proceeding

that they were forced to halt for a short time. As they moved forward

Captain Fraser felt his path impeded, and putting down his hand to

discover the cause, he caught hold of a plaid, and seized the owner,

who seemed to grovel on the ground. He held the caitiff with one

hand, and drew his dirk with the other, when he heard the imploring

voice of his foster-brother. ‘What the devil brought you here?’ ‘Just

love of you and care of your person.’ ‘Why so, when your love can do

me no good; and why encumber yourself with a plaid?’ ‘Alas! how could

I ever see my mother had you been killed or wounded, and I not been

there to carry you to the surgeon, or to Christian burial? and how

could I do either without any plaid to wrap you in?’ Upon inquiry it

was found that the poor man had crawled out on his knees and hands

between the sentinels, then followed the party to some distance, till

he thought they were approaching the place of assault, and then again

crept in the same manner on the ground, beside his master, that he

might be near him unobserved.”

Captain Fraser was unfortunately killed a few days thereafter, by a

random shot, while looking over the ramparts.

MONTGOMERY’S HIGHLANDERS,

OR

SEVENTY-SEVENTH REGIMENT.

1757-1763.

Lord Chatham and the Highlanders--Raising of the Regiment

--America--Fort du Quèsne--Ticonderoga--Cherokees--Dominique

--West Indies--Newfoundland--Fort Pitt.

We have already quoted[370] Lord Chatham’s eloquent statement with

regard to the Highland Regiments, in his celebrated speech on

the differences with America in 1766. The only way by which the

Highlanders could be gained over was by adopting a liberal course of

policy, the leading features of which should embrace the employment

of the chiefs, or their connections, in the military service of the

government. It was reserved to the sagacity of Chatham to trace to

its source the cause of the disaffection of the Highlanders, and,

by suggesting a remedy, to give to their military virtue a safe

direction.

Acting upon the liberal plan he had devised, Lord Chatham (then Mr

Pitt), in the year 1757 recommended to his Majesty George II. to

employ the Highlanders in his service, as the best means of attaching

them to his person. The king approved of the plan of the minister,

and letters of service were immediately issued for raising several

Highland regiments. This call to arms was responded to by the clans,

and “battalions on battalions,” to borrow the words of an anonymous

author, “were raised in the remotest part of the Highlands, among

those who a few years before were devoted to, and too long had

followed the fate of the race of Stuarts. Frasers, Macdonalds,

Camerons, Macleans, Macphersons, and others of disaffected names

and clans, were enrolled; their chiefs or connections obtained

commissions; the lower class, always ready to follow, with eagerness

endeavoured who should be first listed.”

This regiment was called Montgomerie’s Highlanders, from the name

of its colonel, the Hon. Archibald Montgomerie, son of the Earl of

Eglinton, to whom, when major, letters of service were issued for

recruiting it. Being popular among the Highlanders, Major Montgomerie

soon raised the requisite body of men, who were formed into a

regiment of thirteen companies of 105 rank and file each; making in

all 1460 effective men, including 65 sergeants, and 30 pipers and

drummers.

The colonel’s commission was dated the 4th of January 1757. The

commissions of the other officers were dated each a day later than

his senior in the same rank.

_Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding._

The Hon. Archibald Montgomerie, afterwards Earl of Eglinton, died a

general in the army, and colonel of the Scots Greys, in 1796.

_Majors._

James Grant of Ballindalloch, died a general in the army in 1806.

Alexander Campbell.

_Captains._

John Sinclair.

Hugh Mackenzie.

John Gordon.

Alexander Mackenzie, killed at St John’s, 1761.

William Macdonald, killed at Fort du Quèsne, 1759.

George Munro, killed at Fort du Quèsne, 1759.

Robert Mackenzie.

Allan Maclean, from the Dutch brigade, colonel of the 84th Highland

Emigrants; died Major-general, 1784.

James Robertson.

Allan Cameron.

Captain-lieutenant Alexander Mackintosh.

_Lieutenants._

Charles Farquharson.

Alexander Mackenzie, killed at Fort du Quèsne, 1759.

Nichol Sutherland, died Lieutenant-colonel of the 47th regiment,

1780.

Donald Macdonald.

William Mackenzie, killed at Fort du Quèsne.

Robert Mackenzie, killed at Fort du Quèsne.

Henry Munro.

Archibald Robertson.

Duncan Bayne.

James Duff.

Colin Campbell, killed at Fort du Quèsne, 1759.

James Grant.

Alexander Macdonald.

Joseph Grant.

Robert Grant.

Cosmo Martin.

John Macnab.

Hugh Gordon, killed in Martinique, 1762.

Alexander Macdonald, killed at Fort du Quèsne.

Donald Campbell.

Hugh Montgomerie, late Earl of Eglinton.

James Maclean, killed in the West Indies, 1761.

Alexander Campbell.

John Campbell of Melford.

James Macpherson.

Archibald Macvicar, killed at the Havannah, 1762.

_Ensigns._

Alexander Grant.

William Haggart.

Lewis Houston.

Ronald Mackinnon.

George Munro.

Alexander Mackenzie.

John Maclachlane.

William Maclean.

James Grant.

John Macdonald.

Archibald Crawford.

James Bain.

Allan Stewart.

_Chaplain._--Henry Munro.

_Adjutant._--Donald Stewart.

_Quarter-master._--Alex. Montgomerie.

_Surgeon._--Allan Stewart.

The regiment embarked at Greenock for Halifax, and on the

commencement of hostilities in 1758 was attached to the corps under

Brigadier-general Forbes in the expedition against Fort du Quèsne,

one of the three great enterprises undertaken that year against the

French possessions in North America. Although the point of attack was

not so formidable, nor the number of the enemy so great, as in the

cases of Ticonderoga and Crown Point; yet the great extent of country

which the troops had to traverse covered with woods, morasses, and

mountains, made the expedition as difficult as the other two. The

army of General Forbes was 6238 men strong.

The brigadier reached Raystown, about 90 miles from the Fort, in

September, having apparently stayed some time in Philadelphia.[371]

Having sent Colonel Boquet forward to Loyal Henning, 40 miles

nearer, with 2000 men, this officer rashly despatched Major Grant of

Montgomery’s with 400 Highlanders and 500 provincials to reconnoitre.

When near the garrison Major Grant imprudently advanced with pipes

playing and drums beating, as if entering a friendly town. The enemy

instantly marched out, and a warm contest took place. Major Grant

ordered his men to throw off their coats and advance sword in hand.

The enemy fled on the first charge, and spread themselves among the

woods; but being afterwards joined by a body of Indians, they rallied

and surrounded the detachment on all sides. Protected by a thick

foliage, they opened a destructive fire upon the British. Major Grant

then endeavoured to force his way into the wood, but was taken in

the attempt, on seeing which his troops dispersed. Only 150 of the

Highlanders returned to Loyal Henning.

In this unfortunate affair 231 soldiers of the regiment were killed

and wounded. The names of the officers killed on this occasion have

already been mentioned; the following were wounded: viz. Captain

Hugh Mackenzie; Lieutenants Alexander Macdonald, junior, Archibald

Robertson, Henry Monro; and Ensigns John Macdonald and Alexander

Grant. The enemy did not venture to oppose the main body, but retired

from Fort du Quèsne on its approach, leaving their ammunition,

stores, and provisions untouched. General Forbes took possession of

the Fort on the 24th of November, and, in honour of Mr Pitt, gave it

the name of Pittsburgh.

[Illustration: VIEW OF THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA

AS IN 1753 A.D.,

TAKEN FROM THE JERSEY SIDE OF THE DELAWARE.

1. Christ Church.

2. State House.

3. Academy.

4. Wesleyan Church.

5. Dutch Calvinist Church.

6. The Court House.

7. Corn Mill.

8. Quaker Meeting House.

From a rare print, the drawing of which was made under the direction

of Nicholas Scull, Surveyor-General of Pennsylvania.]

The regiment passed the winter of 1758 in Pittsburgh, and in May

following they joined part of the army under General Amherst in his

proceedings at Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and the Lakes,--a detail

of which has been given in the history of the service of the 42d

regiment.

In consequence of the renewed cruelties committed by the Cherokees,

in the spring of 1760, the commander-in-chief detached Colonel

Montgomery with 700 Highlanders of his own regiment, 400 of the

Royals, and a body of provincials, to chastise these savages. The

colonel arrived in the neighbourhood of the Indian town Little

Keowee in the middle of June, having, on his route, detached the

light companies of Royals and Highlanders to destroy the place. This

service was performed with the loss of a few men killed and two

officers of the Royals wounded. Finding, on reaching Estatoe, that

the enemy had fled, Colonel Montgomery retired to Fort Prince George.

The Cherokees still proving refractory, he paid a second visit to

the middle settlement, where he met with some resistance. He had 2

officers and 20 men killed, and 26 officers and 68 men wounded.[372]

Of these, the Highlanders had 1 sergeant and 6 privates killed,

and Captain Sutherland, Lieutenants Macmaster and Mackinnon, and

Assistant-surgeon Monro, and 1 sergeant, 1 piper, and 24 rank and

file wounded. The detachment took Fort Loudon,--a small fort on the

confines of Virginia,--which was defended by 200 men.

The next service in which Montgomery’s Highlanders were employed

was in an expedition against Dominique, consisting of a small land

force, which included six companies of Montgomery’s Highlanders and

four ships of war, under Colonel Lord Rollo and Commodore Sir James

Douglas. The transports from New York were scattered in a gale of

wind, when a small transport, with a company of the Highlanders on

board, being attacked by a French privateer, was beaten off by the

Highlanders, with the loss of Lieutenant Maclean and 6 men killed,

and Captain Robertson and 11 men wounded. The expedition arrived off

Dominique on the 6th of June 1761. The troops immediately landed,

and marched with little opposition to the town of Roseau. Lord Rollo

without delay attacked the entrenchments, and, though the enemy

kept up a galling fire, they were driven, in succession, from all

their works by the grenadiers, light infantry, and Highlanders. This

service was executed with such vigour and rapidity that few of the

British suffered. The governor and his staff being made prisoners,

surrendered the island without further opposition.

In the following year Montgomery’s Highlanders joined the expeditions

against Martinique and the Havannah, of which an account will be

found in the narrative of the service of the 42d regiment. In the

enterprise against Martinique, Lieutenant Hugh Gordon and 4 rank and

file were killed, and Captain Alexander Mackenzie, 1 sergeant, and

26 rank and file, were wounded. Montgomery’s Highlanders suffered

still less in the conquest of the Havannah, Lieutenant Macvicar and 2

privates only having been killed, and 6 privates wounded. Lieutenants

Grant and Macnab and 6 privates died of the fever. After this last

enterprise Montgomery’s Highlanders returned to New York, where they

landed in the end of October.

Before the return of the six companies to New York, the two

companies that had been sent against the Indians in the autumn

of 1761, had embarked with a small force, under Colonel Amherst,

destined to retake St John’s, Newfoundland, which was occupied by

a French force. The British force, which consisted of the flank

companies of the Royals, a detachment of the 45th, two companies

of Fraser’s and Montgomery’s Highlanders, and a small party of

provincials, landed on the 12th of September, seven miles to the

northward of St John’s. A mortar battery having been completed on

the 17th, and ready to open on the garrison, the French commander

surrendered by capitulation to an inferior force. Of Montgomery’s

Highlanders, Captain Mackenzie and 4 privates were killed, and 2

privates wounded.

After this service the two companies joined the regiment at New

York, where they passed the ensuing winter. In the summer of 1763 a

detachment accompanied the expedition sent to the relief of Fort Pitt

under Colonel Bouquet, the details of which have been already given

in the account of the 42d regiment. In this enterprise 1 drummer and

5 privates of Montgomery’s Highlanders were killed, and Lieutenant

Donald Campbell, and Volunteer John Peebles, 3 sergeants, and 7

privates were wounded.

After the termination of hostilities an offer was made to the

officers and men either to settle in America or return to their own

country. Those who remained obtained a grant of land in proportion

to their rank. On the breaking out of the American war a number of

these, as well as officers and men of the 78th regiment, joined the

royal standard in 1775, and formed a corps along with the Highland

Emigrants in the 84th regiment.

FOOTNOTES:

[370] Vol. ii. p. 345.

[371] See vol. ii. p. 354, _note_.

[372] “Several soldiers of this and other regiments fell into the

hands of the Indians, being taken in an ambush. Allan Macpherson,

one of these soldiers, witnessing the miserable fate of several of

his fellow-prisoners, who had been tortured to death by the Indians,

and seeing them preparing to commence some operations upon himself,

made signs that he had something to communicate. An interpreter was

brought. Macpherson told them, that, provided his life was spared for

a few minutes, he would communicate the secret of an extraordinary

medicine, which, if applied to the skin, would cause it to resist the

strongest blow of a tomahawk or sword; and that, if they would allow

him to go to the woods with a guard to collect the proper plants

for this medicine, he would prepare it, and allow the experiment to

be tried on his own neck by the strongest and most expert warrior

amongst them. This story easily gained upon the superstitious

credulity of the Indians, and the request of the Highlander was

instantly complied with. Being sent into the woods, he soon returned

with such plants as he chose to pick up. Having boiled the herbs, he

rubbed his neck with their juice, and laying his head upon a log of

wood, desired the strongest man amongst them to strike at his neck

with his tomahawk, when he would find he could not make the smallest

impression. An Indian, levelling a blow with all his might, cut

with such force, that the head flew off at the distance of several

yards. The Indians were fixed in amazement at their own credulity,

and the address with which the prisoner had escaped the lingering

death prepared for him; but, instead of being enraged at this escape

of their victim, they were so pleased with his ingenuity that

they refrained from inflicting farther cruelties on the remaining

prisoners.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.

FRASER’S HIGHLANDERS,

OR

OLD SEVENTY-EIGHTH AND SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENTS.

I.

78TH REGIMENT.

1757-1763.

Raising of the Regiment--Uniform--North America--Louisburg--Quebec

--General Wolfe--Newfoundland--Reduction of the Regiment--Its

descendants.

Following up the liberal policy which Lord Chatham had resolved to

pursue in relation to the Highlanders, he prevailed upon George II.

to appoint the Hon. Simon Fraser, son of the unfortunate Lord Lovat,

and who had himself, when a youth, been forced into the rebellion by

his father, Lieutenant-colonel commandant of a regiment to be raised

among his own kinsmen and clan. Though not possessed of an inch of

land, yet, such was the influence of clanship, that young Lovat in a

few weeks raised a corps of 800 men, to whom were added upwards of

600 more by the gentlemen of the country and those who had obtained

commission. The battalion was, in point of the number of companies

and men, precisely the same as Montgomery’s Highlanders.

The following is a list of the officers whose commissions were dated

the 5th January 1757:--

_Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant._

The Hon. Simon Fraser, died a Lieutenant-general in 1782.

_Majors._

James Clephane.

John Campbell of Dunoon, afterwards Lieutenant-colonel

commandant of the Campbell Highlanders in Germany.

_Captains._

John Macpherson, brother of Cluny.

John Campbell of Ballimore.

Simon Fraser of Inverallochy, killed on the heights of Abraham, 1759.

Donald Macdonald, brother to Clanranald, killed at Quebec in 1760.

John Macdonell of Lochgarry, afterwards colonel of the 76th, or

Macdonald’s regiment, died in 1789 colonel.

Alexander Cameron of Dungallon.

Thomas Ross of Culrossie, killed on the heights of Abraham, 1759.

Thomas Fraser of Strui.

Alexander Fraser of Culduthel.

Sir Henry Seton of Abercorn and Culbeg.

James Fraser of Belladrum.

_Captain-lieutenant_--Simon Fraser, died Lieutenant-general

in 1812.

_Lieutenants._

Alexander Macleod.

Hugh Cameron.

Ronald Macdonell, son of Keppoch.

Charles Macdonell from Glengarry, killed at St John’s.

Roderick Macneil of Barra, killed on the heights of Abraham, 1759.

William Macdonell.

Archibald Campbell, son of Glenlyon.

John Fraser of Balnain.

Hector Macdonald, brother to Boisdale, killed 1759.

Allan Stewart, son of Innernaheil.

John Fraser.

Alexander Macdonald, son of Darisdale, killed on the heights of

Abraham, 1759.

Alexander Fraser, killed at Louisburg.

Alexander Campbell of Aross.

John Douglas.

John Nairn.

Arthur Rose of the family of Kilravock.

Alexander Fraser.

John Macdonell of Leeks, died in Berwick, 1818.

Cosmo Gordon, killed at Quebec, 1760.

David Baillie, killed at Louisburg.

Charles Stewart, son of Colonel John Roy Stewart.

Ewen Cameron, of the family of Glennevis.

Allan Cameron.

John Cuthbert, killed at Louisburg.

Simon Fraser.

Archibald Macallister, of the family of Loup.

James Murray, killed at Louisburg.

Alexander Fraser.

Donald Cameron, son of Fassifern, died Lieutenant on half-pay, 1817.

_Ensigns._

John Chisolm.

Simon Fraser.

Malcolm Fraser, afterwards captain 84th regiment.

Hugh Fraser, afterwards captain 84th or Highland Emigrants.

Robert Menzies.

John Fraser of Errogie.

James Mackenzie.

Donald Macneil.

Henry Munro.

Alexander Gregorson, Ardtornish.

James Henderson.

John Campbell.

_Chaplain._--Robert Macpherson.

_Adjutant._--Hugh Fraser.

_Quarter-master._--John Fraser.

_Surgeon._--John Maclean.

The uniform of the regiment “was the full Highland dress with musket

and broadsword, to which many of the soldiers added the dirk at their

own expense, and a purse of badger’s or otter’s skin. The bonnet was

raised or cocked on one side, with a slight bend inclining down to

the right ear, over which were suspended two or more black feathers.

Eagle’s or hawk’s feathers were usually worn by the gentlemen, in the

Highlands, while the bonnets of the common people were ornamented

with a bunch of the distinguishing mark of the clan or district. The

ostrich feather in the bonnets of the soldiers was a modern addition

of that period, as the present load of plumage on the bonnet is a

still more recent introduction, forming, however, in hot climates, an

excellent defence against a vertical sun.”[373]

The regiment embarked in company with Montgomery’s Highlanders at

Greenock, and landed at Halifax in June 1757. They were intended

to be employed in an expedition against Louisburg, which, however,

after the necessary preparations, was abandoned. About this time it

was proposed to change the uniform of the regiment, as the Highland

garb was judged unfit for the severe winters and the hot summers of

North America; but the officers and soldiers having set themselves in

opposition to the plan, and being warmly supported by Colonel Fraser,

who represented to the commander-in-chief the bad consequences that

might follow if it were persisted in, the plan was relinquished.

“Thanks to our gracious chief,” said a veteran of the regiment, “we

were allowed to wear the garb of our fathers, and, in the course of

six winters, showed the doctors that they did not understand our

constitution; for, in the coldest winters, our men were more healthy

than those regiments who wore breeches and warm clothing.”

Amongst other enterprises projected for the campaign of 1758, the

design of attacking Louisburg was renewed. Accordingly, on the 28th

of May, a formidable armament sailed from Halifax, under the command

of Admiral Boscawen and Major-general Amherst, and Brigadier-generals

Wolfe, Laurence, Monckton, and Whitmore. This armament, consisting

of 25 sail of the line, 18 frigates, and a number of bombs and

fire-ships, with 13,000 troops including the 78th Highlanders,

anchored, on the 2d of June, in Gabarus Bay, seven miles from

Louisburg. In consequence of a heavy surf no boat could approach the

shore, and it was not till the 8th of June that a landing could be

effected. The garrison of Louisburg consisted of 2500 regulars 600

militia, and 400 Canadians and Indians. For more than seven miles

along the beach a chain of posts had been established by the enemy,

with entrenchments and batteries; and, to protect the harbour, there

were six ships of the line and five frigates placed at its mouth, of

which frigates three were sunk.

The disposition being made for landing, a detachment of several

sloops, under convoy, passed the mouth of the harbour towards

Lorembec, in order to draw the enemy’s attention that way, whilst

the landing should really be on the other side of the town. On

the 8th of June, the troops being assembled in the boats before

day-break in three divisions, several sloops and frigates, that

were stationed along shore in the bay of Gabarus, began to scour

the beach with their shot. The division on the left, which was

destined for the real attack, consisted of the grenadiers and light

infantry of the army, and Fraser’s Highlanders, and was commanded by

Brigadier-general Wolfe. After the fire from the sloops and frigates

had continued about a quarter of an hour, the boats containing this

division were rowed towards the shore; and, at the same time, the

other two divisions on the right and in the centre, commanded by

Brigadiers-general Whitmore and Laurence, made a show of landing,

in order to divide and distract the enemy. The landing-place was

occupied by 2000 men entrenched behind a battery of eight pieces

of cannon and ten swivels. The enemy reserved their fire till the

boats were near the beach, when they opened a discharge of cannon

and musketry which did considerable execution. A considerable surf

aided the enemy’s fire, and numbers of the men were drowned by the

upsetting of the boats. Captain Baillie and Lieutenant Cuthbert of

the Highlanders, Lieutenant Nicholson of Amherst’s, and 38 men were

killed; but, notwithstanding these disadvantages, General Wolfe

pursued his point with admirable courage and deliberation: “and

nothing could stop our troops, when headed by such a general. Some of

the light infantry and Highlanders got first ashore, and drove all

before them. The rest followed; and, being encouraged by the example

of their heroic commander, soon pursued the enemy to the distance of

two miles, where they were checked by a cannonading from the town.”

The town of Louisburg was immediately invested; but the difficulty of

landing stores and implements in boisterous weather, and the nature

of the ground, which, being marshy, was unfit for the conveyance of

heavy cannon, retarded the operations of the siege. The governor of

Louisburg, having destroyed the grand battery which was detached

from the body of the place, recalled his outposts, and prepared for

a vigorous defence. He opened a fire against the besiegers and their

work from the town, the island battery, and the ships in the harbour,

but without much effect. Meanwhile General Wolfe, with a strong

detachment, marched round the north-east part of the harbour to

secure a point called the Light-house Battery, from which the guns

could play on the ships and on the batteries on the opposite side of

the harbour. This service was performed on the 12th by General Wolfe

with great ability, who, “with his Highlanders and flankers,” took

possession of this and all the other posts in that quarter with very

trifling loss. On the 25th the inland battery immediately opposite

was silenced from this post. The enemy however, kept up an incessant

fire from their other batteries and the shipping in the harbour. On

the 9th of July they made a sortie on Brigadier-general Lawrence’s

brigade, but were quickly repulsed. In this affair Captain, the Earl

of Dundonald, was killed. On the 16th General Wolfe pushed forward

some grenadiers and Highlanders, and took possession of the hills in

front of the Light Horse battery, where a lodgement was made under

a fire from the town and the ships. On the 21st one of the enemy’s

line-of-battle ships was set on fire by a bombshell and blew up,

and the fire being communicated to two others, they were burned to

the water’s edge. The fate of the town was now nearly decided, the

enemy’s fire being almost totally silenced and their fortifications

shattered to the ground. To reduce the place nothing now remained

but to get possession of the harbour, by taking or burning the two

ships of the line which remained. For this purpose, in the night

between the 25th and 26th, the admiral sent a detachment of 600 men

in the boats of the squadron, in two divisions, into the harbour,

under the command of Captains Laforey and Balfour. This enterprise

was gallantly executed, in the face of a terrible fire of cannon and

musketry, the seamen boarding the enemy sword in hand. One of the

ships was set on fire and destroyed, and the other towed off. The

town surrendered on the 26th, and was taken possession of by Colonel

Lord Rollo the following day; the garrison and seamen, amounting

together to 5637 men, were made prisoners of war. Besides Captain

Baillie and Lieutenant Cuthbert, the Highlanders lost Lieutenants

Fraser and Murray, killed; Captain Donald M’Donald, Lieutenants

Alexander Campbell (Barcaldine), and John M’Donald, wounded; and 67

rank and file killed and wounded.

In consequence of the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the

several nations of Indians between the Apalachian mountains and the

Lakes, the British government was enabled to carry into effect those

operations which had been projected against the French settlements in

Canada. The plan and partial progress of these combined operations

have been already detailed in the service of the 42d regiment. The

enterprise against Quebec, the most important by far of the three

expeditions planned in 1759, falls now to be noticed from the share

which Fraser’s Highlanders had in it.

According to the plan fixed upon for the conquest of Canada,

Major-general Wolfe, who had given promise of great military talents

at Louisburg, was to proceed up the river St Lawrence and attack

Quebec, whilst General Amherst, after reducing Ticonderoga and Crown

Point, was to descend the St Lawrence and co-operate with General

Wolfe in the conquest of Quebec. Though the enterprise against this

place was the main undertaking, the force under General Wolfe did not

exceed 7000 effective men, whilst that under General Amherst amounted

to more than twice that number; but the commander in-chief seems to

have calculated upon a junction with General Wolfe in sufficient time

for the siege of Quebec.

The forces under General Wolfe comprehended the following

regiments,--15th, 28th, 35th, 43d, 47th, 48th, 58th, Fraser’s

Highlanders, the Rangers, and the grenadiers of Louisburg. The

fleet, under the command of Admirals Saunders and Holmes, with the

transports, proceeded up the St Lawrence, and reached the island of

Orleans, a little below Quebec, in the end of June, where the troops

were disembarked without opposition. The Marquis de Montcalm who

commanded the French troops, which were greatly superior in number to

the invaders, resolved rather to depend upon the natural strength of

his position than his numbers, and took his measures accordingly. The

city of Quebec was tolerably well fortified, defended by a numerous

garrison, and abundantly supplied with provisions and ammunition.

This able, and hitherto fortunate leader had reinforced the troops

of the colony with five regular battalions, formed of the best of

the inhabitants, and he had, besides, completely disciplined all the

Canadians of the neighbourhood capable of bearing arms, and several

tribes of Indians. He had posted his army on a piece of ground along

the shore of Beaufort, from the river St Charles to the falls of

Montmorency,--a position rendered strong by precipices, woods, and

rivers, and defended by intrenchments where the ground appeared the

weakest. To undertake the siege of Quebec under the disadvantages

which presented themselves, seemed a rash enterprise; but, although

General Wolfe was completely aware of these difficulties, a

thirst for glory, and the workings of a vigorous mind, which set

every obstacle at defiance, impelled him to make the hazardous

attempt. His maxim was, that “a brave and victorious army finds no

difficulties;”[374] and he was anxious to verify the truth of the

adage in the present instance.

Having ascertained that, to reduce the place, it was necessary to

erect batteries on the north of the St Lawrence, the British general

endeavoured, by a series of manœuvres, to draw Montcalm from his

position; but the French commander was too prudent to risk a battle.

With the view of attacking the enemy’s intrenchments, General Wolfe

sent a small armament up the river above the city, and, having

personally surveyed the banks on the side of the enemy from one of

the ships, he resolved to cross the river Montmorency and make the

attack. He therefore ordered six companies of grenadiers and part

of the Royal Americans to cross the river and land near the mouth

of the Montmorency, and at the same time directed the two brigades

commanded by Generals Murray and Townshend to pass a ford higher

up. Close to the water’s edge there was a detached redoubt, which

the grenadiers were ordered to attack, in the expectation that the

enemy would descend from the hill in its defence, and thus bring

on a general engagement. At all events the possession of this post

was of importance, as from it the British commander could obtain a

better view of the enemy’s intrenchments than he had yet been able

to accomplish. The grenadiers and Royal Americans were the first who

landed. They had received orders to form in four distinct bodies,

but not to begin the attack till the first brigade should have passed

the ford, and be near enough to support them. No attention, however,

was paid to these instructions. Before even the first brigade had

crossed, the grenadiers, ere they were regularly formed, rushed

forward with impetuosity and considerable confusion to attack the

enemy’s intrenchments. They were received with a well-directed

fire, which effectually checked them and threw them into disorder.

They endeavoured to form under the redoubt, but being unable to

rally, they retreated and formed behind the first brigade, which

had by this time landed, and was drawn up on the beach in good

order. The plan of attack being thus totally disconcerted, General

Wolfe repassed the river and returned to the isle of Orleans. In

this unfortunate attempt the British lost 543 of all ranks killed,

wounded, and missing. Of the Highlanders, up to the 2d of September,

the loss was 18 rank and file killed, Colonel Fraser, Captains

Macpherson and Simon Fraser, and Lieutenants Cameron of Gleneves,

Ewen Macdonald, and H. Macdonald, and 85 rank and file, wounded. In

the general orders which were issued the following morning, General

Wolfe complained bitterly of the conduct of the grenadiers: “The

check which the grenadiers met with yesterday will, it is hoped, be a

lesson to them for the time to come. Such impetuous, irregular, and

unsoldier-like proceedings, destroy all order, make it impossible for

the commanders to form any disposition for attack, and put it out of

the general’s power to execute his plan. The grenadiers could not

suppose that they alone could beat the French army; and therefore it

was necessary that the corps under brigadiers Monckton and Townshend

should have time to join, that the attack might be general. The very

first fire of the enemy was sufficient to repulse men who had lost

all sense of order and military discipline. Amherst’s (15th regiment)

and the Highlanders alone, by the soldier-like and cool manner they

were formed in, would undoubtedly have beaten back the whole Canadian

army if they had ventured to attack them.”

General Wolfe now changed his plan of operations. Leaving his

position at Montmorency, he re-embarked his troops and artillery,

and landed at Point Levi, whence he passed up the river in

transports; but finding no opportunity of annoying the enemy above

the town, he resolved to convey his troops farther down, in boats,

and land them by night within a league of Cape Diamond, with the

view of ascending the heights of Abraham,--which rise abruptly, with

steep ascent, from the banks of the river,--and thus gain possession

of the ground on the back of the city, where the fortifications

were less strong. A plan more replete with dangers and difficulties

could scarcely have been devised; but, from the advanced period

of the season, it was necessary either to abandon the enterprise

altogether, or to make an attempt upon the city, whatever might be

the result. The troops, notwithstanding the recent disaster, were in

high spirits, and ready to follow their general wherever he might

lead them. The commander, on the other hand, though afflicted with a

severe dysentery and fever, which had debilitated his frame, resolved

to avail himself of the readiness of his men, and to conduct the

hazardous enterprise in which they were about to engage in person.

In order to deceive the enemy, Admiral Holmes was directed to move

farther up the river on the 12th of September, but to sail down in

the night time, so as to protect the landing of the forces. These

orders were punctually obeyed. About an hour after midnight of the

same day four regiments, the light infantry, with the Highlanders

and grenadiers, were embarked in flat-bottomed boats, under the

command of Brigadiers Monckton and Murray. They were accompanied by

General Wolfe, who was among the first that landed. The boats fell

down with the tide, keeping close to the north shore in the best

order; but, owing to the rapidity of the current, and the darkness

of the night, most of the boats landed a little below the intended

place of disembarkation.[375] When the troops were landed the boats

were sent back for the other division, which was under the command

of Brigadier-general Townshend. The ascent to the heights was by a

narrow path, that slanted up the precipice from the landing-place;

this path the enemy had broken up, and rendered almost impassable,

by cross ditches, and they had made an intrenchment at the top of

the hill. Notwithstanding these difficulties, Colonel Howe, who

was the first to land, ascended the woody precipices, with the

light infantry and the Highlanders, and dislodged a captain’s guard

which defended the narrow path. They then mounted without further

molestation, and General Wolfe, who was among the first to gain the

summit of the hill, formed the troops on the heights as they arrived.

In the ascent the precipice was found to be so steep and dangerous,

that the troops were obliged to climb the rugged projections of the

rocks, pulling themselves up by aid of the branches of the trees and

shrubs growing on both sides of the path. Though much time was thus

necessarily occupied in the ascent, yet such was the perseverance of

the troops, that they all gained the summit in time to enable the

general to form in order of battle before daybreak. M. de Montcalm

had now no means left of saving Quebec but by risking a battle, and

he therefore determined to leave his stronghold and meet the British

in the open field. Leaving his camp at Montmorency, he crossed the

river St Charles, and, forming his line with great skill, advanced

forward to attack his opponents. His right was composed of half

the provincial troops, two battalions of regulars, and a body of

Canadians and Indians; his centre, of a column of two battalions of

Europeans, with two field-pieces; and his left of one battalion of

regulars, and the remainder of the colonial troops. In his front,

among brushwood and corn-fields, 1500 of his best marksmen were

posted to gall the British as they approached. The British were drawn

up in two lines: the first, consisting of the grenadiers, 15th, 28th,

35th Highlanders, and 58th; the 47th regiment formed the second

line, or reserve. The Canadians and the Indians, who were posted

among the brushwood, kept up an irregular galling fire, which proved

fatal to many officers, who, from their dress, were singled out by

these marksmen. The fire of this body was, in some measure, checked

by the advanced posts of the British, who returned the fire; and a

small gun, which was dragged up by the seamen from the landing-place,

was brought forward, and did considerable execution. The French now

advanced to the charge with great spirit, firing as they advanced;

but, in consequence of orders they received, the British troops

reserved their fire till the main body of the enemy had approached

within forty yards of their line. When the enemy had come within that

distance, the whole British line poured in a general and destructive

discharge of musketry. Another discharge followed, which had such an

effect upon the enemy, that they stopped short, and after making an

ineffectual attempt upon the left of the British line, they began to

give way. At this time General Wolfe, who had already received two

wounds which he had concealed, was mortally wounded whilst advancing

at the head of the grenadiers with fixed bayonets. At this instant

every separate corps of the British army exerted itself, as if the

contest were for its own peculiar honour. Whilst the right pressed

on with their bayonets, Brigadier-general Murray briskly advanced

with the troops under his command, and soon broke the centre of the

enemy, “when the Highlanders, taking to their broadswords, fell in

among them with irresistible impetuosity, and drove them back with

great slaughter.”[376] The action on the left of the British was not

so warm. A smart contest, however, took place between part of the

enemy’s right and some light infantry, who had thrown themselves

into houses, which they defended with great courage. During this

attack, Colonel Howe, who had taken post with two companies behind

a copse, frequently sallied out on the flanks of the enemy, whilst

General Townshend advanced in platoons against their front. Observing

the left and centre of the French giving way, this officer, on whom

the command had just devolved in consequence of General Monckton,

the second in command, having been dangerously wounded, hastened to

the centre, and finding that the troops had got into disorder in

the pursuit, formed them again in line. At this moment, Monsieur de

Bougainville, who had marched from Cape Rouge as soon as he heard

that the British troops had gained the heights, appeared in their

rear at the head of 2000 fresh men. General Townshend immediately

ordered two regiments, with two pieces of artillery, to advance

against this body; but Bougainville retired on their approach. The

wreck of the French army retreated to Quebec and Point Levi.

The loss sustained by the enemy was considerable. About 1000 were

made prisoners, including a number of officers, and about 500

died on the field of battle. The death of their brave commander,

Montcalm, who was mortally wounded almost at the same instant with

General Wolfe, was a serious calamity to the French arms. When

informed that his wound was mortal,--“So much the better,” said he,

“I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec.” Before his death

he wrote a letter to General Townshend, recommending the prisoners

to the generous humanity of the British. The death of the two

commanders-in-chief, and the disasters which befell Generals Monckton

and Severergues, the two seconds in command, who were carried wounded

from the field, are remarkable circumstances in the events of this

day. This important victory was not gained without considerable loss

on the part of the British, who, besides the commander-in-chief, had

8 officers and 48 men killed; and 43 officers and 435 men wounded.

Of these, the Highlanders had Captain Thomas Boss of Culrossie,

Lieutenant Roderick Macneil of Barra, Alexander Macdonell, son of

Barrisdale, 1 sergeant and 14 rank and file killed; and Captains John

Macdonell of Lochgarry, Simon Fraser of Inverallochy; Lieutenants

Macdonell, son of Keppoch, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Campbell,

son of Barcaldine, John Douglas, Alexander Fraser, senior; and

Ensigns James Mackenzie, Malcolm Fraser, and Alexander Gregorson; 7

sergeants and 131 rank and file, wounded. The death of General Wolfe

was a national loss. When the fatal ball pierced the breast of the

young hero, he found himself unable to stand, and leaned upon the

shoulder of a lieutenant who sat down on the ground. This officer,

observing the French give way, exclaimed,--“They run! they run!” “Who

run?” inquired the gallant Wolfe with great earnestness. When told

that it was the French who were flying: “What,” said he, “do the

cowards run already? Then I die happy!” and instantly expired.[377]

On the 18th of September the town surrendered, and a great part of

the surrounding country being reduced, General Townshend embarked

for England, leaving a garrison of 5000 effective men in Quebec,

under the Hon. General James Murray. Apprehensive of a visit from a

considerable French army stationed in Montreal and the neighbouring

country, General Murray repaired the fortifications, and put the

town in a proper posture of defence; but his troops suffered so much

from the rigours of winter, and the want of vegetables and fresh

provisions, that, before the end of April, 1760, the garrison was

reduced, by death and disease, to about 3000 effective men. Such was

the situation of affairs when the general received intelligence that

General de Levi, who succeeded the Marquis de Montcalm, had reached

Point au Tremble with a force of 10,000 French and Canadians, and

500 Indians. It was the intention of the French commander to cut

off the posts which the British had established; but General Murray

defeated this scheme, by ordering the bridges over the river Rouge

to be broken down, and the landing-places at Sylleri and Foulon to

be secured. Next day, the 27th of April, he marched in person with

a strong detachment and two field-pieces, and took possession of an

advantageous position, which he retained till the afternoon, when the

outposts were withdrawn, after which he returned to Quebec with very

little loss, although the enemy pressed closely on his rear.

General Murray was now reduced to the necessity of withstanding

a siege, or risking a battle. He chose the latter alternative, a

resolution which was deemed by some military men as savouring more

of youthful impatience and overstrained courage, than of judgment;

but the dangers with which he was beset, in the midst of a hostile

population, and the difficulties incident to a protracted siege,

seem to afford some justification for that step. In pursuance of

his resolution, the general marched out on the 28th of April, at

half-past six o’clock in the morning, and formed his little army on

the heights of Abraham. The right wing, commanded by Colonel Burton,

consisted of the 15th, 48th, 58th, and second battalion of the 60th,

or Royal Americans: the left under Colonel Simon Fraser, was formed

of the 43d, 23d Welsh fusiliers, and the Highlanders. The 35th, and

the third battalion of the 60th, constituted the reserve. The right

was covered by Major Dalling’s corps of light infantry; and the left

by Captain Huzzen’s company of rangers, and 100 volunteers, under

the command of Captain Macdonald of Fraser’s regiment. Observing the

enemy in full march in one column, General Murray advanced quickly

forward to meet them before they should form their line. His light

infantry coming in contact with Levi’s advance, drove them back on

their main body; but pursuing too far, they were furiously attacked

and repulsed in their turn. They fell back in such disorder on the

line, as to impede their fire, and in passing round by the right

flank to the rear, they suffered much from the fire of a party who

were endeavouring to turn that flank. The enemy having made two

desperate attempts to penetrate the right wing, the 35th regiment was

called up from the reserve, to its support. Meanwhile the British

left was struggling with the enemy, who succeeded so far, from their

superior numbers, in their attempt to turn that flank, that they

obtained possession of two redoubts, but were driven out from both

by the Highlanders, sword in hand. By pushing forward fresh numbers,

however, the enemy at last succeeded in forcing the left wing to

retire, the right giving way about the same time. The French did not

attempt to pursue, but allowed the British to retire quietly within

the walls of the city, and to carry away their wounded. The British

had 6 officers, and 251 rank and file killed; and 82 officers, and

679 non-commissioned officers and privates, wounded. Among the

killed, the Highlanders had Captain Donald Macdonald,[378] Lieutenant

Cosmo Gordon and 55 non-commissioned officers, pipers, and privates;

their wounded were Colonel Fraser, Captains John Campbell of Dunoon,

Alexander Fraser, Alexander Macleod, Charles Macdonell; Lieutenants

Archibald Campbell, son of Glenlyon, Charles Stewart,[379] Hector

Macdonald, John Macbean, Alexander Fraser, senior, Alexander

Campbell, John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser, junior, Simon

Fraser, senior, Archibald M’Alister, Alexander Fraser, John Chisholm,

Simon Fraser, junior, Malcolm Fraser, and Donald M’Neil; Ensigns

Henry Monro, Robert Menzies, Duncan Cameron (Fassifern), William

Robertson, Alexander Gregorson, and Malcolm Fraser,[380] and 129

non-commissioned officers and privates. The enemy lost twice the

number of men.

Shortly after the British had retired, General Levi moved forward on

Quebec, and having taken up a position close to it, opened a fire

at five o’clock. He then proceeded to besiege the city in form, and

General Murray made the necessary dispositions to defend the place.

The siege was continued till the 10th of May, when it was suddenly

raised; the enemy retreating with great precipitation, leaving all

their artillery implements and stores behind. This unexpected event

was occasioned by the destruction or capture of all the enemy’s ships

above Quebec, by an English squadron which had arrived in the river,

and the advance of General Amherst on Montreal. General Murray left

Quebec in pursuit of the enemy, but was unable to overtake them. The

junction of General Murray with General Amherst, in the neighbourhood

of Montreal, in the month of September, and the surrender of that

last stronghold of the French in Canada, have been already mentioned

in the history of the service of the 42d regiment.

Fraser’s Highlanders were not called again into active service till

the summer of 1762, when they were, on the expedition under Colonel

William Amherst, sent to retake St John’s, Newfoundland, a detailed

account of which has been given in the notice of Montgomery’s

Highlanders. In this service Captain Macdonell of Fraser’s regiment,

was mortally wounded, 3 rank and file killed, and 7 wounded.

At the conclusion of the war, a number of the officers and men having

expressed a desire to settle in North America, had their wishes

granted, and an allowance of land given them. The rest returned

to Scotland, and were discharged. When the war of the American

revolution broke out, upwards of 300 of those men who had remained in

the country, enlisted in the 84th regiment, in 1775, and formed part

of two fine battalions embodied under the name of the Royal Highland

Emigrants.

Many of the hundreds of Frasers who now form so important a part of

the population of Canada claim descent from these Fraser Highlanders

who settled in America. Full details concerning the Canadian branch

of the great clan Fraser have already been given at the conclusion of

our history of that clan.

The loss of this regiment during four years’ active service was--

KILLED.

In officers, 14

Non-commissioned officers and privates, 109

----

Total, 123

WOUNDED.

In officers, 46

Non-commissioned officers and privates, 400

----

Total, 446

----

Grand Total, 569

II.

OLD SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENT.

1775-1783.

Raising of the Regiment--American Revolutionary War--Honourable

place assigned to the regiment--Brooklyn--Various expeditions

--Savannah--Boston Creek--Defence of Savannah--Stony Point and

Verplanks--Cambden--Catawba River--South Carolina--Guilford

Court-house--York River--Reduction of Regiment.

The American revolutionary war requiring extraordinary exertions

on the part of the Government, it was resolved in 1775 to revive

Fraser’s Highlanders, by raising two battalions, under the auspices

of Colonel Fraser, who, for his services, had been rewarded by King

George III. with a grant of the family estates of Lovat, which had

been forfeited in 1746. In his exertions to raise the battalions,

Colonel Fraser was warmly assisted by his officers, of whom no less

than six, besides himself, were chiefs of clans, and within a few

months after the letters of service were issued, two battalions of

2340 Highlanders were raised, and assembled first at Stirling, and

afterwards at Glasgow, in April 1776. The following were the names of

the officers:--

FIRST BATTALION.

_Colonel._--The Honourable Simon Fraser of Lovat, died in 1782,

a lieutenant-general.

_Lieutenant-Colonel._--Sir William Erskine of Torry, died in

1795, a lieutenant-general.

_Majors._

John Macdonell of Lochgarry, died in 1789, colonel.

Duncan Macpherson of Cluny, retired from the foot-guards in 1791,

died in 1820.

_Captains._

Simon Fraser, died lieutenant-general in 1812.

Duncan Chisholm of Chisholm.

Colin Mackenzie, died general in 1818.

Francis Skelly, died in India, lieutenant-colonel of the 94th

regiment.

Hamilton Maxwell, brother of Monreith, died in India

lieutenant-colonel of the 74th regiment, 1794.

John Campbell, son of Lord Stonefield, died lieutenant-colonel of

the 2d battalion of 42d regiment at Madras, 1784.

Norman Macleod of Macleod, died lieutenant-general, 1796.

Sir James Baird of Saughtonhall.

Charles Cameron of Lochiel, died 1776.

_Lieutenants._

Charles Campbell, son of Ardchattan, killed at Catauba.

John Macdougall.

Colin Mackenzie.

John Nairne, son of Lord Nairne.

William Nairne, afterwards Lord Nairne.

Charles Gordon.

David Kinloch.

Thomas Tause, killed at Savannah.

William Sinclair.

Hugh Fraser.

Alexander Fraser.

Thomas Fraser, son of Leadclune.

Dougald Campbell, son of Craignish.

Robert Macdonald, son of Sanda.

Alexander Fraser.

Roderick Macleod.

John Ross.

Patrick Cumming.

Thomas Hamilton.

_Ensigns._

Archibald Campbell.

Henry Macpherson.

John Grant.

Robert Campbell, son of Ederline.

Allan Malcolm.

John Murchison.

Angus Macdonell.

Peter Fraser.

_Chaplain._--Hugh Blair, D.D., Professor of Rhetoric in the

University of Edinburgh.

_Adjutant._--Donald Cameron.

_Quarter-master._--David Campbell.

_Surgeon._--William Fraser.

SECOND BATTALION.

_Colonel._--Simon Fraser.

_Lieutenant-Colonel._

Archibald Campbell, died lieutenant-general, 1792.

_Majors._

Norman Lamont, son of the Laird of Lamont.

Robert Menzies, killed in Boston harbour, 1776.

_Captains._

Angus Mackintosh of Kellachy, formerly Captain in Keith’s

Highlanders, died in South Carolina, 1780.

Patrick Campbell, son of Glenure.

Andrew Lawrie.

Æneas Mackintosh of Mackintosh.

Charles Cameron, son of Fassifern, killed at Savannah, 1779.

George Munro, son of Culcairn.

Boyd Porterfield.

Law Robert Campbell.

_Lieutenants._

Robert Hutchison.

Alexander Sutherland.

Archibald Campbell.

Hugh Lamont.

Robert Duncanson.

George Stewart.

Charles Barrington Mackenzie.

James Christie.

James Fraser.

Dougald Campbell, son of Achnaba.

Lodovick Colquhoun, son of Luss.

John Mackenzie.

Hugh Campbell, son of Glenure.

John Campbell.

Arthur Forbes.

Patrick Campbell.

Archibald Maclean.

David Ross.

Thomas Fraser.

Archibald Balnevis, son of Edradour.

Robert Grant.

Thomas Fraser.

_Ensigns._

William Gordon.

Charles Main.

Archibald Campbell.

Donald Cameron.

Smollett Campbell, son of Craignish.

Gilbert Waugh.

William Bain.

John Grant.

_Chaplain._--Malcolm Nicholson.

_Adjutant._--Archibald Campbell.

_Quarter-master._--J. Ogilvie.

_Surgeon._--Colin Chisholm, afterwards physician in Bristol.