_Marshpee Plantation, June 25th, 1833_.
Having heretofore been distressed, and degraded, and
robbed daily, we have taken measures to put a stop to these
things.--And having made choice of our own town officers to
act instead of the whites, and having acquainted the Governor
of our affairs and resolutions, he has nothing against our
putting them in force.[1] And now we would say to our white
friends, we are wanting nothing but our rights betwixt man
and man. And now, rest assured that said resolutions will
be enforced after the first day of July, 1833. Done at the
National Assembly of the Marshpee Tribe, and by the authority
of the same.
DANIEL AMOS, _President_.
ISRAEL AMOS, _Secretary_.
Hereupon the Missionary and agents and all who put faith in them,
combined together to work our destruction, as is well known to all
men.
We then proceeded to discharge all the officers appointed by the
Governor and Council, firmly believing that each and every one of the
existing laws concerning the poor Israelites of Marshpee was founded
on wrong and misconception. We also forwarded a letter and resolution
to Gideon Hawley, to the effect that we were dissatisfied with his
proceedings with regard to our affairs and with those of the other
officers, that we desired their stay among us no longer, that we were
seeking our rights and meant to have them, and we therefore demanded
of them all a final settlement, and warned them not to violate our
regulations. The resolution was as follows:
_Resolved_, That we will no longer accede to your terms after
the first day of July next, 1833.
Done by the authority of the Marshpee Tribe.
DANIEL AMOS, _President_.
ISRAEL AMOS, _Secretary_.
We also proceeded to discharge the missionary, telling him that he and
the white people had occupied our meeting house long enough, and that
we now wanted it for our own use. We likewise gave him notice that we
had complained against him to the authorities at Harvard.
Those who had, as we think unlawfully, ruled us hitherto, now awoke
in astonishment, and bestirred themselves in defence of their temporal
interests. Mr. Hawley was despatched to the Governor at Worcester,
to whom he represented the state of affairs in colors which we cannot
acknowledge to have been faithful. He stated that the Indians were in
open rebellion, and that blood was likely to be shed. It was reported
and believed among us that he said we had armed ourselves, and were
prepared to carry all before us with tomahawk and scalping knife;
that death and destruction, and all the horrors of a savage war, were
impending; that of the white inhabitants some were already dead, and
the rest dreadfully alarmed! An awful picture indeed.
However, several weeks previous to this the Governor and Council had
been apprised of what was going forward, and had authorised one of the
Council to visit the tribe, in order to hold counsel, and if possible,
restore peace among them. But the first of July arrived before he
came, and we did even as we had pledged ourselves to do, having in
view no other end than the assertion and resumption of our rights. Two
of the whites, indeed, proved themselves enemies to the Indians, by
holding themselves in readiness to break up the new government, and
daring them to carry it into effect. They were brothers, and one of
them has since gone to his reward. Their name was Sampson. They came,
in defiance of our resolutions, to take away our wood, in carts. As I
was walking in the woods, I discovered them in the act of removing
our property, and called to him who was the owner of the teams to come
near me. He complied, and appeared much agitated as he approached.
I mildly stated to him the views and intentions of the tribe, saying
that it was not their design to wrong or harm any man in the least,
and that we wished them to desist till we should have had a settlement
with the Overseers, after which every thing should be placed upon a
proper footing. I begged them to desist, for the sake of peace; but it
was to no purpose. They said that they knew what they were about, and
were resolved to load their teams. I answered, that the men who owned
the wood were resolved to carry their resolutions into force; and
asked if they had not seen the notification we had posted up. One of
them replied that he had seen, but had not taken much notice of it. I
again told them that the owners of the wood were at hand, and by the
time one of the teams was laden, the Indians came up. I then asked
William Sampson, who was a member of the missionary's church, if
he would, even then, unload his team and wait till things were
more quiet; to which he replied that he would not. I then, having
previously cautioned the Indians to do no bodily injury to any man,
unless in their own defence, but to stand for their rights, and
nothing else, desired them to unload the teams, which they did very
promptly. One of the Sampsons, who was a justice of the peace, forbade
them, and threatened to prosecute them for thus protecting their own
property, which had no other effect than to incite them to work more
diligently. When they had done, I told the justice, that he had,
perhaps, better encourage others to carry away what did not belong
to them, and desired the teamsters to depart. They said they would,
seeing that it was useless to attempt to load the carts. Throughout
this transaction the Indians uttered neither a threat nor an unkind
word, but the white men used very bitter language at being thus, for
the first time, hindered from taking, away what had always been as a
lawful spoil to them hitherto.
The defeated Sampsons hurried off to get the aid of legal might
to overcome right, and were wise enough to trouble the Indians no
further. The tribe were thus left in peaceable possession of all their
property. Mr. Fiske stated in his report of the case, that we wanted
possession of the mission house; but in this he was mistaken. No such
thing was intended or even mentioned among us, though it is true
that the meeting-house and the two school houses, and all the land,
excepting that on which Mr. Fiske's house stood, were in our hands.
The Indians now made it part of their business to watch their
property; being determined to disappoint the rapacity of the whites.
They soon learned that the Governor had sent an envoy to deal with
them, and the news cheered their hearts not a little; for they
earnestly wished for peace and quietness. A verbal message was
brought, desiring us to meet him. We replied by asking why the agent
did not come to us, if the Governor had sent him for that purpose,
instead of going to a tavern and calling on us to come to him there. I
now suppose that this proceeding on his part was not so much his fault
as that of one Ezra Crocker, who received twenty dollars _per annum_
for entertaining the Indians in his house, and who not unfrequently
thrust them out of doors. Nevertheless, we sent the agent an answer in
writing, to the following effect.
_To the Honorable Agent sent by the Governor to inquire into our
affairs_.
Dear Sir,
We are much gratified to see that the Governor has noticed us
so much as to inquire into our affairs. Your request could not
be attended to yesterday; our people being very busy in the
affairs of the day; but we will meet you with pleasure this
morning at nine o'clock, at our meeting-house, there being no
other place where we should like to see you for an interview.
DANIEL AMOS, _President. July 4th_, 1833.
At the time appointed, we met the Counsellor, and he appeared to enjoy
himself very well among us. When the meeting had been called to
order, it was observed that the Overseers were not present, and it was
proposed to send for them, that they might have fair play and hear
of what faults they were accused. They came, accompanied by the
High Sheriff of Barnstable County, the Hon. J. Reed of Yarmouth, and
several other whites, who were invited to take seats among us. The
excitement which pervaded Cape Cod had brought these people to our
council, and they now heard such preaching in our meeting-house as
they had never heard there before; the bitter complainings of the
Indians of the wrongs they had suffered. Every charge was separately
investigated by our people, who gave the entire day to the work. The
white persons present seemed very uneasy; often getting up, going out
and returning, as if apprehensive of some danger. The ground work of
their fears, if they had any, was this: Three of our people, who had
been out in the morning, hunting deer, had brought their guns into the
meeting house, and this circumstance was thought, or pretended to be
thought by a few of our neighbors to portend violence and murder. Also
the Counsellor had brought a letter from the Governor, indicating that
he had been led, by wrong reports, to believe that something of the
kind was likely to take place.[2]
This letter was read to the people, and was to them as a provocation
and a stimulus. They thought it grievous that the Governor should
think they had put him in mind of his oath of office, to secure the
Commonwealth from danger, and given him cause to call out perhaps
fifty or sixty thousand militia; especially when the great strength
and power of the Marshpee tribe was considered. To this supposed great
demonstration of military power they might, possibly, have opposed
a hundred fighting men and fifteen or twenty rusty guns. But it is
written, "One shall chase a thousand, and two shall put ten thousand
to flight;" so there might have been some reason for persons who
believe the Bible to fear us. Who can say that little Marshpee might
not have discomfitted great Massachusetts. Nevertheless, the birth
place of American freedom was spared so great a disgrace; for the
governor, very wisely, remained at home.
Toward the close of the day Mr. Fiske desired the Hon. Mr. Reed
to explain to the Indians the laws, as they then stood, and the
consequences of violating them. He told us that merely declaring a law
to be oppressive could not abrogate it; and that it would become us,
as good citizens whom the government was disposed to treat well, to
wait for the session of the Legislature, and then apply for relief.[3]
"He went fully," says one reporter, whose name it may be well to
omit, "into the situation of the tribe, in a very forcible and feeling
manner, warning them against the rash measures they had already taken
or adopted."
Mr. Fiske then pathetically stated his opinions concerning the awful
consequences which would result from a violation of the laws, and
spoke much at large of the parental feeling of government for the
remnant of a once mighty and distinguished race. Wm. Apes replied
that the laws ought to be altered without delay; that it was perfectly
manifest that they were unconstitutional, and that, even if they were
not so, there was nothing in them to authorize the white inhabitants
to act as they had done. Being very anxious to learn what amount of
good his brethren might expect, he spoke with an energy that alarmed
some of the whites present considerably. The Hon. Mr. Reed questioned
him as to his right to interfere. He replied that he had obtained it
by the adoption of the tribe.
Mr. Reed, if I correctly understood him, answered that the Indians
had no right to do such an act; no power to confer such a privilege. I
replied, that if the plantation belonged to them, they undoubtedly had
a right to give me leave to dwell upon it. Many other things he
said of which I could not see the reasonableness and propriety, and
therefore we could not come to an agreement.
While these things were being done and said, as I have reason to
believe, a warrant for my apprehension was put into the hands of the
High Sheriff, who, it appeared to me, was not very desirous to execute
it. He approached me, and with some agitation, told me I must go with
him to Catuiot; and added, that if I did not accompany him peaceably,
he would have out the whole county of Barnstable. I was not conscious
of giving any cause for this perturbation of mind, but I suppose
others saw my conduct in a different light. It is admitted by all that
nothing was done contrary to good order, though I admit, that if I had
refused to obey the warrant, the Sheriff would not have been able to
enforce it. The fact is I was in no wise unwilling to go with him, or
to have my conduct brought to the test of investigation, or to give
all the satisfaction that might be required, had it appeared that I
had done wrong. I was also very desirous to have the truth appear,
viz. that it was not the intention or wish of the Marshpees to do
violence or shed blood.
The Sheriff told me that I should not suffer any injury or injustice,
and that I should have a hearing in the presence of my friend, Mr.
Fiske. I went with him very quietly. The excitement ran very high, and
almost all Cotuet was present at my examination. If wishes could have
availed, I doubt not that I should have been ruined forever. I was
arraigned on three charges: for riot, assault, and trespass; and
pleaded NOT GUILTY.
The Messrs. Sampsons, four in number, were called, and testified as
follows, That on the first day of July, between eight and nine, A.M.
they were carting wood from the Marshpee plantation, that they were
hailed by Wm. Apes, and forbidden by him to take any wood away until a
settlement with the overseers should have been had; that the said
Apes threatened them that he would call his men if they persisted,
who would "_cut up a shine with them_,"[4] (the Sampsons.) They all
agreed, however, that no unchristian temper was manifested, and no
indecorous language used. They admitted that they had no fear for
their personal safety, and that no harm was done to any of the persons
concerned, save unloading their teams, and ordering them to depart.
Now if I had taken any neighbors' wood without his leave, and he had
thrown it out of my cart, and told me to go away, and had given me no
farther molestation, I should think I had gotten off very easily. If
a poor Indian wishes to get into a jail or penitentiary, that is just
the course I would advise him to pursue. I leave it to the reader to
say who were the persons aggrieved and injured, and that had the right
to complain of trespass.
It was thought proper, by those who had the power so to do, to bind me
over to appear and take my trial before the Court of Common Pleas, at
the next session, in the sum of two hundred dollars, and sureties for
the like amount were also required. Compliance was not difficult. I
had only to send for Lemuel Ewer, Esq. of South Sandwich, who had, in
former times, been the treasurer of the tribe, knew their wrongs, and
was their friend. It was well for me that there was one man who knew
on which side the right lay, and had the courage to support it, for
I verily believe that no other person would have dared to become my
bondsman. I owe Mr. Ewer the justice further to say that he has
done much to advance the interests of the Marshpee tribe, by giving
information respecting them to the Legislative body, for which we
cannot easily show our gratitude.
The Cotueters now waxed exceedingly wroth at what Mr. Ewer had done.
Truth had been shot into their hearts, and if I should say that they
bellowed like mad bulls, and spouted like whales, gored mortally by
the harpoon, I do not think the figure of speech would be too strong.
Mr. Crocker, the contractor or agent, for our wood, felt himself
especially aggrieved that I had gotten bail, and was let loose upon
the plantation, to hinder him in his business. His life, he thought,
would be in danger. There was a great deal of loose talk and a pretty
considerable uproar.
While I was waiting for Mr. Ewer, to bail me, I had some conversation
with the Hon. J.J. Fiske, who expressed himself concerned about the
Indians, and thought that something ought to be done. I said to him
that my object was to get them righted, and allowed that I might
possibly have gone too fast and far. In this I am now satisfied that
I was mistaken. I believe that neither I nor any of my brethren went
fast enough. I think there is no white man, Christian or Infidel,
who would have shown half so much forbearance as we did in the like
circumstances. Mr. Fiske said he would do all he could for me, and I
have no doubt that he did so. It was very proper in him to endeavor
to quiet the whites. The Indians were already quiet, and had no
disposition to be otherwise.
Nevertheless, it seemed to be the common opinion that the imprisonment
of Apes would frighten the rest of the tribe, and cause them to forego
their efforts to recover their rights. Had this been the case, they
might have carted a few more good suppers and dinners out of our
woods, and have eaten them on their town meeting days, for two or
three days together, twice in the year, and have thrown the bones and
crusts to the poor, old and ignorant, among the natives, as they had
done, year after year. The missionary, as usual, might have helped
them to devour the spoil, and have seen his flock degraded and abused,
before his eyes. Much was also said about the pains that had been
taken to educate the Marshpees, and it was averred, that, instead of
going to the schools opened for them, they preferred going about the
country picking berries, and basket making. Mr. Crocker said he had
been at great pains to induce the Indians to go to school. Let him who
has been prejudiced against the Marshpees, by such argument, look
at the legislative act of 1789, section 5, for the regulation of the
plantation, prohibiting the instruction of the Marshpees, in reading
and writing, under pain of death. Who, then, dared to teach them?
Mr. Hawley, the former missionary, spent fifty or sixty years in
Marshpee. He is mentioned in the history of Berkshire County, as a
schoolmaster, for the Mohawks, Onedias and Tuscaroras, in 1748, and
nothing more is known of him, up to his arrival in Marshpee. Thither
he came to teach, in A.D. 1757, and there he staid till his death.
What his care to educate the tribe was, may be judged from the facts
that he _did not teach one_ Indian to read during his residence among
them, as I am informed by those who knew him. He had probably imbibed
the opinion that the natives were incapable of being taught, and
therefore spared himself trouble that he thought would be of no use.
Nevertheless, he was willing to preach to them, and had a good portion
of their land set off for his support. Truth obliges me to say that
not one Indian was converted during the fifty years of his ministry.
The neighbouring whites were the sole recipients of the good resulting
from his labors, if there was any. Speaking on this subject, the Rev.
Cotton Mather Smith says that the arrangements for managing Indian
schools were never thoroughly made; admirable as was the general plan,
and much as it promised. I think I may safely vouch for the truth and
honesty of the reverend gentleman's admission.
Mr. Fish succeeded Mr. Hawley, in 1809, and was confirmed in his
office by the authorities at Harvard, and the white overseers at
Marshpee. The arrangement was sanctioned by the General Court, in
1811; contrary to law, as we think. Surely it takes two sides to make
a bargain, and the consent of the Indians was never asked or obtained.
Both of the divines mentioned above were willing to have the use of
the property of the Marshpees; I fear, under a mere pretext of doing
them good; and, therefore, that they and the overseers might have a
support from the plantation, the owners were constantly proclaimed
to be savages. I wonder what the whites would say, should the Indians
take possession of any part of their property. Many and many a red man
has been butchered for a less wrong than the Marshpees complain of.
Neither of the reverend gentlemen set up schools, and when the
Marshpee children were put out to service, it was with the express
understanding, as their parents all agree, that they should not be
schooled. Many of those who held them in servitude, used them more
like dogs than human beings, feeding them scantily, lodging them hard,
and clothing them with rags. Such I believe has always been the case
about Indian reservations. I had a sister who was slavishly used and
half starved; and I have not forgotten, nor can I ever forget, the
abuse I received myself. To keep Indian children from hearing the
gospel preached in a land of gospel privileges, in order that they
might do work unbefitting the Sabbath at home, has been the practice,
almost without an exception, wherever I have had opportunity to
observe. I think that the Indians ought to keep the twenty-fifth
of December[5], and the fourth of July, as days of fasting and
lamentation, and dress themselves, and their houses, and their cattle,
in mourning weeds, and pray to Heaven for deliverance from their
oppressions; for surely there is no joy in those days for the man of
color.
Let the reader judge from what has been stated, what good the Marshpee
Indians have derived from their two missionaries. I say boldly, none
at all. On the contrary, they have been in the way of the good that
would have been done by others. I say also that all the religious
advantages the Indians have enjoyed, have come from other ministers,
and members of other churches. I am equally sure that the money paid
for our use, from the Williams Fund, has been a curse, and not a
blessing to us. Had some good Christian minister come to the tribe
with half the sum, there is no doubt that God would have made him an
instrument to raise up a respectable Christian Society; whereas the
fund has only served to build up the missionaries and the whites about
the plantation. I am glad that it has done even this good; though it
be to our enemies; for I am not of a spirit to envy the prosperity
of others; I rejoice in it. But I sincerely think it is wrong in the
whites to take the gospel from the Indians, as they do in Marshpee,
by occupying their meeting-house, and receiving the benefit of the
missionary fund. I mean that the people about Cotuet and Marshpee go
to our house, and fill it, to our exclusion, without any charge; while
the Indians are enforced by the laws which deprive them of the use
of their own lands, to pay a heavy tax, from which they derive no
benefit. Is not depriving them of all means of mental culture the
worst of all robberies? Can it be wondered, that the Indians become
more and more degraded? I presume all honest people will regret that
such has been the case. It will be seen that both the missionaries and
their white followers, imbibed all the prejudices of the day, and by
disseminating them, hindered others from doing us good. This is no
excuse, however, for the government of this Commonwealth, whose duty
it was to see that its red children were not abused in this way. We
greatly fear that our white fathers did not much care about their
colored children in Marshpee. At any rate, it may be some satisfaction
to the philanthropists in the country to know how liberal they have
been to their poor dependants.
To begin--the Indians owe nothing to the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, or to the inhabitants of New England generally, for
religious instruction, excepting a single appropriation of
four hundred dollars, made in 1816 or 1818, for repairing their
Meeting-house. Four hundred dollars more were appropriated in 1831,
for the purposes of erecting two school houses; but not one cent for a
teacher.[6]
The way the Marshpees have supported a school hitherto, has been this.
Some of them have lived abroad among the whites, and have learned to
read and write, with perhaps some small smattering of arithmetic.
On returning to the tribe, they have taught others what they knew
themselves; receiving pay from those who had the means, and teaching
the rest gratuitously. At the same time they have been compelled to
support a preacher whom they did not wish to hear, and to pay, in one
way or other, to the amount of four hundred dollars _per annum_ to
white officers, for doing them injury and not good. Thus then, in one
hundred and forty years they have paid fifty-six thousand dollars to
the whites, out of their own funds, in obedience to the laws of the
Commonwealth. In return, the whites have given them one thousand in
labor and money. Truly the Commonwealth must make haste, or it will
hardly be able to pay us the interest of our money. The principal we
never expect to get.
Thus, though it is manifest that we have cost the government
absolutely much less than nothing, we have been called State
paupers, and as such treated. Those are strange paupers who maintain
themselves, and pay large sums to others into the bargain. Heigho! it
is a fine thing to be an Indian. One might almost as well be a slave.
To return to the proceedings of the court at Cotuet: When supper time
was past, the Cotueter's were anxious to draw something out of me,
by questioning. They said they knew more about the matter than I did;
that I had gotten myself into difficulty, and that Mr. Fish was a good
man, and had gained twenty members over to his church in twenty-five
years. They might have added that these were infants, who became
members merely by undergoing the rite of baptism. Perhaps they were
very good members, when they grew up--perhaps not.
Mr. Fish, alluding to the charge that but eight or ten of the Indians
heard him preach, stated, in his memorial to the Legislature, that
more than twice ten were upon his Sabbath School list. That might be
true; but it was no answer to the charge. There may well have been
on his list the names of so many persons, who attended neither his
meeting nor his school. Nor had he denied the statements of the
Indians in the least. I said to the gentlemen who were rejoicing over
my supposed downfall, that I was glad they had taken me into custody,
as it would lead to an investigation of the whole ground in dispute.
Mr. Ewer presently arrived; his bail was accepted, and I and my
friends returned home.
On the seventh of July, I was again visited by the Hon. J.J. Fiske,
who conversed freely with me on our religious affairs. He said it
would be better for us to turn Congregationalists, as then we should
probably be able to get assistance from the fund, I replied, that I
cared little by what name I was called; for I was no sectarian, but
could unite in the worship of God with all good Christians. It seemed
to be the opinion of the Hon. J.J. Fiske, that it was wrong for the
Rev. Mr. Fish to receive the salary he did, without attending to the
concerns of the Indians.
On the sixth, the head men of the tribe held a meeting, and agreed to
rescind the former meetings until the session of the Legislature, as
the commissioner had fairly stated that whatever could be done for us,
would be done by that honourable body. We could do no less than accept
a promise coming from so high an authority, and await the leisure of
our father, the Legislature, though he had neglected us and suffered
us to be abused. Who could say but that he would uplift his voice
and weep aloud, on hearing the story of our wrongs, as Joseph and his
brethren did when they recognized each other. And indeed, though our
tender parent proved a little hard-hearted at first, by and by there
was a little relenting toward his poor suffering babes of the woods,
as will be seen in the proper place. The following notice was drawn up
accordingly:
Whereas, certain resolutions have been made by us, the
Marshpee Indians, in reference to our plantation, we do
hereby solemnly declare, upon the security of the Governor's
Counsel,[7] that we shall be righted; and that there shall be
a change of government, if necessary, and that the governor
has pledged himself to do right, and that the property sold
for money or otherwise disposed of, shall be refunded to us
again, and that justice shall be done. Now, in consideration
thereof, we do hereby guaranty to our white neighbours that
they shall not be molested in their lawful concerns upon our
plantation, provided that no white man meddles or interferes
in any way whatever in our lawful affairs; and that you may
understand that it is so, we say the resolutions are revoked,
and we will wait with pleasure the sitting of the Legislature.
Done by order of the Marshpee Tribe, July 6, 1833.
DANIEL AMOS, _President_.
ISRAEL AMOS, _Secretary_.
Soon after this, the Commissioner departed, and I saw him no more till
the sitting of the General Court. About this time our affairs got into
the public prints, and it was reported through the whole land that
there were hostile movements among the Indians at Cape Cod, or
Buzzard's Bay. All the editors were very willing to speak on the
favorite topic of Indian wrongs; but very few of them said any thing
about redress. On this head they were either silent or against us.
Here and there was found one liberal and independent enough to speak
in our behalf. Some of these articles shall be given, that it may be
seen who were for or against our rights and privileges. It will be
proper to state in the first place, however, that from July 4, to the
sitting of the Court of Common Pleas, in September, there was little
disturbance upon the plantation. We thought, from what we heard among
the whites that they were inclined to spare no pains to frighten
us; but we listened patiently and remained quiet, according to our
promise.
In August, we had a four-day meeting, which was the means of much
good. Twelve Indians were redeemed from sin, and during the eighteen
months that I have known them, the power of God has been manifested
in the conversion of some thirty. God forbid that I should glorify
myself; I only mention the circumstance to show that the Marshpees are
not incapable of improvement, as their enemies would have the world
suppose. But, under these circumstances, is it not natural for the
Indians to think that their missionaries have cared less for saving
their souls than for filling their own pockets, and that their
thousands have been expended on them to very small purpose? I do think
that the result of this meeting was in no wise pleasing to our white
enemies.
At harvest time the reapers cut their grain and carried it to their
granaries. But they were under the control of their task masters. A
dispute arose. A woman whose husband was absent, doing business upon
the great waters, claimed a portion of the grain, while the overseers
maintained that it belonged to them. She applied for assistance to one
of the true proprietors, who, in the presence of five or six men who
were with the overseer's team, unloaded it, and placed the grain where
it ought to have been. I was present and happened to smile at this
novel proceeding, which, I suppose was the cause of a prosecution that
presently took place for trespass. My horse had bitten off five or six
rye heads in a rye field, for which enormity his owner was obliged to
pay ten dollars, though the actual damage was not to the value of six
cents. I will not retort the petty malice which prompted this mean act
of revenge, by mentioning names. I now proceed to mark out the state
of public feeling, by some extracts from the newspapers. The following
is from the New Bedford Press, of June 1, 1833: