In 1752, we find him recommended to Lord Rockingham, by Mr. Charles

Yorke, who thought him, said Warburton, likely to attach that Lord's

liking to him, as he was a young nobleman of elegance, and loved

painting and music. In the following year he lost his father, in the

disposition of whose affairs he was less considered than he thought

himself entitled to expect. What the reason for this partiality was, it

would be vain to conjecture; nor have we any means of knowing whether

the disappointment determined him to the choice of a profession which he

made soon after (in 1754), when he entered into the church. From the

following passage, in a letter of Warburton's, it appears that the step

was not taken without some hesitation. "Mr. Mason has called on me. I

found him yet unresolved whether he would take the living. I said, was

the question about a mere secular employment, I should blame him without

reserve if he refused the offer. But as I regarded going into orders in

another light, I frankly owned to him he ought not to go unless he had a

call; by which I meant, I told him, nothing fanatical or superstitious,

but an inclination, and on that a resolution, to dedicate all his

studies to the science of religion, and totally to abandon his poetry:

he entirely agreed with me in thinking that decency, reputation, and

religion, all required this sacrifice of him, and that if he went into

orders he intended to give it." This was surely an absurd squeamishness

in one of the same profession, as Warburton was, who had begun his

career by translations in prose and verse from Latin writers, had then

mingled in the literary cabals of the day, and afterwards did not think

his time misemployed in editing and commenting on Shakspeare and Pope.

Yet he was unreasonable enough to continue his expectations that Mason

should do what he had, without any apparent compunction, omitted to do

himself; for after speaking of Brown, the unfortunate author of

Barbarossa, who was also an ecclesiastic, he adds: "How much shall I

honour one, who has a stronger propensity to poetry, and has got a

greater name in it, if he performs his promise to me of putting away

these idle baggages after his sacred espousal." After all, this proved

to be one of the vows at which Jove laughs. The sacred espousal did not

lessen his devotion to the idle baggages; and it is very doubtful

whether he discharged his duties as King's Chaplain or Rector of Aston

(for both which appointments he was indebted to the kindness of Lord

Holdernesse) at all the worse for this attachment, which he was indeed

barefaced enough to avow two years after by the publication of some of

his odes. At his Rectory of Aston, in Yorkshire, he continued to live

for great part of his remaining life, with occasional absences in the

metropolis, at Cambridge, or at York, where he was made Precentor and

Canon of the Cathedral, and where his residence was therefore sometimes

required. I have not learnt whether he had any other preferment. Hurd,

in a letter written in 1768, mentions that the death of a Dr. Atwell

threw a good living into his hands. Be this as it might, he was rich

enough, and had an annual income of about fifteen hundred pounds at his

death. Lord Orford says of him somewhere in his letters, that he

intended to have refused a bishopric if it had been offered him. He

might have spared himself the pains of coming to this resolution; for

mitres, "though they fell on many a critic's head," and on that of his

friend Hurd among the rest, did not seem adapted to the brows of a poet.

When the death of Cibber had made the laurel vacant, he was informed

that "being in orders he was thought merely on that account less

eligible for the office than a layman." "A reason," said he, "so

politely put, I was glad to hear assigned; and if I had thought it a

weak one, they who know me will readily believe that I am the last man

in the world who would have attempted to controvert it." Of the laurel,

he probably was not more ambitious than of the mitre; though he was

still so obstinate as to believe that he might unite the characters of a

clerk and a poet, to which he would fain have superadded that of a

statist also. Caractacus, another tragedy on the ancient plan, but which

made a better figure on the stage, appeared in 1759; and in 1762, three

elegies. In 1769, Harris heard him preach at St. James's early prayers,

and give a fling at the French for the invasion of Corsica. Thus

politics, added his hearer, have entered the sanctuary. The sermon is

the sixth in his printed collection. A fling at the French was at all

times a favourite topic with him. In the discourse delivered before

George III on the Sunday preceding his Coronation, he has stretched the

text a little that he may take occasion to descant on the blessings of

civil liberty, and has quoted Montesquieu's opinion of the British

Government. In praising our religious toleration, he is careful to

justify our exception of the church of Rome from the general indulgence.

Nor was it in the pulpit only that he acted the politician. He was one

of those, as we are told in the Biographical Dictionary, who thought the

decision of Parliament on the Middlesex election a violation of the

rights of the people; and when the counties began, in 1779, to associate

for parliamentary reform, he took an active part in assisting their

deliberations, and wrote several patriotic manifestos. In the same year

appeared his Ode to the Naval Officers of Great Britain, on the trial of

Admiral Keppel, in which the poetry is strangled by the politics. His

harp was in better tune, when, in 1782, an Ode to Mr. Pitt declared the

hopes he had conceived of the son of Chatham; for, like many others, who

espoused the cause of freedom, he had ranged himself among the partisans

of the youthful statesman, who was then doing all he could to persuade

others, as he had no doubt persuaded himself, that he was one of the

number.

In the mean time Gray, who, if he had lived longer, might, perhaps, have

restrained him from mixing in this turmoil, was no more. The office

which he performed of biographer, or rather of editor, for his deceased

friend, has given us one of the most delightful books in its kind that

our language can boast. It is just that this acknowledgment should be

made to Mason, although Mr. Mathias has recently added many others of

Gray's most valuable papers, which his former editor was scarcely

scholar enough to estimate as they deserved; and Mr. Mitford has shewn

us, that some omissions, and perhaps some alterations, were

unnecessarily made by him in the letters themselves. As to the task

which the latter of these gentlemen imposed on himself, few will think

that every passage which he has admitted, though there be nothing in any

to detract from the real worth of Gray, could have been made public

consistently with those sacred feelings of regard for his memory, by

which the mind of Mason was impressed, and that reluctance which he must

have had to conquer, before he resolved on the publication at all. The

following extract from a letter, written by the Rev. Edward Jones,

brings us into the presence of Mason, and almost to an acquaintance with

his thoughts at this time, and on this occasion. "Being at York in

September 1771," (Gray died on the thirtieth of July preceding), "I was

introduced to Mr. Mason, then in residence. On my first visit, he was

sitting in an attitude of much attention to a drawing, pinned up near

the fire-place; and another gentleman, whom I afterwards found to be a

Mr. Varlet, a miniature painter, who has since settled at Bath, had

evidently been in conversation with him about it. My friend begged leave

to ask _whom_ it was intended to represent. Mr. Mason hesitated, and

looked earnestly at Mr. Varlet. I could not resist (though I instantly

felt a wish to have been silent) saying, surely from the strong likeness

it must be the late Mr. Gray. Mr. Mason at once certainly forgave the

intrusion, by asking my opinion as to his fears of having caricatured

his poor friend. The features were certainly softened down, previously

to the engraving."[1]--_Nichols's Literary Anecdotes_, vol. ix. p. 718.

In the next year, 1772, appeared the first book of the English Garden.

The other three followed separately in 1777, 1779, and 1782. The very

title of this poem was enough to induce a suspicion, that the art which

it taught (if art it can be called) was not founded on general and

permanent principles. It was rather a mode which the taste of the time

and country had rendered prevalent, and which the love of novelty is

already supplanting. In the neighbourhood of those buildings which man

constructs for use or magnificence, there is no reason why he should

prefer irregularity to order, or dispose his paths in curved lines,

rather than in straight. Homer, when he describes the cavern of Calypso,

covers it with a vine, and scatters the alder, the poplar, and the

cypress, without any symmetry about it; but near the palace of Alcinous

he lays out the garden by the rule and compass. Our first parents in

Paradise, are placed by Milton amidst

A happy rural seat of various view;

but let the same poet represent himself in his pensive or his cheerful

moods, and he is at one time walking "by hedge-row elms on hillocks

green;" and at another, "in trim gardens." When we are willing to escape

from the tedium of uniformity, nature and accident supply numberless

varieties, which we shall for the most part vainly strive to heighten

and improve. It is too much to say, that we will use the face of the

country as the painter does his canvas;

Take thy plastic spade,

It is thy pencil; take thy seeds, thy plants,

They are thy colours.

The analogy can scarcely hold farther than in a parterre; and even

there very imperfectly. Mason could not hear to see his own system

pushed to that excess into which it naturally led; and bitterly resented

the attempts made by the advocates of the picturesque, to introduce into

his landscapes more factitious wildness than he intended.

In 1783 he published a Translation from the Latin of Du Fresnoy's Art of

Painting, in which the precepts are more capable of being reduced to

practice. He had undertaken the task when young, partly as an exercise

in versification, and partly to fix on his mind the principles of an art

in which he had himself some skill. Sir Joshua Reynolds, having desired

to see it, added some notes, and induced him to revise and publish it.

The artist found in it the theory of ideal beauty, which had been taught

him by Zachary Mudge, from the writings of Plato, and which enabled him

to rise above the mere mechanism of his predecessors. That Mason's

version surpasses the original, is not saying much in its praise. In

some prefatory lines addressed to Reynolds, he has described the

character of Dryden with much happiness.

The last poem which he published separately, was a Secular Ode on the

Revolution in 1688. It was formal and vapid; but sufficed to shew that

time, though it had checked "the lyric rapture," had left him his ardour

in the cause of freedom. Like the two leaders of the opposite parties,

Pitt and Fox, he hailed with glad voice the dawn of French liberty. It

was only for the gifted eye of Burke to foresee the storm that was

impending.

At the same time he recommended the cause of the enslaved Negroes from

the pulpit. The abolition of the slave trade was one of the few

political subjects, the introduction of which seemed to be allowable in

that place. In 1788, appeared also his Memoirs of William Whitehead,

attached to the posthumous works of that writer; a piece of biography,

as little to be compared in interest to the former, as Whitehead himself

can be compared to Gray.

His old age glided on in solitude and peace amid his favourite pursuits,

at his rectory of Aston, where he had taught his two acres of garden to

command the inequalities of "hill and dale," and to combine "use with

beauty." The sonnet in which he dedicated his poems to his patron, the

Earl of Holdernesse, describes in his best manner the happiness he

enjoyed in this retreat. He was not long permitted to add to his other

pleasures the comforts of a connubial life. In 1765 he had married Mary,

daughter of William Shermon, Esq., of Kingston-upon-Hull, who in two

years left him a widower. Her epitaph is one of those little poems to

which we can always return with a melancholy pleasure. I have heard that

this lady had so little regard for the art in which her husband

excelled, that on his presenting her with a copy of verses, after the

wedding was over, she crumpled them up and put them into her pocket

unread. When he had entered his seventieth year, Hurd, who had been his

first friend, and the faithful monitor of his studies from youth,

confined him "to a sonnet once a year, or so;" warning him, that "age,

like infancy, should forbear to play with pointed tools." He had more

latitude allowed in prose; for in 1795 he published Essays, Historical

and Critical, on English Church Music. In the former part of his

subject, he is said, by those who have the best means of knowing, to be

well informed and accurate; but in the latter to err on the side of a

dry simplicity, which, in the present refined state of the art, it would

not answer any good purpose to introduce into the music of our churches.

In speaking of a wind instrument, which William of Malmsbury seems to

describe as being acted on by the vapour arising from hot water, he has

unfortunately gone out of his way to ridicule the projected invention of

the steam-boat by Lord Stanhope. The atrocities committed during the

fury of the French Revolution had so entirely cured him of his

predilection for the popular part of our Government, that he could not

resist the opportunity, however ill-timed, of casting a slur on this

nobleman, who was accused of being over-partial to it. In the third

Essay, on Parochial Psalmody, he gives the preference to Merrick's weak

and affected version over the two other translations that are used in

our churches. The late Bishop Horsley, in his Commentary on the Psalms,

was, I believe, the first who was hardy enough to claim that palm for

Sternhold, to which, with all its awkwardness, his rude vigour entitles

him.

When he comes to speak of _Christianizing_ our hymns, the apprehension

which he expresses of deviating from the present practice of our

establishment, seems to have restrained him from saying something which

he would otherwise have said. The question surely is not so much, what

the practice of our present establishment is, as what that of the first

Christians was. There is, perhaps, no alteration in our service that

could be made with better effect than this, provided it were made with

as great caution as its importance demands.

His death, which was at last sudden, was caused by a hurt on his shin,

that happened when he was stepping out of his carriage. On the Sunday

(two days after) he felt so little inconvenience from the accident, as

to officiate in his church at Aston. But on the next Wednesday, the 7th

of April, 1797, a rapid mortification brought him to his grave. His

monument, of which Bacon was the sculptor, is placed in Westminster

Abbey, near that of Gray, with the following inscription:--

Optimo Viro

Gulielmo Mason, A.M.

Poetae,

Si quis alius

Culto, Casto, Pio

Sacrum.

Ob. 7. Apr. 1797.

Aet. 72.

Mason is reported to have been ugly in his person. His portrait by

Reynolds gives to features, ill-formed and gross, an expression of

intelligence and benignity. In the latter part of life, his character

appears to have undergone a greater change, from its primitive openness

and good nature, than mere time and experience of the world should have

wrought in it. Perhaps this was nothing more than a slight perversion

which he had contracted in the school of Warburton. What was a coarse

arrogance in the master himself, assumed the form of nicety and

superciliousness in the less confident and better regulated tempers of

Mason and Hurd. His harmless vanity cleaved to him longer. As a proof of

this, it is related that, several years after the publication of Isis,

when he was travelling through Oxford, and happened to pass over

Magdalen Bridge at a late hour of the evening, he turned round to a

friend who was riding with him, and remarked that it was luckily grown

dusk, for they should enter the University unobserved. When his friend,

with some surprise inquired into the reason of this caution: What, (said

he) do you not remember my Isis?

He was very sensible to the annoyance of the periodical critics, which

Gray was too philosophical or too proud to regard otherwise than as

matter of amusement. He was the butt for a long line of satirists or

lampooners. Churchill, Lloyd, Colman, the author of the Probationary

Odes, and, if I remember right, Paul Whitehead and Wolcot, all levelled

their shafts at him in turn. In the Probationary Odes, his peculiarities

were well caught: when the writer of these pages repeated some of the

lines in which he was imitated to Anna Seward, whose admiration of Mason

is recorded in her letters, she observed, that what was meant for a

burlesque was in itself excellent. There is reason to suppose that he

sometimes indulged himself in the same license under which he suffered

from others. If he was indeed the author of the Heroic Epistle to Sir

William Chambers, and of some other anonymous satires which have been

imputed to him, he must have felt Hayley's intended compliment as a

severe reproach:

Sublimer Mason! not to thee belong

The reptile beauties of invenom'd song.

Of the Epistle, when it was remarked, in the hearing of Thomas Warton,

that it had more energy than could have been expected from Walpole, to

whom others ascribed it, Warton remarked that it might have been written

by Walpole, and buckramed by Mason. Indeed, it is not unlikely that one

supplied the venom, and the other spotted the snake. In a letter of

expostulation to Warton, Mason did not go the length of disclaiming the

satire, though he was angry enough that it should be laid at his door. I

have heard that he received with much apathy the praises offered him by

Hayley, in the Essay on Epic Poetry. He has remarked, "that if rhyme

does not condense the sense, which passes through its vehicle, it ceases

to be good, either as verse or rhyme."[2] This rule is laid down too

broadly. His own practice was not always consonant with it, as Hayley's

never was. With Darwin's poetry, it is said that he was much pleased.

His way of composing, as we learn from Gray's remarks upon his poems,

was to cast down his first thoughts carelessly, and at large, and then

clip them here and there at leisure. "This method," as his friend

observed, "will leave behind it a laxity, a diffuseness. The force of a

thought (otherwise well-invented, well-turned, and well-placed) is often

weakened by it." He might have added, that it is apt to give to poetry

the air of declamation.

Mason wished to join what he considered the correctness of Pope with the

high imaginative power of Milton, and the lavish colouring of Spenser.

In the attempt to unite qualities so heterogeneous, the effect of each

is in a great measure lost, and little better than a caput mortuum

remains. With all his praises of simplicity, he is generally much afraid

of saying any thing in a plain and natural manner. He often expresses

the commonest thoughts in a studied periphrasis. He is like a man, who

being admitted into better company than his birth and education have

fitted him for, is under continual apprehension, lest his attitude and

motions should betray his origin. Even his negligence is studied. His

muse resembles the Prioresse in Chaucer,

That pained her to counterfete chere,

Of court and be stateliche of manere,

And to been holden digne of reverence.

Yet there were happier moments in which he delivered himself up to the

ruling inspiration. So it was when he composed the choruses in the

Caractacus, beginning,

Mona on Snowdon calls--

Hail, thou harp of Phrygian frame--

and

Hark! heard ye not yon footstep dread--

of which it is scarcely too much to say that in some parts they remind

us of the ancient tragedians.

In each of his two Tragedies, the incidents are conducted with so much

skill, and there is so much power of moving the affections, that one is

tempted to wish he had pursued this line, though he perhaps would never

have done any thing much better in it. One great fault is, that the

dramatis personae are too much employed in pointing out the Claudes and

Salvator Rosas, with which they are surrounded. They seem to want

nothing but long poles in their hands to make them very good conductors

over a gallery of pictures. When Earl Orgar, on seeing the habitation of

his daughter, begins--

How nobly does this venerable wood,

Gilt with the glories of the orient sun,

Embosom yon fair mansion! The soft air

Salutes me with most cool and temperate breath

And, as I tread, the flower-besprinkled lawn

Sends up a cloud of fragance--

and Aulus Didius opens the other play with a description somewhat more

appropriate:

This is the secret centre of the isle:

Here, Romans, pause, and let the eye of wonder

Gaze on the solemn scene; behold yon oak,

How stern he frowns, and with his broad brown arms

Chills the pale plain beneath him: mark yon altar,

The dark stream brawling round its rugged base,

These cliffs, these yawning caverns, this wide circus,

Skirted with unhewn stone: they awe my soul,

As if the very genius of the place

Himself appear'd, and with terrific tread

Stalk'd through his drear domain--

we could fancy that both these personages had come fresh from the study

of the English garden. The distresses of Elfrida, and the heroism of

Caractacus, are in danger of becoming objects of secondary

consideration, while we are admiring the shades of Harewood, and the

rocks of Mona. He has attempted to shelter himself under the authority

of Sophocles; but though there are some exquisite touches of landscape

painting in that drama, the poet has introduced them with a much more

sparing hand. It is said that Hurd pruned away a great deal more

luxuriance of this kind, with which the first draught of the Elfrida was

overrun; and we learn from Gray, in his admirable letter of criticism on

the Caractacus, that the opening of that tragedy was, as it at first

stood, even much more objectionable than at present. Such descriptions

are better suited to the Masque, a species of drama founded on some wild

and romantic adventure, and of which the interest does not depend on the

manners or the passions. It is therefore more in its place in Argentile

and Curan, which he calls a legendary drama, written on the old English

model. He composed it after the other two, and during the short time

that his wife lived; but, like several of his poems, it was not

published till the year of his decease. The beginning promises well: and

the language of our old writers is at first tolerably well imitated.

There is afterwards too much trick and too many prettinesses; such is

that of the nosegay which the princess finds, and concludes from its

tasteful arrangement to be the work of princely fingers. The subordinate

parts, of the Falconer, and Ralph, his deputy, are not sustained

according to the author's first conception of them. The story is well

put together. He has, perhaps, nothing else that is equal in expression

to the following passage.

Thou know'st, when we did quit our anchor'd barks,

We cross'd a pleasant valley; rather say

A nest of sister vales, o'erhung with hills

Of varied form and foliage; every vale

Had its own proper brook, the which it hugg'd

In its green breast, as if it fear'd to lose

The treasur'd crystal. You might mark the course

Of these cool rills more by the ear than eye,

For, though they oft would to the sun unfold

Their silver as they past, 'twas quickly lost;

But ever did they murmur. On the verge

Of one of these clear streams, there stood a cell

O'ergrown with moss and ivy; near to which,

On a fall'n trunk, that bridged the little brook

A hermit sat. Of him we ask'd the name

Of this sweet valley, and he call'd it Hakeness.

(_Argentile and Curan_, A, 1.)

In two lines more, we are unluckily reminded that this is no living

landscape.

Thither, my Sewold, go, or pitch thy tent

Near to thy ships, for they are near the _scene_.

Since the time of Mason, this rage for describing what is called

scenery (and scenery indeed it often is, having little of nature in it)

has infected many of our play-writers and novelists.

Argentile's intention of raising a rustic monument to the memory of his

father, is taken from Shakspeare.

This grove my sighs shall consecrate; in shape

Of some fair tomb, here will I heap the turf

And call it Adelbright's. Yon aged yew,

Whose rifted trunk, rough bark, and gnarled roots

Give solemn proof of its high ancientry,

Shall canopy the shrine. There's not a flower,

That hangs the dewy head, and seems to weep,

As pallid blue-bells, crow-tyes and marsh lilies,

But I'll plant here, and if they chance to wither,

My tears shall water them; there's not a bird

That trails a sad soft note, as ringdoves do,

Or twitters painfully like the dun martlet,

But I will lure by my best art, to roost

And plain them in these branches. Larks and finches

Will I fright hence, nor aught shall dare approach

This pensive spot, save solitary things

That love to mourn as I do.

How cold and lifeless are these pretty lines, when compared to the

"wench-like words," of the young princes, which suggested them.

If he be gone he'll make his grave a bed

With female fairies will his tomb be haunted,

And worms will not come to thee.

_Arv_. With fairest flow'rs,

Whilst summer lasts, and I live here, Fidele,

I'll sweeten thy sad grave. Thou shalt not lack

The flower that's like thy face, pale primrose; nor

The azured hare-bell, like thy veins; no, nor

The leaf of eglantine, whom not to slander,

Out-sweeten'd not thy breath: the ruddock would

With charitable bill (O bill, fore-shaming

The rich-left heirs, that let their fathers lie

Without a monument!) bring thee all this;

Yea, and furr'd moss besides, when flowers are none,

To winter-ground thy corse.

This is grief, seeking to relieve and forget itself in fiction and

fancy; the other, though the occasion required an expression of deeper

sorrow, is a mere pomp of feeling.

His blank verse in the English Garden has not the majesty of Akenside,

the sweetness of Dyer, or the terseness of Armstrong. Its characteristic

is delicacy; but it is a delicacy approaching nearer to weakness than to

grace. It has more resemblance to the rill that trickles over its

fretted channel, than to the stream that winds with a full tide, and

"warbles as it flows." The practice of cutting it into dialogue had

perhaps crippled him. As he has made the characters in his plays too

attentive to the decorations of the scene-painter, so in the last book

of the English Garden he has turned his landscape into a theatre, for

the representation of a play. The story of Nerina is too long and too

complicated for an episode in a didactic poem. He will seldom bear to be

confronted with those writers whom he is found either by accident or

design to resemble. His picture of the callow young in a bird's-nest is,

I think, with some alteration, copied from Statius.

--Her young meanwhile

Callow and cold, from their moss-woven nest

Peep forth; they stretch their little eager throats

Broad to the wind, and plead to the lone spray

Their famish'd plaint importunately shrill.

(_English Garden_, b. 3.)

--Volucrum sic turba recentum,

Cum reducem longo prospexit in aethere matrem,

Ire cupit contra, summaque e margine nidi

Extat hians; jam jamque cadat ni pectore toto

Obstet aperta parens et amantibus increpet alis.

(_Theb._ lib. x. 458.)

Oppian's imitation of this is happier.

[Greek: Os dhopot aptaenessi pherei bosin dortalichoisi

Maetaer, eiarinae Zephurou protangelos ornis,

Oi dapalon truzontes epithroskousi kaliae,

Gaethusunoi peri maetri, kai imeirontes edodaes

Xeilos anaptussousin apan depi doma lelaeken

Andros xeinodochoio liga klazousi neossois.]

(Halieut. I. in. 248.)

Hurd, in the letter he addressed to him on the Marks of Imitation,

observed, that the imagery with which the Ode to Memory opens, is

borrowed from Strada's Prolusions. The chorus in Elfrida, beginning

Hail to thy living light,

Ambrosial morn! all hail thy roseate ray:

is taken from the Hymnus in Auroram, by Flaminio.

His Sappho, a lyrical drama, is one of the few attempts that have been

made to bring amongst us that tuneful trifle, the modern Opera of the

Italians. It has been transferred by Mr. Mathias into that language, to

which alone it seemed properly to belong. Mr. Glasse has done as much

for Caractacus by giving it up to the Greek. Of the two Odes, which are

all, excepting some few fragments, that remain to us of the Lesbian

poetess, he has introduced Translations into his drama. There is more

glitter of phrase than in the versions made, if I recollect right, by

Ambrose Phillips, which are inserted in the Spectator, No. 222 and 229;

but much less of that passionate emotion which marks the original. Most

of my readers will remember that which begins,

Blest as the immortal Gods is he,

The youth who fondly sits by thee,

And hears and sees thee, all the while,

Softly speak and sweetly smile.

It is thus rendered by Mason:

The youth that gazes on thy charms,

Rivals in bliss the Gods on high,

Whose ear thy pleasing converse warms,

Thy lovely smile his eye.

Lives of the English Poets From Johnson to Kirke White, Designed as a Continuation of Johnson's Lives · 第 11 / 23 段