Strap was a man named Lewis, a book-binder, who came from Scotland with

Smollett, and who usually dined with him at Chelsea on Sundays. In this

book he also found a niche for the exhibition of his own distresses in

the character of Melopoyn the dramatic poet. His applications to the

directors of the theatre, indeed, continued so unavailing, that he at

length resolved to publish his unfortunate tragedy by subscription; and

in 1749 the Regicide appeared with a preface, in which he complained

grievously of their neglect, and of the faithlessness of his patrons,

among whom Lord Lyttelton particularly excited his indignation. In the

summer of this year his view of men and manners was extended by a

journey to Paris. Here he met with an acquaintance and countryman in

Doctor Moore, the author of Zeluco, who a few years after him had been

also an apprentice to Gordon, at Glasgow. In his company Smollett

visited the principal objects of curiosity in the neighbourhood of the

French metropolis.

The canvas was soon stretched for a display of fresh follies: and the

result was, his Adventures of Peregrine Pickle, in 1751. The success he

had attained in exhibiting the characters of seamen led him to a

repetition of similar delineations. But though drawn in the same broad

style of humour, and, if possible, discriminated by a yet stronger hand,

the actors do not excite so keen an interest on shore as in their proper

element. The Memoirs of a Lady of Quality, the substance of which was

communicated by the woman herself, whose story they relate, quickened

the curiosity of his readers at the time, and a considerable sum which

he received for the insertion of them augmented the profits which he

derived from a large impression of the work. But they form a very

disagreeable interruption in the main business of the narrative. The

pedantic physician was intended for a representation of Akenside, who

had probably too much dignity to notice the affront, for which some

reparation was made by a compliment to his talents for didactic poetry,

in our author's History of England.

On his return (in 1749) he took his degree of Doctor in Medicine, and

settled himself at Chelsea[1], where he resided till 1763. The next

effort of his pen, an Essay on the External Use of Water, in a letter to

Dr.----, with particular remarks upon the present method of using the

mineral waters at Bath, in Somersetshire, &c. (in 1752) was directed to

views of professional advancement. In his profession, however, he did

not succeed; and meeting with no encouragement in any other quarter, he

devoted himself henceforward to the service of the booksellers. More

novels, translation, historical compilation, ephemeral criticism, were

the multifarious employments which they laid on him. Nothing that he

afterwards produced quite came up to the raciness of his first

performances. In 1753, he published the Adventures of Ferdinand Count

Fathom. In the dedication of this novel he left a blank after the word

Doctor, which may probably be supplied with the name of Armstrong. From

certain phrases that occur in the more serious parts, I should

conjecture them to be hastily translated from another language. Some of

these shall be laid before the reader, that he may judge for himself. "A

solemn profession, on which she _reposed herself with_ the most implicit

confidence and faith;" ch. xii. (v. 4. p. 54, of Dr. Anderson's

edition.)--"Our hero would have made his retreat through the _port_, by

which he had entered;" instead of the _door_; ch. xiii. p. 55.--"His own

penetration pointed out the _canal_, through which his misfortune had

flowed upon him;" instead of the _channel_; ch. xx. p. 94.--"Public

ordinaries, walks, and _spectacles_;" instead of _places of

entertainment_; ch. xxv. p. 125.--"The Tyrolese, by the _canal_ of

Ferdinand's finger, and recommendation, sold a pebble for a real

brilliant;" ch. xxxvii. p. 204.--"A young gentleman whose pride was

_indomitable_;" ch. xlvi. p. 242. In one chapter we find ourselves in a

stage-coach, with such a company as Smollett loved to introduce to his

readers.

He was about this time prosecuted in the King's Bench, on a charge of

having intended to assassinate one of his countrymen, whose name was

Peter Gordon. A few blows of the cane, which, after being provoked by

repeated insolence, he had laid across the shoulders of this man,

appeared to be the sole grounds for the accusation, and he was,

therefore, honourably acquitted by the jury. A letter, addressed to the

prosecutor's counsel, who, in Smollett's opinion, by the intemperance of

his invective had abused the freedom of speech allowed on such

occasions, remains to attest the irritability and vehemence of his own

temper. The letter was either not sent, or the lawyer had too much

moderation to make it the subject of another action, the consequences of

which he could have ill borne; for the expense, incurred by the former

suit, was already more than he was able to defray, at a time when

pecuniary losses and disappointments in other quarters were pressing

heavily upon him. A person, for whom he had given security in the sum of

one hundred and eighty pounds, had become a bankrupt, and one remittance

which he looked for from the East Indies, and another of more than a

thousand pounds from Jamaica, failed him. From the extremity to which

these accidents reduced him, he was extricated by the kindness of his

friend, Doctor Macaulay, to which he had been before indebted; and by

the liberality of Provost Drummond, who paid him a hundred pounds for

revising the manuscript of his brother Alexander Drummond's travels

through Germany, Italy, Greece, &c. which were printed in a folio volume

in 1754. He had long anticipated the profits of his next work. This was

a translation of Don Quixote, published at the beginning of 1755. Lord

Woodhouselee, in his Essay on Translation, has observed, that it is

little else than an improvement of the version by Jarvis. On comparing a

few passages with the original, I perceive that he fails alike in

representing the dignity of Cervantes in the mock-heroic, and the

familiarity of his lighter manner. These are faults that might have been

easily avoided by many a writer of much less natural abilities than

Smollett, who wanted both the leisure and the command of style that were

requisite for such an undertaking. The time, however, which he gave to

that great master, was not thrown away. He must have come back from the

study with his mind refreshed, and its powers invigorated by

contemplating so nearly the most skilful delineation that had ever been

made of human nature, according to that view in which it most suited his

own genius to look at it.

On his return from a visit to Scotland, where a pleasant story is told

of his being introduced to his mother as a stranger, and of her

discovery of him after some time, with a burst of maternal affection, in

consequence of his smiling, he engaged (1756) in an occupation that was

not likely to make him a wiser, and certainly did not make him a happier

man. The celebrity obtained by the Monthly Review had raised up a rival

publication, under the name of the Critical. The share which Smollett

had in the latter is left in some uncertainty. Doctor Anderson tells us,

that he undertook the chief direction; and Mr. Nichols,[2] that he

assisted Archibald Hamilton the printer. Whatever his part might be, the

performance of it was enough to waste his strength with ignoble labour,

to embitter his temper by useless altercation, and to draw on him

contempt and insult from those who, however they surpassed him in

learning, could scarcely be regarded as his superiors in native vigour

and fertility of mind. "Sure I," said Gray, in a letter to Mason, "am

something a better judge than all the man-midwives and presbyterian

parsons that ever were born. Pray give me leave to ask you, do you find

yourself tickled with the commendations of such people? (for you have

your share of these too) I dare say not; your vanity has certainly a

better taste. And can then the censure of such critics move you?" And

Warburton, who had probably been exasperated in the same way, called his

History of England the nonsense of a vagabond Scot.

In the same year was published a Compendium of Authentic and

Entertaining Voyages, in seven volumes, which was said to have been made

under his superintendence. We have his own word [3], that he had written

a very small part of it. In 1757, his Reprisal, or the Tars of Old

England, an entertainment in two acts, in which the scene throughout is

laid on board ship, and which describes seamen in his usual happy vein,

was acted at Drury-lane with tolerable success. In 1758, he published

his History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Treaty

of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, four volumes. Of this work, hasty as it was,

having been compiled in fourteen months, ten thousand copies were

speedily sold.

Some strictures in the Critical Review, which, in order to screen the

printer of it, he generously avowed himself to have written, once more

exposed him to a legal prosecution. The offensive passages were

occasioned by a pamphlet, in which Admiral Knowles had vindicated

himself from some reflections that were incidentally cast on him in the

course of Sir John Mordaunt's trial for the failure of a secret

expedition on the coast of France, near Rochefort. In his comments on

the pamphlet, Smollett had stigmatized Knowles, the author of it, as "an

admiral without conduct, an engineer without knowledge, an officer

without resolution, and a man without veracity." It can scarcely be

wondered, if, after such provocation, the party injured was not deterred

by menaces, or diverted by proposals of agreement, from seeking such

reparation as the law would afford him. This reparation the law did not

fail to give; and Smollett was sentenced to pay a penalty of one hundred

pounds, and to be confined for three months in the prison of the King's

Bench. Cervantes wrote his Don Quixote in a gaol; and Smollett resolved,

since he was now in one, that he would write a Don Quixote too. It maybe

said of the Spaniard, according to Falstaff's boast, "that he is not

only witty in himself, but the cause that wit is in other men;" and

among the many attempts at imitation, to which the admirable original

has given rise, Sir Launcelot Greaves is not one of the worst. That a

young man, whose brain had been slightly affected by a disappointment in

love, should turn knight-errant, at a time when books of chivalry were

no longer in vogue, is not, indeed, in the first instance, very

probable. But we are contented to overlook this defect in favour of the

many original touches of character, and striking views of life,

particularly in the mad-house, and the prison into which he leads his

hero, and which he has depicted with the force of Hogarth. If my

recollection does not mislead me, he will be found in some parts of this

novel to have had before him the Pharsamond of Marivaux, another copy of

Cervantes. But it does not anywhere like Count Fathom, betray symptoms

of being a mere translation. Sir Launcelot Greaves was first printed

piecemeal in the British Magazine, or Monthly Repository, a miscellany

to which Goldsmith was also a contributor. It has the recommendation of

being much less gross and indelicate than any other of his novels.

During the same period, 1761 and 1762, he published, in numbers, four

volumes of a Continuation of his History of England; and in 1765, a

fifth, which brought it down to that time.

Not contented with occupation under which an ordinary man would have

sunk, he undertook, on the 29th of May, 1762, to publish the Briton, a

weekly paper, in defence of the Earl of Bute, on that day appointed

first commissioner of the treasury; and continued it till the 12th of

February in the ensuing year, about two months before the retirement of

that nobleman from office. By his patron he complained that he was not

properly supported; and he incurred the hostility of Wilkes, who had

before been his staunch friend, but who espoused the party in opposition

to the Minister, by an attack, the malignance of which no provocation

could have justified.

In 1763, his name was prefixed, in conjunction with that of Francklin,

the Greek professor at Cambridge, and translator of Sophocles and

Lucian, to a version of the works of Voltaire, in twenty-seven volumes.

To this he contributed, according to his own account, a small part,

including all the notes historical and critical. To the Modern Universal

History, which was published about the same time, he also acknowledged

himself to be a contributor, though of no very large portion.

His life had hitherto been subjected to the toil and anxiety of one

doomed to earn a precarious subsistence by his pen. Though designed by

nature for the light and pleasant task of painting the humours and

follies of men, he had been compelled to undergo the work of a literary

drudge. Though formed to enjoy the endearments of friendship, his

criticisms had made those who were before indifferent to him his

enemies; and his polities, those whom he had loved, the objects of his

hatred. The smile, which the presence of his mother for a moment

recalled, had almost deserted his features. Still we may suppose it to

have lightened them up occasionally, in those hours of leisure when he

was allowed to unbend himself in the society of a wife, with whom he

seems always to have lived happily, and of an only daughter, who was

growing up to share with her his caresses, and to whom both looked as

the future support of their age.

[Greek:

Tautae, gegaetha, kapilaethomai kakon'

Haed anti pollon esti moi parapsychae,

Aeolis, tithaenae, baktron, haegemon hodou]

In her, rejoicing, I forgot mine ills.

I have lost much; but she remains, my comfort,

My city and my nurse, my staff and guide.

He had bemoaned his distresses as an author; but was now to feel

calamity of a different kind. This only daughter was taken from him by

death, in her fifteenth year. Henceforward he was, with some short

intervals, a prey to querulousness and disease. Soon after this loss (in

June, 1763,) being resolved to try what change of climate would do for

him, he set out with his disconsolate partner on a journey through

France and Italy. On quitting his own country, he describes himself

"traduced by malice, persecuted by faction, abandoned by false patrons,

and overwhelmed by the sense of a private calamity, which it was not in

the power of fortune to repair." The account which he published of this

expedition on his return, shews that he did not derive from it the

relief which he had expected. The spleen with which he contemplated

every object that presented itself to him, was ridiculed by Sterne, who

gave him the name of Smelfungus. With this abatement, the narration has

much to interest and amuse, and conveys some information by which a

traveller might perhaps still profit. When he brings before us the

driver pointing to the gibbeted criminal whom he had himself betrayed,

and unconsciously discovering his own infamy to Smollett, we might

suppose ourselves to be reading a highly wrought incident in one of his

own fictions. His prognostics of the approaching Revolution in France

are so remarkable, that I am tempted to transcribe them. "The King of

France, in order to give strength and stability to his administration,

ought to have sense to adopt a sage plan of economy, and vigour of mind

sufficient to execute it in all its parts with the most rigorous

exactness. He ought to have courage enough to find fault, and even to

punish the delinquents, of what quality soever they may be; and the

first act of reformation ought to be a total abolition of all the farms.

There are undoubtedly many marks of relaxation in the reins of the

French government; and in all probability, the subjects of France will

be the first to take the advantage of it. There is at present a violent

fermentation of different principles among them, which under the reign

of a very weak prince, or during a long minority, may produce a great

change in the constitution. In proportion to the progress of reason and

philosophy, which have made great advances in this kingdom [**kingfrom

in original], superstition loses ground; ancient prejudices give way; a

spirit of freedom takes the ascendant. All the learned laity of France,

detest the hierarchy as a plan of despotism, founded on imposture and

usurpation. The protestants, who are very numerous in the southern

parts, abhor it with all the rancour of religious fanaticism. Many of

the Commons, enriched by commerce and manufacture, grow impatient of

those odious distinctions, which exclude them from the honours and

privileges due to their importance in the commonwealth; and all the

parliaments or tribunals of justice in the kingdom seem bent upon

asserting their rights and independence in the face of the king's

prerogative, and even at the expense of his power and authority. Should

any prince, therefore, be seduced, by evil counsellors, or misled by his

own bigotry, to take some arbitrary step that may be extremely

disagreable to all those communities, without having spirit to exert the

violence of his power for the support of his measures, he will become

equally detested and despised, and the influence of the Commons will

insensibly encroach upon the pretensions of the crown." (Travels through

France and Italy, c. xxxvi. Smollett's Works, vol. v. p. 536.) This

presentiment deserves to be classed with that prophecy of Harrington in

his Oceana, of which some were fond enough to hope the speedy fulfilment

at the beginning of the revolution. Smollett passed the greater part of

his time abroad at Nice, but proceeded also to Rome and Florence.

About a year after he had returned from the continent (in June, 1766,)

he again visited his native country, where he had the satisfaction to

find his mother and sister still living. At Edinburgh he met with the

two Humes, Robertson, Adam Smith, Blair, and Ferguson; but the bodily

ailments, under which he was labouring, left him little power of

enjoying the society of men who had newly raised their country to so

much eminence in literature. To his friend, Dr. Moore, then a chirurgeon

at Glasgow, who accompanied him from that place, to the banks of Loch

Lomond, he wrote, in the February following, that his expedition into

Scotland had been productive of nothing but misery and disgust, adding,

that he was convinced his brain had been in some measure affected; for

that he had had a kind of _coma vigil_ upon him from April to November,

without intermission. He was at this time at Bath, where two

chirurgeons, whom he calls the most eminent in England, and whose names

were Middleton and Sharp, had so far relieved him from some of the most

painful symptoms of his malady, particularly an inveterate ulcer in the

arm, that he pronounced himself to be better in health and spirits than

during any part of the seven preceding years. But the flattering

appearance which his disorder assumed was not of long continuance. A

letter written to him by David Hume, on the 18th of July following,

shews that either the state of his health, or the narrowness of his

means, or perhaps both these causes together, made him desirous of

obtaining the consulship of Nice or Leghorn. But neither the

solicitations of Hume, nor those of the Duchess of Hamilton, could

prevail on the Minister, Lord Shelburne, to confer on him either of

these appointments. In the next year, September 21, 1768, the following

paragraph in a letter from Hume convinced him that he had nothing to

expect from any consideration for his necessities in that quarter. "What

is this you tell me of your perpetual exile and of your never returning

to this country? I hope that, as this idea arose from the bad state of

your health, it will vanish on your recovery, which, from your past

experience, you may expect from those happier climates to which you are

retiring; after which, the desire of revisiting your native country will

probably return upon you, unless the superior cheapness of foreign

countries prove an obstacle, and detain you there. I could wish that

means had been fallen on to remove this objection, and that at least it

might be equal to you to live anywhere, except when the consideration of

your health gave the preference to one climate above another. But the

indifference of ministers towards literature, which has been long, and

indeed almost always is the case in England, gives little prospect of

any alteration in this particular."

If ministers would in no other way conduce to his support, he was

determined to levy on them at least an involuntary contribution, and

accordingly (in 1769,) he published the Adventures of an Atom, in which

he laid about him to right and left, and with a random humour, somewhat

resembling that of Rabelais and Swift, made those whom he had defended

and those whom he had attacked, alike the subject of very gross

merriment.

But his sport and his suffering were now coming to a close. The

increased debility under which he felt himself sinking, induced him

again to try the influence of a more genial sky. Early in 1770, he set

out with his wife for Italy; and after staying a short time at Leghorn,

settled himself at Monte Nero, near that port. In a letter to Caleb

Whitefoord, dated the 18th of May, he describes himself rusticated on

the side of a mountain that overlooks the sea, a most romantic and

salutary situation. One other flash broke from him in this retirement.

His novel, called the Expedition of Humphry Clinker, which he sent to

England to be printed in 1770, though abounding in portraitures of

exquisite drollery, and in situations highly comical, has not the full

zest and flavour of his earlier works. The story does not move on with

the same impetuosity. The characters have more the appearance of being

broad caricatures from real life, than the creatures of a rich and

teeming invention. They seem rather the representation of individuals

grotesquely designed and extravagantly coloured, than of classes of men.

His bodily strength now giving way by degrees, while that of his mind

remained unimpaired, he expired at his residence near Leghorn, on the

21st of October, 1771, in the 51st year of his age.

His mother died a little before him. His widow lived twelve years

longer, which she passed at Leghorn in a state of unhappy dependence on

the bounty of the merchants at that place, and of a few friends in

England. Out of her slender means she contrived to erect a monument to

her deceased husband, on which the following inscription from the pen of

his friend Armstrong was inscribed:

Hic ossa conduntur

TOBIAE SMOLLETT, Scoti;

Qui prosapia generosa et antiqua natus,

Priscae virtutis exemplar emicuit;

Aspectu ingenue,

Corpore valido,

Pectore animoso,

Indole apprime benigna,

Et fere supra facultates munifica

Insignis.

Ingenio feraci, faceto, versatili,

Omnigenae fere doctrinae mire capaci,

Varia fabularum dulcedine

Vitam moresque hominum,

Ubertate summa ludens depinxit.

Adverso, interim, nefas! tali tantoque alumno,

Nisi quo satyrae opipare supplebat,

Seculo impio, ignavo, fatuo,

Quo Musse vix nisi nothae

Maerenatulis Britannicis

Fovebantur.

In memoriam

Optimi et amabilis omnino viri,

Permultis amicis desiderati,

Hocce marmor,

Dilectissima simul et amantissima conjunx

L. M.

Sacravit.

A column with a Latin inscription was also placed to commemorate him on

the banks of his favourite Leven, near the house in which he was born,

by his kinsman Mr. Smollett of Bonhill.

The person of Smollett is described by his friend Dr. Moore as stout and

well-proportioned, his countenance engaging, and his manner reserved,

with a certain air of dignity that seemed to indicate a consciousness of

his own powers.

Lives of the English Poets From Johnson to Kirke White, Designed as a Continuation of Johnson's Lives · 第 7 / 23 段