slowly reviving prospects of the West, and seems for the moment to have
had the effect of uniting all the otherwise discordant elements for the
purpose of resistance to the common foe. This was the invasion of the
Saracens from the South. These warlike zealots had, after over-running
and destroying the Roman civilisation of Northern Africa, passed over
into Spain, and in 719 they crossed the Pyrenees and invaded Southern
Gaul. The old Roman cities were at that time in a comparatively settled
and prosperous condition, when their tranquility was thus rudely
interrupted. The whole country was devastated by the Saracen invaders,
the towns were besieged, and in most cases taken and destroyed. We shall
find, as we proceed, that there is scarcely one which does not bear the
mark of the destructive hand of the Saracen. The overwhelming flood was,
however, at length stemmed by Charles Martel in 732 at Tours, when the
Moors were completely defeated and driven back beyond the Pyrenees. This
great victory gave repose for a time; and thinking men being weary of
the long night of Anarchy which had so long oppressed them, began to
look round for some principle by which rule and order might again be
restored. Any durable and fixed system would be better than the
fluctuation and uncertainty so long experienced. After so many changes
and so much diversity of government, the principle of unity naturally
presented itself to men’s minds. The tyranny of the Empire was forgotten
under the more crushing oppressions of all kinds which had since had to
be submitted to; while its unity and strength were remembered, and
people began to long for what now appeared to be “the good old times” of
the Empire. It was agreed that the only satisfactory form of government
was one which, like the Empire, should include the whole Roman world.
This was considered to be in accordance with the nature of things. As
there is one God, so there should be one Emperor to represent Him on
earth as temporal ruler, and one Pope to represent Him in matters
spiritual as the head of the Church. And by a remarkable coincidence
this idea came to be realised about A.D. 800, in the person of
Charlemagne, who extended his sway over nearly the whole of Western
Europe. What rendered possible at that time the apparent fulfilment of
the dream of universal temporal and spiritual government, was the fact
that during Charlemagne’s time these two powers recognised that they
could be of considerable service to one another, and were consequently
on very friendly terms. As Charlemagne was now the supreme temporal
Emperor, so the Bishop of Rome had also fully established his supremacy
in the Church. This had been brought about by various fortunate
circumstances--by his occupying the See of the great city whose name was
still a power, and where the Bishop held the old municipal authority and
rule which had there been less disturbed by the invasions of the
Barbarians than elsewhere; by his importance as a suzerain, being a very
extensive proprietor in Italy and Gaul; and by means of the influence of
missionaries sent direct from Rome by the Pope to Britain and Germany,
where the converts, being thus brought into immediate connection with
Rome, naturally gave their support to the Pope as head of the Church.
The Papal sanction had now become usual, and was considered necessary by
Kings, to their establishment on the throne--especially in Germany,
where Papal supremacy so fully reigned. But while the King required the
Pope’s countenance, the Pope also was most desirous to obtain the aid of
the temporal power, in order to overthrow the authority of the Lombards
in the North of Italy, and to obtain possession of the Exarchate.
Their requirements thus fitted in with one another, so that at the
coronation of Charlemagne as Emperor by Pope Leo, in the year 800, the
supremacy and unity of the two heads of affairs, in matters spiritual
and temporal, seemed to be complete, and the Holy Roman Empire to be
established on a secure and permanent basis.
After the time of Charlemagne, however, great disruptions of his empire
ensued; but the idea of a central power took root, and although not
developed according to the original conception, it led in time to the
formation of the various nations which now occupy the different
countries of Western Europe.
The idea of an universal Holy Empire deserves special attention in
connection with Architecture. The same causes as led to this conception
would also prevail with regard to the art, and especially the style of
Architecture to be followed in the Empire. This we shall find there is
reason to believe was the case, and that up to this time, and even till
the tenth century, the churches were apparently erected in one
traditional style, more or less followed in the whole of the Western
Empire; whereas after the above date the architecture diverges into
various national varieties in the different countries into which Europe
was then sub-divided.
Under Charlemagne a wonderful revival took place in Letters, Arts,
Schools, and Religion--the first dawn after the long night of anarchy.
In Italy, Provence, and Aquitaine, where the towns had preserved
something of the Roman municipal rule, and of the manners, letters, and
arts of the Empire, Literature and Art began slowly to improve and
revive. The relics of Roman culture which they possessed, together with
the constant intercourse of the dwellers in the towns with one another,
and the circumstance that here, as in Italy, the Nobles as well as the
Burghers dwelt within the walls, all helped to bring about a more
speedy revival in the South than in the North, where the Nobles dwelt
apart in their isolated castles. The reminiscences of Roman luxury, and
the warm and voluptuous climate, while they tended to enervate and
weaken, tended also to the growth of music, song and literature.
National poets arose, the predecessors of the Troubadours, who became so
prominent in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
This enlightenment, combined with the nascent chivalry of the eleventh
century, which introduced the worship of Woman with gallantry and the
Courts of Love, formed a striking contrast to the rigid asceticism of
the Burgundians, and competed strongly with the expansion of the
Monastic institutions. It was the same spirit of freedom and progress
which in the following century excited the suspicion and hatred of the
clergy, and gave rise to the dreadful scenes of massacre amongst the
Albigenses of Aquitaine, and the horrors of the Inquisition.
Architecture naturally participated in the general advancement and
showed symptoms of new life. From the ninth century evidences exist of
this revival in the monuments still to be found in these countries.
Charlemagne’s relations with the East were of a friendly character, and
he is said to have sent to Byzantium for men of learning and science.
Amongst these were no doubt Architects and Sculptors, who would thus
bring with them the elements of the Byzantine influence so distinctly
manifested in the early churches of the Rhineland.
The revival of the Holy Roman Empire under Charlemagne, although it
paved the way for the new life which was to follow, was not in itself
that new life. Up to this time the shadow of old Rome was still upon the
nations. The Goths wondered at, and envied the great central government
of the Empire, and strove to imitate and revive its power in their own
persons; and for this purpose they caused the Roman Laws to be collated,
and they endeavoured to administer them. This too, as we have seen, was
Charlemagne’s idea. But the new life of the modern world did not look
back to Rome as its model. It was glad to borrow from Rome all the laws
and culture it could make available, but its central idea is not that of
universal empire, but of separate and independent kingdoms. Hence the
long struggle in the North between the Austrasians, who strove to impose
upon the provinces their missi and officials from a central head, and
the Neustrians, whose Germanic instincts of individual freedom led them
to contend for the independence and liberty of action of the hereditary
rulers of the various provinces--the principle which in the end
prevailed and determined the condition of modern European countries.
The dream of an universal spiritual and temporal Empire was only an
attempt to raise the ghost of old Rome, but the new principle now being
developed of independent kingdoms marks the birth of the new modern
life.
The revival of the eleventh century was further greatly aided by the
Church, both secular and regular. The bishops and clergy being the best
educated class in the community, were the frequent advisers of those in
authority, thus leading to the proper position of the Church being
recognised and maintained. The monasteries also underwent the same
spirit of revival and reformation. Of this the history of the Abbeys of
Cluny and Citeaux form a remarkable illustration. The Abbey of Cluny was
founded about 909 A.D. by Guillaume le Pieux, duc d’Aquitaine, but Odon,
the second Abbot, was the real creator of the house. He introduced the
idea of subordination and order amongst monasteries, _i.e._, that there
should be one head Abbey, with numerous others subordinate to, and
dependent on it. This plan was also adopted by the House of Citeaux
(the Cistercians), founded about 1100, and others. The monasteries were,
however, as yet all subject to the rule of St Benedict--different
_orders_ had not hitherto been introduced, only different controlling
centres. Such control and superintendence were at this time only too
much needed, all discipline having been lost in the midst of the general
disorder. As has already been observed, many of the abbeys had become
mere castles in the hands of lay abbots, and were filled with armed men.
In other cases the clerical abbots acted as lay proprietors, and
commanded troops, and mixed in the quarrels of the nobles.
The Abbé Maïeul governed Cluny for the forty years preceding 994, during
which time a large number of monasteries from every part of Europe,
extending from Ravenna and Pavia in Italy to Tours in France, and
including the ancient monastery of St Honorat de Lérins in Provence,
adopted the rule of Cluny and became subject to its authority. Under
this reformed rule monastic institutions began to assume a great
importance and to exercise much influence in Western Europe. In the
midst of disorder they were the only representatives of a well regulated
government, and in fact produced the model from which modern society and
order sprung. Cluny now began to feel its power, and to long for
independence from the authority of the Bishops, desiring to hold from
the See of Rome alone.
Abbot Hugues and his friend Hildebrand (afterwards Gregory VII.) both
contended strongly for the independence of the spiritual power--a
struggle ending with the final victory of the Pope over the Emperor
Henry IV.
Hugues, like the other superiors of the monastic institutions, such as
the Abbé Suger and St Bernard, took part in all the great affairs of the
time (eleventh century). The Abbé of Cluny was invited by William the
Conqueror to regulate the religious affairs of England. In Hugues’ time
the dominion of Cluny extended over 314 monasteries. The Abbot-General
thus became the equal of any temporal prince, and owed his allegiance
only to the Pope. He struck his own coinage, and he appointed abbots to
all his subject monasteries, of whom he occasionally called together a
Council.
In the eleventh century the monastery, besides being a model of
centralised organisation, was the only place of repose for intellectual
minds. The monks also resuscitated the culture of the soil-establishing
small convents, or Obédiences, in remote and neglected territories,
where they cleared the ground, drained the marshes, enclosed fields, and
planted vineyards. They also constructed roads and established bridges
and ferries. Trades of all kinds were likewise practised and encouraged
in the monasteries, and the arts of the gold and silver smith, the
glazier and glass painter, the illuminator, and the carver were
specially subjects of the monks’ attention. The houses of the
inhabitants who carried on these trades clustered round the walls and
increased in number with the importance of the monastery. The workmen
consisted of tanners, weavers, curriers, and drapers, who manufactured
the produce of the live stock of the abbey. Where there were mines on
the property, the necessary labourers were employed; and all the
ordinary trades, such as those of bakers, butchers, shoemakers, smiths,
&c., were needed and supported. Schools were established, and the
education of all provided for. The sick were attended to, and all
travellers were welcomed and entertained.
It was natural that the monasteries, well regulated as they were, and
encouraging all kinds of industries, should speedily grow rich. But it
would be difficult to imagine how wealth could have been better made
available for the benefit of the community at that time, and under the
conditions then existing, than it was in the hands of the Benedictines.
The history of the Cistercian monasteries is similar to that of the
Clunisiens. In the end of the eleventh century some monks of Molesmes,
whose monastery had fallen into the greatest laxity, obtained from the
Papal Legate permission to found an Abbey on rules of great strictness.
Twenty monks established themselves in the forest of Citeaux, in the
diocese of Châlon, on a desert territory surrendered to them by the
Viscount of Beaune. The monks built an Oratory and established
Rules--one of which was that they should live by the work of their
hands. These monks were soon afterwards joined by St Bernard and his
companions, when the rule of Citeaux took a great start. In less than
twenty-five years after these twenty men began their labours in the
marshy forest by reclaiming and cultivating a small patch of ground,
they were represented by 60,000 Cistercian monks spread over every part
of Europe. They were called in by feudal lords from all countries to
clear the land, to establish industries, to rear flocks and herds, to
drain the marshes, and cultivate the soil. In a short time Citeaux ruled
over the incredible number of 2000 houses of both sexes, each house
possessing 5 or 6 granges.
Nothing can better illustrate the immense strides made in the West
during the eleventh century than the great development of these
establishments, and no part of the progress then made had greater
influence on Architecture. It is from this time that we may date the
revival of our art, after the almost total extinction of the Dark Ages.
It is evident that the very large number of new monasteries and churches
now required would have a great effect in stimulating the growth of
Architecture. The position of this and every other art was at that time
necessarily in the hands of the monks, who alone had sufficient
knowledge for the designing and decorating of any building. Under the
monastic influence, however, the designs naturally became subject to
rule and tradition, and tended to assume fixed forms, although these
varied somewhat under the regulations of the different orders, and in
different localities.
Another remarkable phenomenon, which was both an indication of the new
life and religions awakening of the epoch, and had also a very powerful
effect in increasing these movements, was the Crusades. The same
enthusiasm which prompted thousands to devote their lives to a holy and
useful existence in the cloister, stirred up in others through the
eloquence of Peter the Hermit and St Bernard, a resolve to sacrifice
everything to the righteous endeavour to rescue the places sanctified by
the great events in our Saviour’s Life from the hands of the Infidels.
Amongst the innumerable multitudes who joined in the Crusades, and
visited the East, there must have been many who were able to appreciate
the splendid architecture and decoration of Santa Sophia and the other
great churches and buildings of the Levant; and these travellers would
bring back with them fresh ideas which they would endeavour to import
into the structures of the West. Besides, the eyes of all were opened
and their minds enlarged by contact with the culture and refinement of
the Eastern empire, where the ancient Greek and Roman civilisation had
continued uninterruptedly during the centuries of darkness and barbarism
which had well nigh obliterated them in the West. They also saw at
Constantinople the great mart where the commerce between the East and
West was concentrated, and became acquainted with the rich fabrics and
beautiful art of Persia and India.
The transport of men and materials to the East, for the prosecution of
the war, likewise gave a great impulse to navigation and maritime
enterprise, while contact with the Saracens (then an enlightened and
scientific people) taught valuable lessons to the soldiers of the cross.
They especially acquired from them many improvements in the art of the
attack and defence of fortifications, and in the construction of
military engines, the results of which the Western nobles were not slow
to avail themselves of in the great castles which they erected on their
return from the Holy Land. The buildings of the Holy places themselves
were naturally adopted as models, and the circular churches of the West
are probably mostly imitations (although sometimes remote ones) of the
church of the Holy Sepulchre (which was itself rebuilt by the
Crusaders). It will be further pointed out in dealing with the history
of the Architecture how the ancient Greco-Roman art had been preserved
in Syria, and the direct influence it had on the Architecture of the
West.
Such being the general condition of affairs, and their bearing on the
art of the West of Europe up to the twelfth century, let us now look a
little more closely at the progress of events in the province with which
we are specially concerned.
[Illustration]
[Illustration] III.
A rapid glance at the political history of the country will further show
the extraordinary condition of fluctuation and uncertainty which existed
during the dismal period which followed the overthrow of the Roman rule,
as well as the gradual growth of the new state of things under which the
great revival of the twelfth century occurred. We shall also observe how
the early renewal of civilisation in the South, aided as it was by the
preservation of some relics of old Roman culture, ultimately yielded to
the more vigorous life and growth of the new political system of the
North.
We have seen that Aquitaine was occupied by the Visigoths in the fourth
century, while Provence was still held by the Burgundians and
Gallo-Romans.
In 425 Aetius made a final stand for the Roman cause, but was defeated
by Theodoric, King of the Visigoths, and the last vestige of the Empire
was swept away. These two powers of the South afterwards united their
forces against Attila, their common foe, and drove back the Huns in 451.
In 480 Arles was captured by Euric for the Visigoths, who thus became
masters of Provence. In the sixth century the Franks extended their arms
southwards, and under Clovis, and Gundibald, King of the Burgundians,
defeated the Visigoths at Bouglé in 507.
In 511 Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths in North Italy, defeated the
army of Clovis while engaged in the siege of Arles, and thus preserved
the Mediterranean coast to Italy. But Provence was resigned in 536 by
his successor Witiges to Theodoric, King of the Franks, who had
overthrown the Burgundian Kingdom.
At the death of Clothair I. in 561, Provence was divided between his
sons, Sigebert, King of Austrasia obtaining Marseilles, and Gontran of
Burgundy, Arles. Under subsequent kings Provence was again reunited and
again divided.
In 719 the Saracens crossed the Pyrenees and took possession of
Languedoc. They subsequently united with Maurontis, the Byzantine
governor of Marseilles, for the purpose of driving out the Franks, but
were defeated by Charles Martel, who thus united Aquitaine and Provence
to the Frank kingdom.
These Southern provinces, which, as already mentioned, were governed by
municipal and ecclesiastical organisations, were too weak either to
resist the inroads of the Saracens, or to defend themselves against the
more vigorous discipline of the North.
At the division of the Carlovingian empire, after the death of
Charlemagne in 843, Provence fell to Lothaire, along with Burgundy. In
863 it was seized by Charles the Bald, and in 879 his brother-in-law
Boson, governor of Vienne, was elected King by the synod of Montale, and
Provence was thus converted into a separate monarchy.
In 932 Hugo obtained the Italian kingdom, and ceded Provence to Rudolph
II., who united the two Burgundies under the name of the Kingdom of
Arles. This kingdom existed as a name till 1032; but Provence had in the
meantime been governed by Princes whose power continually increased,
till, from being appointed Governors, they became hereditary holders of
the fief. Of these Princes there were several in the tenth century, who
reigned under the titles of Boson I. and II., William I. (who drove out
the Moorish pirates from the Fraxinet in 968) (as will be referred to in
the sequel), Rothbold, William II., &c.
In 1112 Raymond Béranger, Count of Barcelona, of the house of Aragon,
married the heiress of Provence, and obtained possession of the country.
But Raymond of St Gilles, Count of Toulouse, one of the great leaders of
the first crusade in 1096, claimed a part; and in 1130 possession of
Provence was disputed between his son and Raymond des Baux, of whose
family we shall hear more by-and-bye. In 1181 Raymond Béranger, who had
been invested in Provence by his brother Alphonso I. of Aragon, died,
and the fief reverted to Alphonso I. and II. till 1196.
In 1209 an attempt was made by Raymond Béranger, fourth Count of
Provence, to destroy the independence of the cities. These had all along
preserved their municipal freedom and Roman form of self-government. The
governing body was elected by the citizens, the chief magistrate being
originally nominated by the Byzantine Emperor, but latterly the office
became vested in certain families, or was held by the bishop. In the
twelfth century reforms were attempted in this as in everything else,
and the citizens followed in their reforms the example of the Italian
Republics, and chose a chief magistrate for life with the title of
Podestà. To this officer was entrusted the command of the troops, and
his chief duty was to maintain order in the town amongst the different
factions which were incessantly at war with one another. The power of
the Podestàs was thus considerable, and the Count found much difficulty
in subduing them. The Albigenses of Avignon capitulated in 1226; and
Nice, Grasse, Toulon, and Marseilles were also subsequently overcome.
The strength of the free towns had been shaken shortly before this by
the terrible crusade against the Albigenses of Aquitaine. The tenets of
the Christian Church in this province had always differed somewhat from
those of Rome, and the jealousy of the ecclesiastics had been excited by
the freedom of the life and language of this comparatively enlightened
region. The Pope having now completely established the principle of the
supremacy of the See of Rome, could not endure the idea of any want of
conformity to his rule; and he accordingly encouraged the Romanists of
the North to make war on these rebellious heretics. The enthusiasm of
the Crusaders against the Holy Land had now worn off; but a crusade
against the Heretics of Aquitaine had the charm of novelty, combined
with the advantages of easiness of access, and the probability of
abundance of booty. The crusades against the Albigenses were led by
Count Simon de Montfort, who attacked and, after encountering in most
cases a gallant and determined defence, destroyed the towns, and
massacred the inhabitants. At Béziers alone, which fell after a
protracted siege, the Abbot of Citeaux, in reporting to Innocent III.,
expressed regret that he had only been able to slay 20,000 heretics; but
it is believed that no less than 60,000 were destroyed in that
indiscriminate massacre.
The horrors of war were followed by the tortures of the Inquisition, and
in the holy hands of St Dominic and his order all dissent was either
exterminated or driven into other lands, there to sow the seeds which
should some day spring up as a crop, which no Papal sickle could cut
down.
Raymond VII., Count of Toulouse, having espoused the cause of his
people, suffered with them and was compelled to do penance and to
surrender, by a definite treaty with Queen Blanche in 1229, all his
possessions in the Kingdom of France to her husband Louis VIII., and all
in the Kingdom of Arles to the Pope’s Legate. Only a small portion was
allowed him for life, and he was required to do penance by service in
the Holy Land. The Pope, however, declined to accept of the Kingdom of
Arles on account of its burdensomeness owing to famines. He therefore
handed it over to Queen Blanche, who entrusted the administration of it
to the Seneschal of the castle of Beaucaire. It was afterwards formed
into the Principality of Orange and the Countship of the Venaissin.
In 1243 Raymond VII. of Toulouse was finally obliged to yield up
everything to King Louis IX. The suzerainty of ancient Aquitaine was
thus acquired by the Crown of France, but Provence, east of the Rhone,
still retained its independence.