CHAPTER XVI.

THE OLDEN TIME.

Wealth and Rank of the Ancient Families.--Their Vast Landed

Estates.--Distinctions in Dress.--Veneration for the

Patroon.--Kip's Mansion.--Days of the Revolution.--Mr. John

Adams' Journal.--Negro Slavery.--Consequences of the

System.--General Panic.

Many of the families who came from the Old World to the Hudson when

New Netherland was under the Dutch regime, brought with them the

tokens of their former rank and affluence. Valuable paintings adorned

their walls. Rich plate glittered upon their dining table. Obsequious

servants, who had been accustomed in feudal Europe to regard their

masters as almost beings of a superior order, still looked up to them

in the same reverential service. The social distinctions of the old

country very soon began to prevail in the thriving village of New

York. The governor was fond of show and was fully aware of its

influence upon the popular mind. His residence became the seat of

quite a genteel little court.

"The country was parcelled out," writes Rev. Bishop Kip,

"among great proprietors. We can trace them from the city of

New Amsterdam to the northern part of the State. In what is

now the thickly populated city were the lands of the

Stuyvesants, originally the _Bouwerie_ of the old governor.

Next above were the grant to the Kip family, called Kip's

Bay, made in 1638. In the centre of the island was the

possessions of the De Lanceys. Opposite, on Long Island, was

the grant of the Laurence family. We cross over Harlaem

river and reach Morrisania, given to the Morris family.

Beyond this on the East river, was De Lancey's farm, another

grant to that powerful family; while on the Hudson to the

west, was the lower Van Courtland manor, and the Phillipse

manor. Above, at Peekskill, was the upper manor of the Van

Courtlands. Then came the manor of Kipsburg, purchased by

the Kip family from the Indians in 1636, and made a royal

grant by governor Dongan two years afterwards.

"Still higher up was the Van Rensselaer manor, twenty-four

miles by forty-eight; and above that the possession of the

Schuylers. Farther west, on the Mohawk, were the broad lands

of Sir William Johnson, created a baronet for his services

in the old French and Indian wars, who lived in a rude

magnificence at Johnson Hall."

The very names of places in some cases show their history. Such for

instance, is that of Yonkers. The word _Younker_, in the languages of

northern Europe, means the nobly born, the gentleman. In Westchester,

on the Hudson river, still stands the old manor house of the Phillipse

family. The writer remembers in his early days when visiting there,

the large rooms and richly ornamented ceilings, with quaint old formal

gardens about the house. When before the revolution, Mr. Phillipse

lived there, lord of all he surveyed, he was always spoken of by his

tenantry as the Yonker, the gentleman, _par excellence_. In fact he

was the only person of social rank in that part of the country. In

this way the town, which subsequently grew up about the old manor

house, took the name of Yonkers.

The early settlement of New England was very different in its

character. Nearly all the emigrants were small farmers, upon social

equality, cultivating the fields with their own hands. Governors

Carver and Bradford worked as diligently with hoe and plough as did

any of their associates. They were simply first among equals.

"The only exception to this," writes Mr. Kip,

"which we can remember was the case of the Gardiners of

Maine. Their wide lands were confiscated for their loyalty.

But on account of some informality, after the Revolution,

they managed to recover their property and are still seated

at Gardiner."

For more than a century these distinguished families in New Netherland

retained their supremacy undisputed. They filled all the posts of

honor and emolument. The distinctions in society were plainly marked

by the dress. The costume of the gentleman was very rich. His coat of

glossy velvet was lined with gold lace. His flowing sleeves and

ruffled cuffs gave grace to all the movements of his arms and hands.

Immense wigs adorned his brow with almost the dignity of Olympian

Jove. A glittering rapier, with its embossed and jewelled scabbard,

hung by his side.

The common people in New Netherland, would no more think of assuming

the dress of a gentleman or lady, than with us, a merchant or mechanic

would think of decorating himself in the dress of a Major-General in

the United States army. There was an impassable gulf between the

peasantry and the aristocracy. The laborers on these large Dutch

estates were generally poor peasants, who had been brought over by the

landed proprietors, passage free. They were thus virtually for a

number of years, slaves of the _patroon_, serving him until, by their

labor, they had paid for their passage money. In the language of the

day they were called Redemptioners. Often the term of service of a

man, who had come over with his family, amounted to seven years.

"This system," writes Mr. Kip,

"was carried out to an extent of which most persons are

ignorant. On the Van Rensselaer manor, there were at one

time, several thousand tenants, and their gathering was like

that of the Scottish clans. When a member of the family died

they came down to Albany to do honor at the funeral, and

many were the hogsheads of good ale which were broached for

them. They looked up to the _Patroon_ with a reverence which

was still lingering in the writer's early day,

notwithstanding the inroads of democracy. And before the

Revolution this feeling was shared by the whole country.

When it was announced, in New York, a century ago, that the

Patroon was coming down from Albany by land, the day he was

expected to reach the city, crowds turned out to see him

enter in his coach and four."

The aristocratic Dutchmen cherished a great contempt for the

democratic Puritans of New England. One of the distinguished members

of a colonial family in New York, who died in the year 1740, inserted

the following clause in his will:

"It is my wish that my son may have the best education that

is to be had in England or America. But my express will and

directions are, that he never be sent for that purpose, to

the Connecticut colonies, lest he should imbibe in his

youth, that low craft and cunning, so incidental to the

people of that country, which is so interwoven in their

constitutions, that all their acts cannot disguise it from

the world; though many of them, under the sanctified garb of

religion, have endeavored to impose themselves on the world

as honest men."

Usually once in a year the residents in their imposing manorial homes

repaired, from their rural retreats, to New York to make their annual

purchases. After the country passed into the hands of the English,

several men of high families came over. These all held themselves

quite aloof from the masses of the people. And there was no more

disposition among the commonalty to claim equality with these

high-born men and dames, than there was in England for the humble

farmers to deny any social distinction between themselves and the

occupants of the battlemented castles which overshadowed the peasant's

lowly cot.

Lord Cornbury was of the blood royal. The dress and etiquette of

courts prevailed in his spacious saloons. "About many of their old

country houses," writes Mr. Kip,

"were associations gathered often coming down from the first

settlement of the country, giving them an interest which can

never invest the new residences of those whom later times

elevated through wealth. Such was the Van Courtland

manor-house, with its wainscotted room and guest chamber;

the Rensselaer manor-house, where of old had been

entertained Talleyrand, and the exiled princes from Europe;

the Schuyler house, so near the Saratoga battle-field, and

marked by memories of that glorious event in the life of its

owner; and the residence of the Livingstons, on the banks of

the Hudson, of which Louis Philippe expressed such grateful

recollections when, after his elevation to the throne, he

met, in Paris, the son of his former host."

At Kip's Bay there was a large mansion which for two centuries

attracted the admiration of beholders. It was a large double house

with the addition of a wing. From the spacious hall, turning to the

left, you entered the large dining-saloon. The two front windows gave

you a view of the beautiful bay. The two rear windows opened upon a

pleasant rural landscape. In this dining-room a large dinner party was

held, in honor of Andre the day before he set out upon his fatal

excursion to West Point. In Sargent's, "Life of Andre," we find a very

interesting description of this mansion, and of the scenes witnessed

there in olden time.

"Where now in New York is the unalluring and crowded neighborhood of

Second avenue and Thirty-fifth street, stood, in 1780, the ancient

Bowerie or country seat of Jacobus Kip. Built in 1655, of bricks

brought from Holland, encompassed by pleasant trees and in easy view

of the sparkling waters of Kip's Bay, on the East river, the mansion

remained, even to our own times, in the possession of one of its

founder's line.

"When Washington was in the neighborhood, Kip's house had

been his quarters. When Howe crossed from Long Island on

Sunday, September 15th, 1776, he debarked at the rocky point

hard by, and his skirmishers drove our people from their

position behind the dwelling. Since then it had known many

guests. Howe, Clinton, Kniphausen, Percy were sheltered by

its roof. The aged owner, with his wife and daughter,

remained. But they had always an officer of distinction

quartered with them. And if a part of the family were in

arms for Congress, as is alleged, it is certain that others

were active for the Crown.

"Samuel Kip, of Kipsburg, led a cavalry troop of his own

tenantry, with great gallantry, in De Lancey's regiment. And

despite severe wounds, survived long after the war, a heavy

pecuniary sufferer by the cause which, with most of the

landed gentry of New York, he had espoused.

"In 1780, it was held by Colonel Williams, of the 80th royal

regiment. And here, on the evening of the 19th of September,

he gave a dinner to Sir Henry Clinton and his staff, as a

parting compliment to Andre. The aged owner of the house was

present; and when the Revolution was over he described the

scene and the incidents of that dinner. At the table Sir

Henry Clinton announced the departure of Andre next morning,

on a secret and most important expedition, and added, 'Plain

John Andre will come back Sir John Andre.'

"How brilliant soever the company," Mr. Sargent adds,

"how cheerful the repast, its memory must ever have been

fraught with sadness to both host and guests. It was the

last occasion of Andre's meeting his comrades in life. Four

short days gone, the hands, then clasped by friendship, were

fettered by hostile bonds. Yet nine days more and the

darling of the army, the youthful hero of the hour, had

dangled from a gibbet."

For two hundred and twelve years this mansion of venerable memories

remained. Then it was swept away by the resistless tide of an

advancing population. The thronged pavements of Thirty-fifth street

now pass over the spot, where two centuries ago the most illustrious

men crowded the banqueting hall, and where youth and beauty met in the

dance and song. In view of these ravages of time, well may we exclaim

in the impressive words of Burke, "What shadows we are and what

shadows we pursue."

In the year 1774, John Adams rode from Boston to Philadelphia on

horseback, to attend the first meeting of Congress. His journal

contains an interesting account of this long and fatiguing tour.

Coming from the puritanic simplicity of Boston, he was evidently

deeply impressed with the style and splendor which met his eye in New

York. In glowing terms he alludes to the elegance of their mode of

living, to the architectural grandeur of their country seats; to the

splendor of Broadway, and to the magnificent new church they were

building, which was to cost one hundred thousand dollars.

The aristocratic families of New York were generally in favor of the

Crown. They were not disposed to pay any special attention to a

delegate to the democratic Congress. He had therefore no opportunity

of witnessing the splendor of these ancient families. Two lawyers who

had become wealthy by their professional labors, received him with

honor. At their breakfast tables he beheld display, common enough in

almost every genteel household at the present day, but to which he was

quite unaccustomed in his frugal home at Quincy. One cannot but be

amused in reading the following description of one of his

entertainments:

"A more elegant breakfast I never saw; rich plate; a very

large silver coffee pot; a very large silver tea pot;

napkins of the very finest materials; toast and bread and

butter in great perfection. After breakfast a plate of

beautiful peaches, another of pears and a muskmelon were

placed on the table."

The Revolution proved the utter ruin of these great landed

proprietors, who naturally espoused the cause of the British court.

The habits of life to which they and their fathers had been accustomed

necessarily rendered all the levelling doctrines of the Revolution

offensive to them. They rallied around the royal banners and went down

with them.

Some few of the landed proprietors espoused the cause of the people.

Among others may be mentioned the Livingstons and the Schuylers, the

Jays, the Laurences, and a portion of the Van Courtlands, and of the

Morris family. Fortunately for the Patroon Van Rensselaer, he was a

minor, and thus escaped the peril of attaching himself to either

party.

Negro slavery in a mild form prevailed in these early years in New

York. The cruel and accursed system had been early introduced into the

colony. Most of the slaves were domestic servants, very few being

employed in the fields. They were treated with personal kindness.

Still they were bondmen, deprived of liberty, of fair wages, and of

any chance of rising in the world. Such men cannot, by any

possibility, be contented with their lot. Mr. William L. Stone, in his

very interesting History of New York, writes:

"As far back as 1628, slaves constituted a portion of the

population of New Amsterdam; and to such an extent had the

traffic in them reached that, in 1709, a slave market was

erected at the foot of Wall street, where all negroes who

were to be hired or sold, stood in readiness for bidders.

Their introduction into the colony was hastened by the

colonial establishment of the Dutch in Brazil and upon the

coast of Guinea, and also by the capture of Spanish and

Portuguese prizes with Africans on board.

"Several outbreaks had already happened among the negroes of

New Amsterdam; and the whites lived in constant anticipation

of trouble and danger from them. Rumors of an intended

insurrection real or imaginary, would circulate, as in the

negro plot of 1712, and the whole city be thrown into a

state of alarm. Whether there was any real danger on these

occasions, cannot now be known. But the result was always

the same. The slaves always suffered, many dying by the

fagot or the gallows."

In the year 1741, a terrible panic agitated the whole city in

apprehension of an insurrection of the slaves. The most cruel laws had

been passed to hold them firmly in bondage. The city then contained

ten thousand inhabitants, two thousand of whom were slaves. If three

of these, "black seed of Cain," were found together, they were liable

to be punished by forty lashes on the bare back. The same punishment

was inflicted upon a slave found walking with a club, outside of his

master's grounds without a permit. Two justices could inflict any

punishment, except amputation or death, upon any slave who should make

an assault upon a Christian or a Jew.

A calaboose or jail for slaves stood on the Park Common. Many of the

leading merchants in New York were engaged in the slave trade. Several

fires had taken place, which led to the suspicion that the slaves had

formed a plot to burn the city and massacre the inhabitants. The panic

was such that the community seemed bereft of reason. A poor, weak,

half-crazed servant-girl, Mary Burton, in a sailor's boarding house,

testified, after much importunity, that she had overheard some negroes

conferring respecting setting the town on fire.

At first she confined her accusations to the blacks. Then she began to

criminate white people, bringing charges against her landlord, his

wife and other white persons in the household. In a History of this

strange affair written at the time, by Daniel Horsmanden, one of the

Justices of the Supreme Court, we read,

"The whole summer was spent in the prosecutions. A

coincidence of slight circumstances was magnified, by the

general terror, into violent presumptions. Tales collected

without doors, mingling with the proofs given at the bar,

poisoned the minds of the jurors, and this sanguinary spirit

of the day suffered no check until Mary, the capital

informer, bewildered by the frequent examinations and

suggestions, began to touch characters which malice itself

dare not suspect."

During this period of almost insane excitement, thirteen negroes were

burned at the stake, eighteen were hanged, and seventy transported.

I cannot conclude this treatise upon the olden time better than by

quoting the eloquent words of Mr. Kip:

"The dress, which had for generations been the sign and

symbol of a gentleman, gradually waned away, till society

reached that charming state of equality in which it became

impossible, by any outward costume, to distinguish masters

from servants. John Jay says, in one of his letters, that

with small clothes and buckles the high tone of society

departed. In the writer's early day this system of the past

was just going out. Wigs and powder and queues, breeches and

buckles, still lingered among the older gentlemen, vestiges

of an age which was vanishing away.

"But the high toned feeling of the last century was still in

the ascendant, and had not yet succumbed to the worship of

mammon, which characterizes this age. There was still in New

York a reverence for the colonial families, and the

prominent political men, like Duane, Clinton, Golden,

Radcliff, Hoffman and Livingston, were generally gentlemen,

both by birth and social standing. The time had not yet come

when this was to be an objection to an individual in a

political career. The leaders were men whose names were

historical in the State, and they influenced society. The

old families still formed an association among themselves,

and intermarried, one generation after another. Society was

therefore very restricted. The writer remembers in his

childhood, when he went out with his father for his

afternoon drive, he knew every carriage they met on the

avenues.

"The gentlemen of that day knew each other well, for they

had grown up together and their associations in the past

were the same. Yet, what friendships for after-life did

these associations form! There was, in those days, none of

the show and glitter of modern times. But there was, with

many of these families, particularly with those who had

retained their landed estates and were still living in their

old family homes, an elegance which has never been rivalled

in other parts of the country. In his early days the writer

has been much at the South, has staid at Mount Vernon when

it was held by the Washingtons; with Lord Fairfax's family,

at Ashgrove and Vancluse; but he has never elsewhere seen

such elegance of living as was formerly exhibited by the old

families of New York.

"One thing is certain, that there was a high tone prevailing

at that time, which is now nowhere to be seen. The community

then looked up to public men, with a degree of reverence

which has never been felt by those who have succeeded them.

They were the last of a race which does not now exist. With

them died the stateliness of colonial times. Wealth came in

and created a social distinction which took the place of

family; and thus society became vulgarized.

"The influences of the past are fast vanishing away, and our

children will look only to the shadowy future. The very rule

by which we estimate individuals has been entirely altered.

The inquiry once was, 'Who is he?' Men now ask the question,

'How much is he worth?' Have we gained by the change?"

THE END.

NOTES:

[Footnote 1: Winslow in Young (p. 371).]

[Footnote 2: Bradford in Prince, 248.]

[Footnote 3: Dutch miles, equal to sixteen English miles.]

[Footnote 4: Morton's memorial, page 176.]

[Footnote 5: Hist. of New York, by John Romeyn Brodhead. Vol. I, p

257.]

[Footnote 6: History of the State of New York, p. 203.]

[Footnote 7: History of the State of New York, By John Romeyn Brodhead

Vol I. p. 473.]

[Footnote 8: John Romeyn Brodhead, Vol. 1. p. 521. E.B. O'Callaghan. M

D Vol 2. p. 157.]

[Footnote 9: "History of New Netherland" by E.B. O'Callaghan, Vol 2.

p. 317]

[Footnote 10: Officers of a very important municipal court.]

[Footnote 11: See Brodhead's State of New York, vol. 1. p. 721; also

O'Callaghan's New Netherland, vol 2. p. 489.]

[Footnote 12: This was one cent and a half for the three, or half a

cent each.]

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