CHAPTER VII.

WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND.

Action of the Patroons.--Settlements on the Hudson.--Alarm

of the Home Government.--Recall of Stuyvesant.--His Escape

from Humiliation.--Difficulties between England and

Holland.--The Breaking out of War.--Directions to

Stuyvesant.--The Relations of the Colonies.--Charges against

the Dutch Governor.--Their Refutation.--Efforts of

Stuyvesant for Peace.--Noble Conduct of the Massachusetts

Government.--The Advocates for War.

Governor Stuyvesant having removed the obnoxious vice-director, had

another, Johannes Dyckman, who he thought would be more subservient to

his wishes, appointed in his stead. The commissary of the patroons,

whom he had imprisoned at Manhattan, secreted himself on board a sloop

and escaped up the river to Beaverwyck. The enraged governor seized

the skipper of the sloop on his return, and inflicted upon him a heavy

fine.

The patroons were now fearful that the governor would fulfill his

threat of extending his authority over the extensive territory whose

jurisdiction the Charter of Privileges had entrusted exclusively to

the patroons. They therefore, on an appointed day assembled the

freemen and householders who bound themselves, by an oath, "to

maintain and support offensively and defensively the right and

jurisdiction of the colony against every one."

Among the persons who took this oath we find the name of John Baptist

Van Rensselaer. He was the younger half-brother of the patroon, and

probably the first of the name who came to New Netherland. It was now

reported that Governor Stuyvesant himself was about to visit fort

Orange, and that a new gallows was being prepared for those who should

attempt to thwart his wishes. The governor soon arrived and, with his

customary explicitness, informed the authorities there, that the

territory by the Exemptions, allowed to the patroon, was to extend

sixteen miles on one side of the river, or eight miles if both banks

were occupied. He called upon them to define their boundaries, saying

that he should recognize the patroons' jurisdiction only to that

extent. These limits would include but a small portion of the

territory which the patroons claimed by right of purchase from the

Indians.

The authorities were not prepared to act upon this question without

instructions from Holland. Stuyvesant would admit of no delay. He sent

a party of fourteen soldiers, armed with muskets, to the patroon's

house, who entered the enclosure, fired a volley, and hauled down the

flag of the patroon. He then issued a decree that Beaverswyck, which

included the region now occupied by the city of Albany, was

independent of the patroon's government, and was brought under the

jurisdiction of the colony of fort Amsterdam.

Van Slechtenhorst, the patroon's bold and efficient Commissary at

Rensselaerswick, ordered the governor's placards, announcing this

change, to be torn down, and a counter proclamation, affirming the

claims of the patroon to be posted in its stead. The governor arrested

him, imprisoned him for a time in fort Orange, and then removed him to

New Amsterdam, where he was held in close custody, until his

successor, John Baptist Van Rensselaer, was formally appointed in his

place.

At this time, 1652, there were no settlements, and but a few scattered

farmhouses between the island of Manhattan and the Catskill mountains.

Thomas Chambers had a farm at what is now Troy. With a few neighbors

he moved down the river to "some exceedingly beautiful lands," and

began the settlement of the present county of Ulster.

Stuyvesant returning to Manhattan, forbade any persons from buying

lands of the Indians without his permission. The large sales which had

been made to prominent individuals were declared to be void, and the

"pretended proprietors," were ordered to return the purchase money.

Should they however petition the governor, they might retain such

tracts as he and his council should permit.

By grant of the governor several new settlements were commenced on

Long Island, one at Newton, one at Flatbush. The news had now reached

the Directors of the Company in Holland, of the governor's very

energetic measures on the Delaware, supplanting the Swiss, demolishing

fort Nassau and erecting fort Casimir. They became alarmed lest such

violent measures might embroil them with the Swedish government. In a

letter addressed to Stuyvesant, they wrote:

"Your journey to the South river, and what has passed there

between you and the Swedes, was very unexpected to us, as

you did not give us before so much as a hint of your

intention. We cannot give our opinion upon it until we have

heard the complaints of the Swedish governor to his queen,

and have ascertained how these have been received at her

court. We hope that our arguments, to prove that we were the

first possessors of that country, will be acknowledged as

sufficient. Time will instruct us of the design of the

new-built fort Casimir. We are at a loss to conjecture for

what reason it has received this name. You ought to be on

your guard that it be well secured, so that it cannot be

surprised."

The States-General were more and more dissatisfied with the measures

of Governor Stuyvesant. The treaty of Hartford was severely censured.

They said that the Connecticut river should have been the eastern

boundary of New Netherland, and that the whole of Long Island should

have been retained. Even the West India Company became convinced that

it was necessary to make some concessions to the commonalty at

Manhattan. They therefore communicated to Stuyvesant their consent

that the "burgher government" should be established, which the

committee of Nine had petitioned for in behalf of the commonalty, in

1649, and which the States-General had authorized in 1650.

By this arrangement the people were to elect seven representatives,

who were to form a municipal court of justice, subject to the right of

appeal to the Supreme Court of the province. The sheriff was also

invested with new powers. He was to convoke and preside at the

municipal court, to prosecute all offenders against the laws, and to

take care that all the judgments of the court should be executed. The

people at Manhattan had thus won, to a very considerable degree, the

popular government which they had so long desired.

Quite to the amazement of the Directors of the West India Company, the

States-General recalled Stuyvesant, ordering him to return immediately

to Holland to give an account of his administration. He had been in

the main the faithful agent of the Company, carrying out its wishes in

opposition to popular reform. They therefore wrote to him, stating

that the requirement was in violation of their charter, and requesting

him "not to be in too much haste to commence his voyage, but to delay

it until the receipt of further orders."

It so happened, however, that then the States-General were just on the

eve of hostilities with England. It was a matter of the first

importance that New Netherland should be under the rule of a governor

of military experience, courage and energy. No man could excel

Stuyvesant in these qualities. Yielding to the force of circumstances,

the States-General revoked their recall. Thus narrowly Stuyvesant

escaped the threatened humiliation.

The English government was angry with Holland for refusing to expel

the royalist refugees, who, after the execution of Charles I., had

taken refuge in Holland. The commerce of the Dutch Republic then

covered every sea. England, to punish the Dutch and to revive her own

decaying commerce, issued, by Parliamentary vote, her famous "Act of

Navigation," which was exultantly proclaimed at the old London

Exchange "with sound of trumpet and beat of drum."

This Act decreed that no production of Asia, Africa or America should

be brought to England, except in English vessels, manned by English

crews, and that no productions of Europe should be brought to England,

unless in English vessels, or in those of the country in which the

imported cargoes were produced. These measures were considered very

unjust by all the other nations, and especially by the Dutch, then the

most commercial nation on the globe.

The States-General sent ambassadors to London to remonstrate against

such hostile action; and at the same time orders were issued for the

equipment of one hundred and fifty ships of war. The States-General

had not yet ratified Stuyvesant's treaty of Hartford. The ambassadors

were instructed to urge that an immovable boundary line should be

established between the Dutch and English possessions in America.

The reply of the English Government was not conciliatory. The English,

it was said, had always been forbidden to trade in the Dutch colonies.

The Dutch ought therefore to find no fault with the recent Navigation

Act, from which measure the Council did not "deem it fitting to

recede." As to the colonial boundary, the ungracious reply was

returned,

"The English were the first settlers in North America, from

Virginia to Newfoundland. We know nothing of any Dutch

plantations there, excepting a few settlers up the Hudson.

We do not think it necessary at present, to settle the

boundaries. It can be done hereafter, at any convenient

time."

A naval war soon broke out. England, without warning, seized the ships

of Holland in English ports, and impressed their crews. The Dutch war

fleet was entrusted to Admiral Tromp. He was enjoined to protect the

Dutch vessels from visitation or search by foreign cruisers, and not

to strike his flag to English ships of war. The instructions of the

commanders of the British men of war, were to compel the ships of all

foreign nations whatever, to strike their colors to the British flag.

England thus set up its arrogant claim to "its undoubted right to the

dominion of the surrounding seas."

The English fleet, under Admiral Blake, met the Dutch fleet in the

Strait of Dover, on the 29th of May, 1632, and a bloody but undecisive

battle ensued. A series of terrible naval conflicts followed, with

victory now on the one side and now on the other. At length Blake,

discomfited, was compelled to take refuge in the Thames. Admiral

Tromp, rather vain-gloriously, placed a broom at his masthead to

indicate that he had swept the channel of all English ships.

In this state of affairs the Directors wrote to Governor Stuyvesant,

saying,

"Though we hope that you have so agreed with the colonists

of New England about boundaries that we have nothing to fear

from them, still we consider it an imperious duty to

recommend you to arm and discipline all freemen, soldiers

and sailors; to appoint officers and places of rendezvous;

to supply them with ammunition; and to inspect the

fortifications at New Amsterdam, fort Orange and fort

Casimir. To this end we send you a fresh supply of

ammunition.

"If it should happen, which we will not suppose, that New

Englanders incline to take part in these broils, then we

should advise your honor to engage the Indians in your

cause, who, we are informed, are not partial to the English.

You will also employ all such means of defence as prudence

may require for your security, taking care that the

merchants and inhabitants convey their property within the

forts.

"Treat them kindly, so that they may be encouraged to remain

there, and to give up the thought of returning to Holland,

which would depopulate the country. It is therefore

advisable to inclose the villages, at least the principal

and most opulent, with breastworks and palisades to prevent

surprise."

Looking into the future with prophetic eyes, which discerned the

future glories of the rising republic, the Directors added,

"When these colonies once become permanently established,

when the ships of New Netherland ride on every part of the

ocean, then numbers, now looking to that coast with eager

eyes, shall be allured to embark for your island."

This prophecy is now emphatically fulfilled when often one or two

thousand emigrants, from the old world, land at the Battery in a day.

When the prophecy was uttered, New Amsterdam was a small straggling

village of one story huts, containing about seven hundred inhabitants.

The whole island of Manhattan belonged in fee to the West India

Company. A municipal government was soon organized, which about the

year 1653, gave birth to the city of New Amsterdam.

Holland and England were now in open and deadly warfare. It will

hardly be denied by any one, that England was responsible for the

conflict. The New England colonies wished to avail themselves of the

opportunity to wrest New Netherland from the Dutch, and to extend

their sway from Stamford to the Chesapeake. Governor Stuyvesant

perceived his danger. He could be easily overpowered by the New

England colonies. He wrote very friendly letters to the governors,

urging that, notwithstanding the hostilities between the

mother-countries, commercial intercourse between the colonies should

continue on its former peaceful footing. At the same time he adopted

very vigorous measures to be prepared for defence should he be

assailed.

Rumors reached New Amsterdam of active military preparations in

progress in New England. It was manifest that some hostile expedition

was contemplated. Fort Amsterdam was repaired. The city was enclosed

by a ditch and palisade, with a breastwork extending from the East

river to the North river. The whole body of citizens mounted guard

every night. A frigate in the harbor was ready at any moment to spread

its sails, and its "guns were kept loaded day and night." The citizens

without exception, were ordered to work upon the defences, under

penalty of fine, loss of citizenship and banishment.

Thus barbaric war came again to mar all the prosperity of the colony,

and to undermine all its foundations of growth and happiness. The

Mohican Indians, on the east side of the North river, and whose

territory extended to the Connecticut, were allies of the English.

Uncas, the chief of this tribe, declared that Governor Stuyvesant was

plotting to arm the Narragansetts against New England. At the same

time nine chiefs from the vicinity of Manhattan, sent a messenger to

Stamford, who said:

"The Dutch governor has earnestly solicited the Indians in

these parts, to kill all the English. But we have all

refused to be hired by him, for the English have done us no

harm."

The New England colonists were by no means satisfied that these

charges were true. Veracity was not an Indian virtue. Cunning was a

prominent trait in their character. An extraordinary meeting of

commissioners was held in Boston, in April, 1653. Two messengers had

been previously sent by the Massachusetts council, to interrogate

three of the principal Narragansett chiefs, respecting the conduct of

Governor Stuyvesant. They reported at the meeting, that the

Narragansett chiefs utterly denied that Governor Stuyvesant had ever

approached them with any such proposition. One of them, Ninigret,

said:

"It was winter when I visited the Dutch governor. I stood

the great part of a winter's day, knocking at his door. He

would neither open it nor suffer others to open it, to let

me in. I found no proposal to stir me up against the

English, my friends."

Mixam, another of these chiefs, replied, "I do not know of any plot

that is intended by the Dutch governor against the English, my

friends."

The third of the chiefs, who was conferred with, Pessacus, was still

more emphatic in his denial. "Though I am far away," he said, "from

the governor of the Dutch, I am not willing for the sake of pleasing

the English, to invent any falsehood against him."

The result of these investigations led some to suppose that

individuals among the English had originated these rumors, and had

bribed some of the Indian chiefs to false charges that they might

instigate the governors to send out an expedition for the capture of

New Netherland.

Still the Council was unsatisfied, and retained its suspicions.

Governor Stuyvesant. hearing of the charges against him, wrote at once

to the governors of Massachusetts and New Haven, unequivocally denying

the plot, and offering to come himself to Boston "to consider and

examine what may be charged, and his answers." Should the Council

prefer, he would send a delegate to Boston, or they might send

delegates to Manhattan to investigate the whole affair.

The Council decided to send three commissioners, men of note, to

Manhattan. At the same time an army of five hundred men was ordered to

be organized "for the first expedition," should "God call the colonies

to make war against the Dutch."

The New England agents were hospitably received at New Amsterdam. They

urged that the meeting should be held in one of the New England

colonies, where Stuyvesant "should produce evidence to clear himself

from the charges against him." He was to be regarded as guilty until

he proved himself innocent.

The Puritan agents appear to great disadvantage in the conference

which ensued. "They seem to have visited the Dutch," writes Mr.

Brodhead,

"as inquisitors, to collect evidence criminating the Dutch

and to collect no other evidence. And, with peculiar

assurance, they saw no impropriety in requiring the

authorities of New Netherland, in their own capital, to

suspend their established rules of law in favor of those of

New England."

Governor Stuyvesant repressed every expression of impatience, and

urged the most friendly overtures. It may be said that it was

manifestly for his interest to do so, for the Dutch colonies were

quite powerless compared with the united colonies of New England. The

New England agents ungraciously repelled his advances, and at length

abruptly terminated the conference without giving the governor an

opportunity to prove his innocence. At nine o'clock in the evening

they suddenly took leave of New Amsterdam, declining the most friendly

invitations to remain, and "cloaking their sudden departure under

pretence of the day of election to be held this week at Boston." They

left behind them the following menace:

"The Commissioners conclude their negotiation by declaring

that if you shall offer any injury to any of the English in

these parts, whether by yourselves or by the Indians, either

upon the national quarrel, or by reason of any differences

depending between the United English Colonies and

yourselves, that, as the Commissioners will do no wrong, so

they may not suffer their countrymen to be oppressed upon

any such account."

The morning after this unfriendly retirement of the agents, Governor

Stuyvesant dispatched a messenger to Boston, with a letter containing

a very full reply to the grievances of which the New England colonists

complained. In this letter, which bears the impress of frankness and

honesty, he says,

"What your worships lay unto our charge are false reports

and feigned informations. Your honored messengers might, if

they had pleased, have informed themselves of the truth of

this, and might also have obtained more friendly

satisfaction and security, concerning our real intentions,

if they had pleased to stay a day or two with us, to have

heard and considered further of these articles."

On their way home, the New England agents stopped at Flushing,

Stamford and New Haven, to collect all the evidence they could against

Governor Stuyvesant. The hearsay stories of the Indians they carefully

picked up. Still the only point ascertained, of any moment was, that

Governor Stuyvesant had told an Englishman, one Robert Coe, that if

the English attacked him, he should try to get the Indians to come to

his aid; and that he had said the same to William Alford.

This was all the evidence the agents could find against the governor.

He had made these declarations without any purpose of concealment. He

had been instructed to pursue this course by the Amsterdam Directors.

The New England colonists had in their Pequod war, set the example of

employing Indian allies. This repulsive feature in the British

colonial administration continued until the close of the war of the

Revolution.

Captain John Underbill, an Englishman, who had obtained considerable

renown in the Pequod war becoming dissatisfied with some

ecclesiastical censure which he had incurred, petitioned Governor

Stuyvesant for permission to reside, with a few other families in New

Netherland, under the protection of the Dutch, offering to take the

oath of allegiance which was required of all foreigners. His request

was promptly granted. It was the liberal policy of the Dutch

government not to exclude foreigners from any privileges which the

Hollanders themselves enjoyed. Underhill was now residing at

Hempstead, Long Island. His restless spirit, ever eager for change,

seized upon the present moment as a fitting opportunity to wrest from

the Dutch their portion of Long Island, and pass it over to his

countrymen. In violation of his oath he issued a treasonable

proclamation, in which he said,

"You are called upon to abjure the iniquitous government of

Peter Stuyvesant over the inhabitants residing on Long

Island. His rule is too grievous for any brave Englishman

and good Christian to tolerate any longer. All honest hearts

that seek the glory of God and his peace and prosperity, are

exhorted to throw off this tyrannical yoke. Accept and

submit ye then to the Parliament of England; and beware of

becoming traitors to one another for the sake of your own

quiet and welfare."

This proclamation did not meet with a cordial response. Underbill fled

to Rhode Island. Here he received from Boston a commission, "to take

all Dutch ships and vessels as shall come into his power, and to

defend himself from the Dutch and all enemies of the commonwealth of

England."

The report of the agents who had visited Manhattan was such that the

General Court at Boston voted that they were not "called upon to make

a present war with the Dutch."

There were eight commissioners from the New England colonies in

Boston. Notwithstanding this decision of the General Court, six of

them were in favor of instant war. They sent back to Governor

Stuyvesant an abusive and defiant reply, in which they said,

"Your confident denials of the barbarous plot with which you are

charged will weigh little in the balance against the evidence, so that

we must still require and seek due satisfaction and security."

The Connecticut colonists were ever looking with a wistful eye to the

rich lands west of them. The Court at New Haven and that at Hartford

sent messengers to Massachusetts to urge that "by war if no other

means will serve, the Dutch, at and about the Manhattoes, who have

been and still are like to prove injurious, may be removed." The

General Court nobly replied, "We cannot act in so weighty a

concernment, as to send forth men to shed blood, unless satisfied that

God calls for it. And then it must be clear and not doubtful."

"In speaking of these events Mr. Brodhead says,

"At the annual meeting of the Commissioners, Massachusetts

maintained her proud position with a firmness which almost

perilled the stability of the confederation. A bitter

altercation, between the representatives of the other

colonies and the General Court, was terminated by an

ambiguous concession which nevertheless averted hostilities.

"The Connecticut governments seemed animated by the most

vindictive feelings; and their own recent historian laments

the refusal of the Massachusetts authorities to bear part in

an offensive war against New Netherland, as an 'indelible

stain upon their honor as men, and upon their morals as

Christians.'"

There was a strong party in favor of war as the only means of wresting

the magnificent domain of New Netherland from the Dutch and annexing

it to the New England possessions. The majestic Hudson was greatly

coveted, as it opened to commerce vast and unknown regions of the

interior.

Hartford and New Haven discussed the question if they were not strong

enough without the aid of Massachusetts to subdue the Dutch. Stamford

and Fairfield commenced raising volunteers on their own account, and

appointed one Ludlow as their leader. A petition was sent to the home

government, the Commonwealth over which Oliver Cromwell was then

presiding, praying

"that the Dutch be either removed or, so far, at least,

subjected that the colonies may be free from injurious

affronts and secured against the dangers and mischievous

effects which daily grow upon them by their plotting with

the Indians and furnishing them with arms against the

English."

In conclusion they entreated that two or three frigates be sent out,

and that Massachusetts be commanded to assist the other colonies to

clear the coast "of a nation with which the English cannot either

mingle or set under their government, nor so much as live near without

danger of their lives and all their comforts in this world."

To fan this rising flame of animosity against the Dutch, a rancorous

pamphlet was published in London, entitled,

"The second part of the Amboyna Tragedy; or a faithful

account of a bloody, treacherous and cruel plot of the Dutch

in America, purporting the total ruin and murder of all the

English colonists in New England; extracted from the various

letters lately written from New England to different

merchants in London."

This was indeed an inflammatory pamphlet. The most violent language

was used. The Dutch were accused of the "devilish project" of trying

to rouse the savages to a simultaneous assault upon all the New

England colonists. The crime was to be perpetrated on Sunday morning,

when they should be collected in their houses of worship. Men, women

and children were to be massacred, and the buildings laid in ashes.

The Amsterdam Directors had this "most infamous and lying libel,"

translated into their own language and sent a copy to Governor

Stuyvesant and his council, saying: "We wish that your honors may see

what stratagems that nation employs, not only to irritate the

populace, but the whole world if possible and to stir it up against

us."

The position of Governor Stuyvesant had become exceedingly

uncomfortable. He was liable at any day to have from abroad war's most

terrible storm burst upon him. And the enemy might come in such force

that he would be utterly unable to make any effectual resistance. On

the other hand the Dutch settlements were composed of emigrants from

all lands. Many Englishmen, dissatisfied with the rigid rule of the

New England colonies, had taken their residence in New Netherland.

The arbitrary rule of Stuyvesant was obnoxious to the majority of his

subjects, and they were increasingly clamorous for a more liberal and

popular government. On the 16th of December, 1630, a very important

popular convention was held at New Amsterdam, composed of delegates

from eight towns. There were nineteen delegates, ten of whom were

Dutch and nine English. Unanimously they avowed fealty to the

government of Holland. But they remonstrated against the establishment

of an arbitrary government; and complained that laws had been enacted

without the consent of the people.

"This," said they,

"is contrary to the granted privilege of the Netherland

government and odious to every free-born man; and especially

so to those whom God has placed in a free state in

newly-settled lands, who are entitled to claim laws not

transcending, but resembling as near as possible those of

the Netherlands."

There were several minor offences enumerated to which we need not here

refer. The memorial was drawn up by an Englishman, George Baxter. The

imperious Stuyvesant was greatly annoyed by this document. To weaken

its effect, he declared that the delegates had no authority to act or

even to meet upon such questions. He endeavored to rouse national

prejudice against the document by saying:

"The most ancient colony of Manhattan, the colonies of

Rensselaerswyck and Staten Island and the settlements at

Beaverswyck and on the South river are too prudent to

subscribe to all that has been projected by an Englishman;

as if among the Netherlands' nation there is no one

sagacious and expert enough to draw up a remonstrance to the

Director and council."

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