CONCLUSIONS.
1. Summary of history of English poor relief before the Civil War.
2. The political significance of the paternal measures of the
Government.
(a) Possible attempt to attach to the Government the poorer part of the nation.
(b) Habitual use of proclamations and orders in Council for a popular purpose.
3. Success of the enforcement of the Book of Orders in the reign of
Charles I.
4. Results of effectual administration of the poor law on English
social history.
(a) The increased communication between rich and poor.
(b) Decrease of bitterness of competition and increase of order.
[Sidenote: 1. Summary of history of English system of poor relief
before the Civil War.]
We have now traced the history of the making and early administration
of the English Poor Law. We have seen that the English system of poor
relief like the English House of Commons was once only one of many
like institutions common to the whole of Western Europe. Although in
our century other nations have again regulated the help given to the
poor by public authorities, in neither France, Scotland nor Germany has
the public organisation for the relief of the destitute a continuous
history. The system survived in England alone among the greater
nations of Europe. It began as part of the labour statutes, but the
regulations of Richard II. had probably little practical effect. The
administration of relief of the poor by secular authorities seems to
have been first really organised under Henry VIII. by London, Ipswich,
and other towns. Even after this public poor relief was not thoroughly
established for more than another century.
These municipal orders were followed by statutes adopting similar
regulations for the whole country. But the statutes were very
irregularly enforced; they were constantly neglected, and new
legislation was passed with little better result. Still the great
distress of the years of scarcity of 1594 to 1597 excited public
attention; men like Bacon and Raleigh joined in the discussions of
Parliament and in 1597 the statutory provisions were made which
remained for the most part unchanged until 1834. But the law was
only well executed for a few years: good administration rather than
good legislation was necessary, and it is in regard to the provision
for administration rather than in regard to municipal regulations or
statutory enactments that the history of England differs from that of
France and Scotland.
The difference was mainly caused by the coexistence in England of a
Privy Council active in matters concerning the poor and of a powerful
body of county and municipal officers who were willing to obey the
Privy Council.
Even in the reign of Elizabeth the Privy Council sometimes interfered
in enforcing measures of relief, but only as a temporary expedient
for relieving the distress caused by years of scarcity. But from 1629
to 1640 they acted continuously in this direction and by means of the
Book of Orders succeeded, as far as children and the impotent poor were
concerned, in securing the due execution of the law.
The Council also succeeded in inducing the justices to provide work for
the able-bodied poor in many of the districts in the eastern counties,
and in some places in almost every county.
This provision of work was provided either in Houses of Correction or
in the parishes. In the former case it was punitive, in the latter it
was given mainly with the object of enabling the unemployed to earn
their living; in both cases it was often accompanied by training in
a trade. It does not seem to have been designed at all as a test for
the applicant for relief. The poor of the parishes were probably well
known; the strange poor were all supposed to be sent indiscriminately
to the House of Correction; moreover no other form of relief was
granted to the able-bodied poor except when the parishes failed to find
sufficient work.
The organisation was needed because it was an age of economic
transition; the agricultural revolution prevented men from finding work
in their old employments, while under the new industrial organisation
earnings were more unstable even when they were higher than they were
before.
[Sidenote: 2. The political side of this paternal government.]
[Sidenote: 2 _a_. Possible attempt to secure the adhesion of poorer
classes to government.]
It may be that there is a political side to the policy of Charles's
Council in this matter. Dr Gardiner suggests that the adoption of
this policy of paternal government may be attributed to the influence
of Wentworth. "It can hardly be by accident that his accession to
the Privy Council was followed by a series of measures aiming at
the benefit of the people in general, and at the protection of the
helpless against the pressure caused by the self interest of particular
classes[712]."
[712] S. R. Gardiner, _History of England_, VII., p. 160, ed. 1884.
There were also other members of the Council who were likely to be
interested in enforcing orders for the benefit of the poorer classes.
Sir Julius Caesar, the Master of the Rolls, was at that time in office.
He certainly was very charitable if not very wise in his charity. He is
described by Fuller as "a person of prodigious bounty to all of worth
or want so that he might seem to be Almoner-General of the Nation.
The story is well known of a Gentleman who once borrowing his Coach
(which was as well known to poor people as any Hospital in England)
was so rendevouzed about with Beggers in London that it cost him all
the money in his purse to satisfie their importunity; so that he might
have hired twenty coaches on the same terms[713]." It is also probable
that Laud may have had something to do with the strict enforcement
of the apprentice part of the law in 1633-4, for we have seen he was
much interested in apprenticeship, and founded many charities for the
purpose himself.
[713] Fuller's _Worthies_, p. 179.
Dr Gardiner also thinks that this policy "may serve as an indication
that there were some at least in the Council who in their quarrel with
the aristocracy were anxious to fall back upon an alliance with the
people[714]." It is very possibly not entirely accidental that the name
of John Caesar is attached to a report from Edwinstree in 1639 in which
the inhabitants are "well disposed in relegion, obedient to gou(ern)m^t
and forward in pious and charitable accons[715]," while the district
of John Hampden sent up at least one protest as to the measures of
scarcity[716].
[714] S. R. Gardiner, _Hist. of England_, VII., p. 164.
[715] Vol. 426, 73.
[716] See above, p. 193.
[Sidenote: 2 _b_. The use of proclamations and orders in Council for a
popular purpose.]
There is however possibly another political side to these orders.
The measures which were designed to protect the poor from the undue
rapacity of traders or from the carelessness of parochial officials
were nearly all enforced by proclamations and orders in Council.
Generally these orders were in accordance with the letter of the law
and almost always with the spirit which had dictated the legislation;
but still the fact that proclamations and orders in Council were used
to enforce this popular side of government may have been designed to
increase the popularity of government by this means; it certainly
tended to habituate the justices to their use and to make the majority
of the nation cease to regard them as instruments of tyranny.
This danger was not unforeseen at the time. A knowledge of it probably
influenced the reply of the Scotch justices when they doubted if "ane
simple proclamatioun be ane sufficient warrand" for levying a tax[717],
but there is also a remarkable protest by John Hawarde in 1597 when he
is recording the enforcement of the measures undertaken to help the
poor at that time. He says that engrossers, and forestallers of corn
in London were proceeded against "by the Queen's prerogative only and
by proclamation, councils, orders and letters, and thus their decrees,
councils, proclamations, and orders shall be a firm and forcible law
and of the like force as the Common law or an Act of Parliament." The
Puritan lawyer jealously notes that the builders of illegal cottages
and negligent justices also were to be punished "on the proclamation
and not on the statute[718]." "And this is the intent," he says,
"of the Privy Councillors in our day and time to attribute to their
councils and orders the vigour, force and power of a firm law and
of higher virtue and force, jurisdiction and preheminence' than any
positive law, whether it be the common law or statute law. And thus
in a short time the Privy Councillors of this realm would be the most
honourable, noble and commanding lords in all the world and [have]
the majesty of prince and ruler of the greatest reverence in all the
world[719]."
[717] See above, p. 283.
[718] New houses in London had to be of a certain size and height,
and in the country had to have land attached to them. During the same
setting of this Court the Attorney-General informed against a certain
Negroose and others for building cottages in London "contrary to the
proclamation." One offender was fined £100, another £40, and another
£20, while the houses were destroyed "for their base condition" and the
timber was to be sold for the benefit of the poor. _Les Reportes del
Cases in Camera Stellata_, 1593-1609. John Hawarde, edited by W. P.
Baildon, F.S.A.
[719] _Ib._, pp. 78, 79.
It is quite possible that this side of government was enforced by the
orders in Council simply as a matter of convenience; it might have
been difficult to pass new legislation contrary to the interests of
the middle classes through a body in which the representation of those
classes was so great as it was in the Tudor and Stuart House of Commons.
But if the danger of allowing the royal prerogative to be used apart
from statute law was seen and protested against under the popular Queen
Elizabeth, it would certainly also excite opposition in the reign of
Charles I.
The substance of the orders however does not appear to have excited
opposition. Men of both sides sent in their reports to the Privy
Council, and more energetic measures to execute the poor law were taken
in the Puritan counties of the east than in any other part of England.
[Sidenote: 3. Effect of the enforcement of the Book of Orders in the
reign of Charles I.]
The effects of the enforcement of the Elizabethan poor law and of
the Book of Orders were considerable both in the reign of Charles I.
and ever since that time. Harman's book, the many insurrections and
riots of the sixteenth century, the letter of Justice Hext and the
statements in many proclamations show us how great was the disorder in
England during the reigns of the Tudors and James I. The Somersetshire
justice almost unconsciously reveals the main part of the reason. Many
people, he tells us, were emboldened to say, "They must not starve,
They will not starve," and so the honest countryman suffered from
the depredations of rogues and could hardly endure the burdens laid
upon him[720]. "Maximus magister venter" quotes another writer of the
period; repression did little good until it was accompanied by relief.
Moreover it was impossible to enforce the repressive regulations
against vagrants until relief was administered because the "foolish
pity" of the inhabitants and of the justices prevented punishments
from being inflicted. Throughout the sixteenth century and, after a
short interval after 1597, again in the reign of James I. there are
complaints of the increase of vagrants and of the disorder in the
country[721].
[720] Strype's _Annals_, No. 213. See p. 126.
[721] E.g. _Little Proc. Bk._, James I., No. 27.
The effect of the Book of Orders cannot be lightly estimated if we
contrast the statements of Justice Hext and his contemporaries with
those of the justices under Charles I. Complaints of great disorder
then cease in all parts of the country except London. In many places
vagabonds are said to no longer trouble the neighbourhood. In High
Peak the justices state "nowe wee haue fewe or noe wanderers[722]"; at
Wallington in Surrey few vagabonds are taken because now only a small
number come to the hundred[723]; while at Andover there is "scarce a
vagrant found about vs nor are any pickeryes com(m)itted[724]." In
a few places, as at Bramber[725], the improvement is stated to be
owing to the activity of Provost Marshals but in many other places
it is directly connected with the Book of Orders. Thus in parts of
Westmoreland we hear that there was great improvement in consequence
of the enforcement of the poor law in 1638; "idle persons haue beene
banished out of the countrey" and the poor of the neighbourhood were
"more willing to take paynes[726]." In two divisions of Shropshire it
was "rare to see a wandring person[727]," and at Appletree in Derby
the overseers relieve the poor and set to work "such as are poore
and yett well able to worke w^{ch} wee fynde doeth very much good in
the cuntrye[728]." But the most decided symptoms of improvement are
indicated by a report from a district of Leicestershire which reveals
a state of things in strong contrast to that of Somerset in 1596.
The justices record a very careful attention to the Book of Orders,
especially the parts relating to setting the poor to work, teaching
knitting to the young and placing out apprentices "that yong people
and children may receive imployment and fittinge educacon and soe
avoide idlenes and lewdenes of life." These efforts they tell us "in
all partes of the cou(n)tie hath already wrought soe good effect; as
that since the last Assizes to the day of the date hereof there is come
into the comon gaole in the cou(n)ty of Leic. but two prisoners for
two small felonyes, committed by two seu(er)all yonge people, beinge
servants settled at the tyme of the offences committed[729]."
[722] _Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I., Vol. 293, No. 115, July, 1635.
[723] _Ib._, Vol. 315, No. 25, March 1635/6.
[724] _Ib._, Vol. 250, 11, II., Nov. 1633.
[725] _Ib._, Vol. 426, 37 and 19, July, 1639.
[726] _Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I., Vol. 388, No. 7, April, 1638.
[727] Cherbury and Ford, Chas. I., Vol. 272, 53, 54, July, 1634. See
above for a like report from Monslow, also where the effect of the
enforcement of the Book of Orders was immediate.
[728] Vol. 185, 41, Feb. 1630/1. From Morleston and Litchurch,
Derbyshire, also the justices say of vagrants "our country is cleerly
deliuered of them." Vol. 194, No. 25, June, 1631.
[729] Vol. 216, No. 103, May 30th, 1632. From several divisions of
Somerset also we have a report which shows that the country was
becoming quiet, though the good order is often attributed to the
watches for vagrants. "Watches and warde have beene and are continued
whereby the number of vagabonds are much diminished and this country
thereby well freed." Vol. 289, No. 20. Also from the wapentakes of
Stancliff and Ewecross, co. York, we hear there are "verie fewe or none
to bee founde wanderinge or rogeinge." Vol. 364, No. 49. Although in
these cases the improvement is attributed to punishment rather than
relief, it probably indicates that relief also was well administered
since neither justices nor inhabitants could or would prevent
vagabondage by punishment unless it were accompanied by efficient poor
relief.
The disappearance of vagrants, the decrease of felonies and increase of
order are reported as the direct consequence of the administration of
the Book of Orders. Other causes may have contributed to this result,
but the reports of the justices from so many places in different parts
of the country are conclusive evidence that efficient relief of the
poor hastened the time when the peaceable citizen and peasant could
work and live in security and quietness.
This great belief in the good results of the work and of the relief
afforded is very characteristic of the administrators of the time.
If the system of the seventeenth century had many disadvantages when
concerned with the more capable members of the community, its dealings
with the poor compare very favourably with the methods possible in a
freer community. The modern philanthropist may talk about being an
individualist but he cannot be one. He cannot punish the idler and
the drunkard as such directly and so it is rarely possible for him to
aid the innocent members of a family without encouraging the guilty.
Consequently he cannot deal with individuals on their merits, he can
only deal with families. But in the seventeenth century the drunkard
was either fined or placed in the stocks, and the idler was sent to the
House of Correction. You might then help the rest of his family to find
employment or have the young children taught in knitting schools and
apprenticed without dangerously weakening the incentives to industry
and sobriety. The direct punishment had a good effect in dealing with
people for whom the community made itself responsible. It sacrificed
only the individuality of the offender and not that of all his family.
Consequently there was little danger in the increase of organised
relief and it seems to have produced good results. The comments when
we hear them are all in a satisfied tone. The Norwich magistrates were
delighted with their organisation after seven years' trial and this in
the reign of Elizabeth when the complaints were great in most parts of
the country where little relief was given.
The stocks for the poor might be expected to operate unfavourably on
the wages of unskilled labour; but there is no trace of their having
done so. Wages rose during the Commonwealth it is true, but they rose
also during the reigns of the earlier Stuarts and continued to rise
until near the end of the century. This rise in wages seems to have
been increased rather than checked by the enforcement of the Book of
Orders, probably because the casual labourer had a far more depressing
effect on the labour market when he wandered everywhere than when he
was regularly employed by the stock of his parish. Moreover if the
system affected wages at all, it would affect the unskilled labourer
rather than the skilled. But after the Civil War the unskilled labourer
gains relatively less: it is the more skilled forms of labour that are
better paid[730]. It thus seems fairly certain that the stocks for
setting the poor to work did not unfavourably influence the wages of
the lower class of labourers.
[730] Between 1600 and 1688 wages rise continuously in every decade.
If we take the decennial averages of labour given by Prof. Rogers we
find that between the accession of James I. and 1688 in most cases the
greatest increase of wages was during the period from 1643 to 1652. But
this increase may be largely owing to the disturbances of the Civil
War, since from 1663 to 1672 the rate of increase is less than that
of any preceding ten years of the century. With the exception of the
decade of the Civil War the greatest rise in wages occurs during the
ten years immediately preceding, from 1633 to 1642, that is during
the time when the organisation established by the Book of Orders was
established. Moreover the increase is the more remarkable when we
compare the rates of wages with the price of corn. For from 1633-1642
the average price of wheat per quarter was 41_s._ 2_d._, while from
1643-1652 it was 48_s._ 11_d._, and during the next ten years 47_s._
2¼_d._ _Hist. of Agric. and Prices_, Vol. V., p. 276. The average
price of wheat was therefore considerably lower during the decade
before the War. The following are the decennial averages of the worst
paid labour given by Prof. Rogers, _Hist. of Agric. and Prices_, Vol.
V., p. 672:
+-----------+-------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+
| | | | Digging, | | |
| | Tiler or | Bricklayer | Labourer to | Hedging, or | Women's |
| | Slater | and Man | Artisan | Ditching | ordinary work |
| | per week | per week | per week | per week | per week |
+-----------+-------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+
| | _s._ _d._ | _s._ _d._ | _s._ _d._ | _s._ _d._ | _s._ _d._ |
| 1603-1612 | 6 0 | 10 9½ | 4 0 | 4 10½ | 2 6 |
+-----------+-------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+
| 1613-1622 | 6 2¾ | 10 2¾ | 4 0¼ | 4 10¾ | 1 11 |
+-----------+-------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+
| 1623-1632 | 6 8 | 11 0 | 4 4¼ | 4 9 | 2 1½ |
+-----------+-------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+
| 1633-1642 | 7 6 | 11 8¾ | 5 0 | 5 6½ | 3 0 |
+-----------+-------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+
| 1643-1652 | 9 5½ | 14 1¾ | 5 10½ | 5 9½ | 2 6 |
+-----------+-------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+
| 1653-1662 | 11 1 | 17 7 | 6 0 | 6 0 | 2 6 |
+-----------+-------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+
| 1663-1672 | 9 11¼ | 13 0 | 6 1¼ | 6 1¾ | 3 0 |
+-----------+-------------+-------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+
It will be seen that wages rose slowly before 1632, and then began to
rise at a much more rapid rate, and that the wages of unskilled labour
rose almost as much during the decade 1633 to 1642 as during the ten
years in which the war was conducted.
The setting of the poor to work in this period cannot be judged as
if it were part of the system of free competition of modern England.
There was little notion of free competition; state and town interfered
in wages and in the management of industry; everyone was subject to
restrictions in the supposed interests of the nation, and the stocks
for the poor were almost a necessary complement of this national
organisation of industry. The idea of the time was to maintain a
stable condition of affairs; the attempt to find employment for the
poor in their slack times corresponded to the measures taken to lower
prices in the years of bad harvests and to secure the interests of the
employers when labourers were scarce and wages rising. Whatever effect
these attempts may have had on industry as a whole they certainly
lessened the immediate sufferings of the unemployed during this time
of transition and they must be taken into account in any attempt to
estimate the condition of the poor at the period.
So far as the temporary difficulties of the seventeenth century were
concerned therefore, the system established by the Book of Orders
lessened the misery of the poor and contributed to the establishment of
order.
But the whole of the poor law did not disappear during the Civil War.
It is true that the existing schemes for the employment of the poor
were discontinued but the relief of the impotent and the care of
children have continued down to our own time.
[Sidenote: 4. Results of poor relief in later times.]
We have been so accustomed to hear of the evils of the law of
settlement and the abuses of the relief granted in aid of wages, that
we perhaps fail to consider the better effects of the existence of a
system of poor relief.
[Sidenote: 4 _a_. The increased union of rich and poor.]
In the first place the method of administration has helped to unite
the different classes of the nation together. The rich may have known
little about the poor but the country gentlemen as justices have been
obliged to know something. Besides every ratepayer has suffered when
any cause has permanently depressed the labouring class. All have
to pay more poor rates and so are led to discuss, and if possible
to remedy, abuses and grievances. In this way the evils of bad
administration of relief have been checked and interest in all matters
affecting the poor has been stimulated.
But the existence of the poor law may have had even more important
effects.
[Sidenote: 4 _b_. Decrease of bitterness in competition and increase of
order.]
Many are affected by the poor law who never receive relief; it takes
away some of the horror of failure from all who may if unfortunate need
help of the kind and so renders the struggle for existence less brutal
to the whole of the labouring class.
In the seventeenth century this assistance to the poor helped to make
England a peaceful community and it has probably had the same effect
ever since.
The earlier centuries of our history were not distinguished by the
quiet and orderly habits of the people. Whenever, as in the reigns of
Henry III. and Richard II., we had little war abroad there was disorder
at home. In the sixteenth century we have seen every season of scarcity
produce riots, insurrections or rebellion. In 1529 Norfolk and Kent
were in insurrection, in 1586 Gloucestershire was discontented, in 1596
the peasants of Oxfordshire took up arms; while in 1549 the economic
distress was mainly responsible for the rebellion which caused the
fall of the Duke of Somerset and nearly produced a revolution. Even
in ordinary times property was not safe; bands of vagrants roamed the
country who compelled the inhabitants to grant them relief; petty
thefts were committed and were neither detected nor punished, sometimes
robbery even was successfully attempted in open daylight and was
unrepressed. In Scotland a like state of things lasted at least as late
as the end of the seventeenth century and indeed much later still.
Louise Michelle on her visit to England was more struck by English
poor relief than by any other English institution: she said that a
like system in France would have prevented the French revolution. The
distress of the masses of the people and the existence of a large
number of hungry men always ready to join the forces of disorder, are
at all times a danger to the stability of governments. It may well be
therefore that the law-abiding characteristics of the nation and the
absence of violent changes in the political constitution have been at
least partly due to the regular relief which has been granted under
the English poor law. Ever since its provisions were first thoroughly
put in execution through the efforts of the Privy Council and of the
justices in the reign of Charles I. no man has been able truthfully to
plead that he was driven to crime or desperation by absolute want.
APPENDIX I.
EXTRACTS from the Journals of the Common Council of London.
These Journals begin with the entries for the year 1416 and are still
continued. They are contained in large folio volumes and are written on
paper in French, Latin and English. The entries made in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries are generally in English. The resolutions of
the Common Council and the chief letters, precepts and proclamations
concerning the government of the City were copied within a few days
of the time they were made by one of the officials under the Town
Clerk[731].
[731] There were four clerks under the Town Clerk whose duties were
defined in 1537. The youngest of these was to enter into the Journals
acts of Common Council, degrees, proclamations and precepts and all
other things necessary for the business of the City. Repertory ix. f.
251 b. quoted by Dr Sharpe, "Calendar of Letters from the Mayor and
Corporation of the City of London 1350 to 1370." Intro. p. xxiv. seq.
The following two extracts illustrate the fact that the organisation
for the poor in London was municipal, both before and after the statute
of 1572[732], and show the methods by which the City authorities
enforced their orders.
[732] 14 Eliz. c. 5. See above, pp. 70, 97.
A. Copy in the Journals of a precept for a collection for the poor
issued in 1563. _Journals_, XVIII. f. 145 b.
By the Maio^r.
[Sidenote: To thalderman of the warde of Cheape. A precept for to make
a collection for the pore.]
Whear as there was a precept dated the VII^{th} of this present
September directed to all and every parsone, vicar, curate and
churchwarden of every parishe churche w^{th}in yo^r saide warde
com(m)aunding them that they and euery of them should cause the
Inhabitants of there saide parishe to assemble them selues together
and make a colleccion and provysyon for the pore, sick and nedye of
there saide parishe and, if there saide parishe were not afflicted and
had no nede of any suche provysion, that then they shoulde bestowe the
same vpon other pore paryshes w^{th}in the saide Cittye where they
shoulde think it moste nedefull. Forasmuche as the execucon of suche
diligence therin towardes the poores releif hath taken no suche good
successe as was hoped for, And understanding, the great visytacon
of god to continew and sicknes to encrease and perceyving also by
complaynt of the nedye there miserable estate, These are therefore
to requyer and in the Quenes Ma^{ts} name to charge and comaunde you
that you cale before you the saide parsone, vicar and churchwardens
of euery parishe churche w^{th}in yo^r saide warde, once every weke,
and that you see o^r saide precept putt in execucon according to the
Teno^r therof and the charytye collected to be bestowed accordingly.
Requyring ye to take suche order w^{th} them as either refuse orells
be found negligent in doing there dutyes therin (if by gentyll
monytion to them geven) they will not be reformed as yo^r discression
shall seme good. Fayle ye not hereof As ye will answere for the
contrarye at yo^r perill, yeoven at the Guildhall of the saide Cittye
the last of this present moneth of September 1563.
Blackwell J.C.
B. Copy in the Journals of a precept for a collection in February
1573/4. _Journals_, XX. I. f. 119.
By the maio^r.
[Sidenote: A precept for the collection fo^r the poore.]
Albeit that, accordinge to the late statute made fo^r releif the
poore, eu(er)ye personne inhabitinge w^{th}in this city and liberties
of the same haue byne seu(er)ally taxed, yet the nombe^r of the
poore is so great that the same colleccons notw^{th}standinge beinge
faithfully disposed amonge them in this hard tyme many poore,
impotent, sicke and deseased people lyue in great penury and neede
redy to be famished fo^r lack of releif. And to thend the sayd poore
may be charitably provided fo^r, theis shalbe to will and require you
that you take such order in yo^r ward by yo^r self or by yo^r deputy
that the churchwarde(n)s of eu(er)y parishe churche w^{th}in yo^r
sayd ward at everye sermon readinge o^r service in the sayd parishe
churches collect and gather the devocon and charitable almose of well
disposed people towardes the releif and maintenaunce of the sayd poore
to be distributed in suche parishes of this city as hath most neede
thereof and as shalbe appoynted by suche persons as shalbe named by
the lord maio^r of this city fo^r the tyme beinge fo^r the distribucon
of the same. And also that you cause eu(er)y preacher and reder of
eu(er)y such sermon and readinge and also eu(er)y parsone, vicarre
and curate of the sayd parishe churches w^{th}in yo^r sayd ward to
be moued gently to exhort there audience charitably to gyue ther
almose for the end and purpose afforesayd. And further that you cause
diligent serch to be made from tyme to tyme through out yo^r sayd ward
fo^r all such poore as shalbe newly com into yo^r sayd ward out of the
country o^r ells where. And to take order fo^r thavoydinge of the same
with all speede, fayle ye not hereof etc. Yeoven at the guildhall of
the City of London the XVII{th} of february 1573.
Stapleton.
APPENDIX II.
EXTRACT relating to the parish of St Peter's of Southgate, from the
census of the poor taken at Norwich recorded in the "Maioris Bocke for
the Pore[733], made in the feaste of St John the Baptiste 1576" and
continued down to 1580.
[733] The "Maioris Bocke for the Pore" and a second large book
at Norwich entitled "The Booke for the Poore," have been already
described. See note, p. 102.
Theis be the names[734] of the poore within the saide Citie as they
ware vewed in the yere of our lord god 1570. In the tyme of M^r John
Alldereche maior.
[734] From "names" down to "weekelye" is written with a different ink
from the rest of the entry and was apparently inserted at another time.
THE WARDE OF SOUTHE CONSFORTHE.
Names of the poore to be relieved weekelye.
In St Peters of Southgate.
[Sidenote: In the house of Robt. Susling. no allmns and vrie pore but
able to worke]
Richard Bitche of the age of 35 yeres, a husbondman which worketh with
Mrs Cantrell and kepith not with his wife (but at tymes) and helpith
her little. And Margarit his wyfe of the age of 40 yeres she spinne
white warpe and Jone her doughter, of the age of 12 yeres, that spinne
allso the same. And Simond her sonne of the age of 8 yeres that goe
to scoole. And Alice and Faithe? the eldiste of the age of 8 yeres
and the other of the age of 3 yeres, And haue dwelt here ii yeres and
sence Witsontyde and haue dwelt moste parte at Banham where thaie ware
maried and since at Swanton next Norwaltham and Amringall.
[Sidenote: the house of the gates. iiii^d a weke and verie pore but
able to worke]
Peter Browne (porter) a cobler of the age of 50 yeres and hath little
woorke. And Agnes his wyfe of the age of 52 yeres that workith not,
but have bene sicke since Christmas (but in helth now) she spinne
white warpe havinge three doughters, the one of the age of 18 yeres,
the other of the age of 14 yeres, and the other of the age of 13
yeres, the which all spinne when they can get it, but now they ar
without worke: thaie have dwelt here theis twentie yeres, and thaie
haue one doughter Elizabethe w^{ch} is idle and is sent from service
where she dwelt with Willm. Nought of Thorp iii quarters of a yere.
[Sidenote: in the house of his owne but now in morgadge. iiii^d a weke]
Thomasse Claxon, boote wrighte, is abrode at worke, and comfort his
wife to his power, and is of the age of 43 yeres, and Anne his wyfe
that is of the age of 27 yeres, and ii sonnes; the eldiste of the
age of 4 yeres: she spinne white warp, he hathe dwelt here ever and
now she lyeth in childebed, and theie be indifferentlie stowred with
househoulde stuffe.
Thomas Mathew laborer, who is gonne from his wyfe beinge of the age
of 40 yeres, from whome she hath no help, and Margarit his wyfe, of
the age of 32 yeres, and haue no childrene, she spinne white warp, and
have dwelt here (ever) and knoweth not where her husbond is.
[Sidenote: in monfor]
Henrie Bisbioke mason, of the age of 46 yeres, and Elizabeth his wyfe,
of the age of 30 yeres: and two sonnes the eldist three yeres of age:
she spinne white warpe.
[Sidenote: in the first tower. no almns verie pore but able to worke.]
Willm. Bridges of the age of 40 yeres (a laborer) and Jone his wyfe,
of the age of 23 yeres, she spinne white warp, havinge one sonne,
and one doughter: the eldist of the age of 8 yeres, and thaie kepe
together and haue dwelt here eyght yeres.
Allso there is Thomas Warde and his wyfe but these liue uppon there
labor.
[Sidenote: At gaywodes. no almns indifferent able to worke.]
James Taylor, a taylor, of the age of 30 yeres (now in prisonne,
in the Gylde haule) and Margarit his wyfe, of the age of 30 yeres,
which spinneth white warp, and was Linstis wyfe that was so longe in
prisonne and havinge one childe beinge a sonne, of the age of eyght
yeres theie haue dwelt here since Michelmas, last past, but she liue
of her labor and dwell w^{th}in Gaywode at monforthes.
[Sidenote: Calistones house. indifferent no al(m)ns.]
Thomas Willsonne, of the age of 30 yeres a baskitmaker, and Katherin
his wyfe of the age of 25 yeres who maketh buttonnes, havinge two
doughters the eldist of the age of 5 yeres, thaie haue dwelt here ever.
[Sidenote: Edward Paulms house.]
Michaell Cocke, of the age of 40 yeres a laborer and[735] his wyfe,
of the age of 50 yeres; they liue together, and have dwelt here aboue
three yeres.
[735] A space is left in the manuscript.
[Sidenote: Palmes house. verie pore no allmns.]
Nicholas Feelde of the age of 30 yeres sometyme a painter, and Beeth?
his wyfe of the age of 30 yeres who spinne white warp hauinge two
sonnes, the eldist of the age of 6 yeres, and haue dwelt here ever.
IN SOUTH CONNESFORTHE.
The names of the poore to be relieved weekelye[736].
St. Andries, St. Edmondes, St. Julianes.
[736] From "In" to "weekelye" is written in another ink.
[Sidenote: Indifferent able to worke. no all(m)ns.]
John Soule of the age of 40 yeres, a laborer, and Alice his wyfe of
the age of 23 yeres, who spinne white warpe, havinge no children, and
they liue together and have dwelt here ever.
etc.
APPENDIX III.
EXTRACTS from the "Orders for the poor" drawn up in Norwich, 3rd May,
1571.
These are entered in a smaller folio volume entitled "The Book for the
poore. Mr John Aldriche maio^r." It concerns the organisation of the
poor in Norwich between the years 1571 and 1580.
_Orders for the poor._
[Sidenote: None to begge in payne of vi stripes.]
"1. Fyrst that no parson or parsons olde or yonge shalbe suffred to go
abrode after a generall warninge gyven, or be founde a beggynge in the
stretes at the sermon or at anie mans dore or at anie place within the
Citie in payne of sixe stripes with a whippe.
[Sidenote: None to sustayne anie beggars at ther dores in paine of y^e
statutes.]
2. Not that anie parson or parsons, shall sustayne or fede anye
such beggers at their dores in payne of such fyne as is appoynted
by statute and further to paye for everi tyme fower pence, to be
collected by the deacons, and to go to the use of the poore within the
seide Citie.
[Sidenote: A working place at the Normans for men and women.]
3. Item that at the house called the Normans in the convenienteste
place therfor, shall be appointed a workinge place, aswell for men as
for women viz. for the men to be prepard forteyne mawlte quernes to
grinde mawlte and suche excersises. And for the women to spinne and
carde and such lyke exersises.
[Sidenote: Twelve parsons to be set a worke & of ther kepinge &
continuance.]
Which workinge place shall contayne to sett twelve parsons or more
upon worke which parsons shall be kepte as presonars to worke for
meate and drinke for the space of twentie and one dayes at the leaste
and longer yf cause serve and they shall not eate but as they can
earne (excepte som frende wyll be bownde for them) that the Citie
shall nomore be troubled with them with this proviso that such parsons
as shallbe thether comytted shall be suche as be hable to worke and
daielie notwithstandinge wyll not worke but rather begge, or be
withoute master or husbonde, or ellis be vacabowndes or loyterers.
[Sidenote: The howres to worke both wynter and somer.]
Whiche parsons shall begynne their woorkes at fyve of the clok in
somer viz^t from ower Ladie the an(n)unciacion untyll Myhellmes, and
shall ende ther workes at eight of the cloke at nighte, and in wynter
to begyn at sixe of y^e cloke from Mihellmes to ower Ladie, and to
ende ate seven of the cloke at nighte or halfe an hower past with the
alowaunce of one halfe hower or more to eate and a quarter of an hower
to spende in prayer.
[Sidenote: Those sent to bridwel to be by warrante]
And everye one sent thether shall be by warrente from the maior or his
deputie or deputies to the balie ther, upon which warrente the balie
shall be bownde to receive every one so sente and see them sett a
woorke.
[Sidenote: punishment for those that will not worke.]
And those that shall refuse to do their workes to them appointed or
kepe their howers to be ponissed by the whipp at the discrecion of the
wardens or balie of the house."
(Other orders relate to the official government of the poor. The
Mayor was to be master of Bridewell, and four aldermen were to be
commissioners of the four great wards. All minor officers were to be
appointed by the commissioners.)
"_For the balie of Bridewell._
[Sidenote: Mr John Aldriche maior.]
[Sidenote: The balie to be apointed to be resident & of his charge.]
Item upon the seide awcthorite be also appointed another offycer he
to be called the balie of bridewell, who is to be residente ther with
his wyfe and famelie, who shall take the charge by inventorie from the
wardens of all beddinge and other utenciles delyvered unto hym to the
use of the workefolkes, who shall yerelie accompte with the wardens
for the same.
And also shall take charge of such vagabowndes men and woomen as
to them shall be committed enforcinge them to worke by the Houres
aforeseide. The men to grinde mawlte and other workes, and the women
to use their handedede and, except that thei worke, not to eate.
[Sidenote: What the balie shal take for fewel & victual.]
And to take of them for their victuall, and fewell, or other
necessaries as the price shall be rated and ther sett up. And to alowe
them for their worke by the pownde (or otherwise) as shall be rated
and sett up and shall use such correccion as is aforeseid.
And also shall receive all stuffe thether browght and see the same
trewlye and well used and sawfely delyverid.
[Sidenote: What sarvantes the balie shal provide.]
And he to provide hym of such sarvantes as in his abcens or his wyves
shall see the workes done as it owghte to be and to do the howse
busynes as washinge, makynge of beddes, bakinge and also to be experte
in handedede to spynne, carde etc.
[Sidenote: To provide an officer surveyor to go abrod to areste
offenders and what y^e surveior shal do.]
And also to provide one offycer survayor to go daielye abowghte the
citie, with a staffe in his hande to areste whome that is apte for
brydewell and brynge them to master maior or to anie of the committies
be comaunded thether.
And as he goeth abrode he shall certifie howe the workes in everie
warde ar ordered and occupied and shal enforme master maior the
committies or his master therof.
And he shall resorte to the deacons in everi warde and be aydinge
unto them to bringe suche as be newe commars into the citie to master
maior, the same presentlie to be sente away agayne to the place they
cam from. And lykewise shall bringe all disordered parsons to be
ponissed to Bridewell yf suche shall dwell in anye warde, and shall
gyve his whole attendaunce thervppon.
[Sidenote: What the balie shal be alowed for his fameli.]
And the seide balie shall be alowed for hym sylfe his wyfe sarvauntes
and surveyor (yf he shalbe charged with his whole nombre of presoners)
for meate, drinke and wages thirtie powndes by yere, wherof he shall
paye fourtie shillinges a yere to a preste to mynister cervis to them
twise a weke or elles yf he have lesse charge to have after the rate
as by the discretion of the committies and wardeins of Bridewell shall
be thowght convenient or as they can agree...."
(The next orders provide that twelve children shall be brought up in S.
Giles' Hospital.)
"_Orders for children and others in wardes._
[Sidenote: Everie single warde to have selecte women to receive to
worke & learning suche as to them shalbe appointed]
Item, that there be also appoynted by the committies or comissioners
for every syngle warde so manye selecte women as shal suffyse to
receyve of persons within that warde, viz. of women, maydens or
children that shalbe appoynted unto them by the comitties or deacons,
to worke or learne letters in their house or houses, of the most
porest children whose parentes are not hable to pay for theyr learinge
or of women and maydes that lyve ydelye or be disordred to the nomber
of six, eight, tenne or twelve at the moste in anie one of their
howses.
[Sidenote: their workes howers and correccions.]
The same to be dryven to worke and lerne, by the howers appoynted in
bridewell and with such corrections, tyll their handes be browght into
such use and their bodies to suche paynes as labore and learninge
shall be easier to them than idleness and as they shall of themselves
be hable to lyve of their owne workes with their famelies as others do.
[Sidenote: What the selecte women shal do or se done.]
[Sidenote: What rewards everie selecte woman shall have & yf she
refuse, to have twentie daies impresonement.]
And everie suche selecte woman appoynted to take charge of such
aforeseide, shall see that suche as to them be comitted shall do ther
woorkes trewelie and workmanlye and be learned profitablie, or ellis
to laye sharpe correccion upon them; and everi such selecte woman
doenge her duetie to teache or cawse to be tawghte or sett a worke, to
have for her paynes in that behaulfe twentie shillinges by yere everi
one of them so appoynted and nominated.
And whoso ever selecte woman so appointed shall refuse the same beinge
therevnto appoynted, shall suffer imprisonemente by the space of
twentie dayes at the leaste.
_Orders for the deacons._
[Sidenote: Mr John Aldriche Maior.]
[Sidenote: Deacons in everi ward to be apoynted to have the oversight of y^e
poore of their warde.]
[Sidenote: To have the names of y^e warde that have not remained three
yeris to be sente awaye.]
[Sidenote: To search onis in a moneth in paine of three shillings &
fourpence.]
Item that in every single warde within this citie be also appoynted
in that order, fourme and tyme aforesyde twoo civil and experte men
that wyll be paynefull, the same to be called deacons, whiche twoo in
everie petie warde appoynted, shall have the oversight of the poore
of that warde and have the names of them as well of men, women as
chyldren. And suche as have not remayned three yeris in the Citie to
certifie the committies therof, to be presentlie sente awaye with
their families, and also to have a contynuall eye that no more suche
straungers be suffred here to inhabit as be not hable to lyve of
themselves, or be lyke to be chargeable to the citie for the which
they shall make search everi one in their warde onis in a monethe at
the least vpon payne of three shillinges and fower pence for everi
tyme doenye the contrarye.
[Sidenote: Who thei shall certifie to the comitties yt can worke not
to ronne abowght.]
And suche as shall have nede and remayne and that the awlmes can not
suffyse to certifie the seide commytties of their state from tyme to
tyme as they maye be provided for.
And the reste that can worke, to se they ronne not abowght abegginge,
but rather to be sett a worke.
[Sidenote: Yt wyll not worke to be placed withe the selecte women.]
Also all those that can and wyll not woorke to se them placed with
suche selecte women as shall be charged with them and to kepe their
howers to them appoynted or ellis to see correccion upon them as at
brydewell (yf they shall refuse the correccon of their dames).
[Sidenote: To certifie y^e names of disorderid parsons.]
And also to certifie the nombre of disordered parsons to be ponissed
wekelye.
[Sidenote: To certifie y^e nomber of children not hable to be
sustayned of them.]
And also that the nombre of childrene under age (not hable to worke)
and that their parentes ar not hable to sustayne to certifie aswel of
their names ages as places inhabiting to be considerid of.
[Sidenote: To certifie ye nombre of bigge wenches and boyes to go to
servis.]
And also to certifie the nombre of such bygge wenches or boyes as
maye do cervis, not hable to be kept of their parentes, to be putt to
cervis accordinge to the statute, and the reste to worke with their
parentes so as they go not ydelie abowght.
[Sidenote: Also that begge to be ponissed.]
And whosoever olde or yonge goinge abowght to begge the same to be
ponissed as aforesyde.
[Sidenote: To certifie vagabonds etc. to be ponissed.]
Also what vagaboundes or ydle loiterers, dronkerdes or disordered
parsons doth in that warde remayne that they be certified to be
ponissed also.
[Sidenote: All moni or other things gyven to be done by the deacons.]
And that all monye woode or other thinges whatsoever gyven or to be
gyven to be distributed to the poore maye by them within everie warde
be trewely done and recorded and the comitties made privie therunto.
[Sidenote: that refuse to do ther duetye to forfet fortie shillinges.]
And everi one to this office appoynted and shall refuse to do his
duetie (in all the premisses) both trewlie and faithefullie, shall
forfett the some of fortie shillinges the same to go to the vse of the
poore.
[Sidenote: one to continue for twoo yearis.]
Of the which twoo, one of the same shall ever contynue for twoo yeris
befor he shall go of, to the ende to enstructe the other.
[Sidenote: The pore to receive y^e somes wekely apointed.]
Itm yt is also orderid that the pore in everie warde shall receyve
suche somes of money as is to them wekelie assigned at the handes at
everie of the forseide deacons.
[Sidenote: All giftes colleccons legaces to go to the use of the pore.]
Item yt is also orderid that all gyftes colleccions, legacis, or
benevolenses gyven or bequethed to the use of the poore, shall go to
the use aforeseyde, and as ellis hereafter shall be thowght mete, to
prepare woode or other fewell to sustayne the poore in wynter or to
prepare them howses to dwell in or for anie other necessitie or to
purchase some certentie of landes to maynteyne the same.
Finis."
APPENDIX IV.
REPORT concerning scarcity from Norfolk, 1586 (_Dom. State Papers_,
Queen Eliz., Vol. 191, No. 12).
The following is the Report returned to the Council by the justices of
Norfolk on July 11, 1586, and also a part of one of seven certificates
which they enclose. It is addressed on the back "To the right
honourable our singuler good Lordes the Lordes of her Ma^{t's} most
honourable priuie councell," and is endorsed "11 July 1586 Justices of
peace in Norff. Price of graine."
"May yt please your honours, after the remembraunce of our humble
duities to be aduertized; that for a further proceedinge in the
accomplishm^t of your honourable l[ett]res concerninge the furnishing
of the markets w^{th} corne, wee haue according to our former
l[ett]res of the ix^{th} of June laste, mette here together this day
for conference therein. And pervseinge all our notes and preceedings
together, wee fynd that thoroughe oute this sheire by suche order as
wee haue taken withe owners and farmers and also Badgers and buyers
of corne and graine, the markets are by them plentiefullie sarued
everie market day withe corne, and the same solde at resonable rates,
viz. wheat at xxii s. the quarter, rie at xvi s., maulte at xiiii s.
and barley at xii s. of whiche kyndes of corne, the poorer sorte are
by perswasion sarued at meaner pryces. And so wee dowbte not but yt
shall likwyse contynue acco(r)ding to our direction vntill yt shall
please god that new corne may be vsed. And hereof thinking yt best in
performaunce of our duities to aduertize your honours wee humblie take
our Leave. From Attlebrigge the xi^{th} of Julie 1586.
Your ho: humble at comaundment
Willm. Heydon. Willm. Paston.
Clement Paston. Tho. Tomiested.
Natha. Bacon. Henrye Gawdye. Willm. Rugges.
Christ^r Heydon. Morr. Bernye. Henry Helmerton."
The following is a portion of one of the seven certificates enclosed:
Southgrenhoo "The certyficat of Willm. Hawke and
hundrethe Robt. Co(n)stable, Chieff Constables of y^e
said hundreth of all y^e corne and grayn
found by them vppon serche w^hin ye seid
hundrethe xxth of June 1586."
The report concerns twenty places of which North Pukenham is one.
+------------------+-----------+-------------------+-------------+--------------+--------------+
| | | Messelyng | Malt | Y^e No(m)ber | Y^e corne to |
| North Pukeh(a)m | Wheat | & Rye | barley | of y^e | (er)ve ye |
| | | | | Persons | m^rket |
+------------------+-----------+-------------------+-------------+--------------+--------------+
| Frances Reynolds | | l cobs | x cobs | 10 | |
| John Cuves | i cobs | iiij cobs | iij cobs | 3 | |
| John Constable | ii | iiij | iii | 7 | |
| John Egglynge | iiij | v | iij | 6 | |
| John Callibut | ii | iij | | 9 | |
| John Samlyng | v | v | | 4 | |
| James Wryght | ij cobs | viii cobs | v cobs | 6 | |
| | | iii cobs | iii cobs | | |
+------------------+-----------+-------------------+-------------+--------------+--------------+
| Sm^a totall | xvi^{co}. | iiij^{xx} ij^{co} | xxvii^{co}. | | |
+------------------+-----------+-------------------+-------------+--------------+--------------+
APPENDIX V.
PART of a draft of orders for remedying the scarcity of corn in 1586
(Lansdowne MSS. Brit. Mus., No. 48, f. 128).
The following draft is found among the Burleigh papers. It is written
on four folio sheets on both sides, for the most part in an official
hand, but throughout it is corrected in Burleigh's own hand, and the
last portion is written entirely by him.
The orders here contained must have been substantially the same
as those issued and printed by order of the Privy Council on Jan.
4, 1586/7 since a series of reports dated in 1587 answer these
instructions point by point[737]. Most of these regulations were
suggested by the three judges, Popham, Mildmay and Manwood, to whom the
matter had been referred. Their report was considered and annotated by
Burleigh, and the following draft seems to have been based on their
conclusions[738].
[737] See above, pp. 89, 90.
[738] See above, p. 86.
Already several times during the reigns of Edward and Elizabeth similar
sets of orders had been issued in order to prevent a bread famine in
years of high-priced corn. Earlier in this year of 1586 commands had
already been sent, and reports had been received from the justices.
These orders however were more carefully considered and detailed than
any previous commands.
Orders of this kind continued to be issued throughout the reigns of
Elizabeth, James I. and Charles I., but these of January 1586/7 were
thought to have the best effect and were reprinted and reissued in
1594[739]. They thus seem to be the original form of the scarcity Book
of Orders which apparently afterwards suggested the Book of Orders for
the relief of the Poor of Jan. 1630/1.
[739] See above, p. 119.
A few of the later clauses only of this draft relate directly to the
relief of the poor, and the general character of the instructions
given in these contrast strongly with the detailed directions dealing
with the supply of grain. This bears out the contention that at this
time the direct relief of the poor was only subsidiary to the indirect
relief afforded to the poorer classes by these measures for the supply
of corn: it also indicates that the interference of the Privy Council
in the direct relief of the poor was suggested by the distress and
disorder of these years of high-priced grain, and was begun at least as
early as 1587, as one of the methods which were adopted to relieve that
distress.
Lansdowne MSS. 48, f. 128, No. 54, 27 Decembris 1586.
_Orders devised by y^e speciall comma(n)ddment of y^e Qu. Ma^{ty}
for y^e releiff and ease of y^e present derth of gray(ne) w^hin y^e
realme[740]._
[740] The portion printed in italics is written in Burleigh's own hand.
That the Sheriffe and Justices of the peace _by spedy warni(n)g of y^e
shyrriff_ shall ymediatlie vppon the receipte of these _orders_[741]
assemble themselues togeather, w^{th} as much speede as they possible
maye, and havinge conferred amongest them selves vppon the contents
hereof, shall first for the better execucon of _the same_ devide them
selves into sondry companies and take amongest them _into ther chardg
by_ seu(er)all divisions _all_ the hundreds, rapes or wapentaks of the
said countie.
[741] "Instruccons" is deleted.
Itm eu(er)y Companie so allotted out shall forthw^{th} direct
their preceptes vnto the said Sheriff to warne the high cunstables
vnder cunstables and others the most honest _and substa(n)ciall_
inhabitants w^{th}in the same hundred, rape or wapentake to the
number of xxxvi persons, moe or fewer as the quantetie of the hundred
rape or wapentake shall require, to appere before them, at a certayn
place and w^{th}in as shorte a tyme after the receipte hereof as
they convenientlie may, and vppon the apparance of the said persons,
they shall divide them into so many Juries as they shall thinke
meete, gevinge instruccon to the said Sheriffe to retorne as fewe of
such as _be known great firmers for corn or_ haue store of grayne
to sell as he can; and such of the same _perso(n)s so warned_ as
shall not appeare, but make default beinge somoned, and not havinge
any _just or_ reasonable excuse _allowable by y^e justices_, to be
punished therefore at the good discrecons of the justices _both by
i(m)priso(n)m(e)nt and fyne_ before _whom_ they are to appere.
Itm. they shall _first declare y^e cause why they ar sent for and
therw^h ernestly chardg them in the feare of God to apply themselves
to the s(er)vice wherevnto they shall be now called w^h all
dutyfullnes and dilige(n)ce and w^hout any parciallyte to any person
and the(n) they shall gyve them the oth followy(n)g_:--
_The Juries Oth._
Yo^u shall sweare &c that yo^u shall enquire and make trewe and dewe
search and triall what nomber of persons eu(er)ye housholder that
hath corne _in thir barns, stacks or otherwher_ aswell Justices of
the peace as others _what so ever_ w^{th}in the parish of have
in their houses, (fedyng and lye(in)g and vprisyng?); what nomber of
acres they haue _certenly_ to be sowen this yere w^{th} any mann(er) of
grayne; what bargaynes they haue made w^{th} any person for any kynde
of grayne to be sold by or to them; to whome and by whome and vppon
what prices they haue made the same and what quantetie of any mann(er)
of grayne they or any other haue in their barnes, garners, lofts,
cellers or flowers or otherwise to be deliu(er)ed vnto them uppon any
bargayne.
I^{tm} what nomber of badgers, kidders, broggers[742] or cariers of
corne doe inhabite w^{th}in the said parishe and whither they doe vse
to carrie their corne they buy and _wher they do vsually buy the same_
and what their names be _and how long they have vsed_ _that trade, and
by whose lycense, and to se the same lycenses of what tenor they ar
of_.
[742] Badgers, kidders and broggers were all names applied to dealers,
especially to dealers in corn and other provisions. By the 5 and 6
Edw. VI. c. 14 badgers and kidders or kyddiers licensed by three
justices were exempted from the penalties attached to forestallers and
regrators; no one not so licensed might buy corn to sell again. In a
statute of Elizabeth (5 Eliz. c. 12) they are again mentioned and the
conditions of their license were made more stringent; no one was to be
licensed unless he were a resident householder and the licensed dealer
had to place security with the Clerk of the Peace that he would not
forestall or engross corn. The words "badger" and "kidder" continued
to be used in the licenses granted to corndealers as late as the
eighteenth century. The word "brogger" does not occur so frequently.
Murray states that it is apparently an unexplained corruption of
broker, and he quotes Stow's Survey (1754), II. V. XV. "They were
called Broggers in a statute of Richard II.--none to be Brocars in any
mystery unless chosen by the same mystery." See also 25 Hen. VIII. c.
1, where the word is applied to a seller of meat.
Itm what nomber of malte makers, bakers, comen brewers _or
tiplers_[743] dwell w^{th}in the said parish and whoe they are _by
name and how long they have vsed y^t trade and how much they bake or
brew in y^e weke and what other trade they have wherby otherwise to
lyve_.
[743] See note, p. 69.
Itm. whoe w^{th}in the same parishe be the greate buyers of corne or
_do (usually?)_ buye or have bought any corne or grayne to sell agayne
or haue sold it agayne _sence Midsomer last_.
Itm whoe w^{th}in the same parishe buyeth or haue bought or sold any
corne vppon the ground, of whome and to whome hath the same bene
bought or sold _and at what pryces_, and to c(er)tefie vnto vs of the
premisses & of eu(er)ye parte thereof on the daye of nowe next
comynge, and _to every part of these articles you shall bryng answer
fro(m) poy(n)t to poynt_[744]....
[744] The clause here omitted provides for the punishment of any
person who should refuse to give information to the jurors. He was
first to be "heavily rebuked"; if he still refused to tell the whole
truth he was to be committed to prison; and if he remained obstinate
he was to be brought before the Privy Council for further punishment
and fine.
That the said Justices of the peace, havinge receaved into their hands
the verdicts of the said Juries _on every and to every poynt of ther
chardg_, shall call at c(er)ten dayes by them to be assigned such
persons before them of eu(er)ye parish as vppon the presentment so
made shall appere to haue corne to spare, and vppon _dew_ consideracon
of the nomber of persons w^{ch} ech hath in his howse _accordy(n)g
to ther qualites_, and of the quantetie of grayne the partie hath
toward the fyndinge of the same or otherwise to be spent in his howse
and sowinge of his groundes, allowinge to eu(er)y housholder for his
expenses in his house for eu(er)ye person thereof _accordy(n)g to
ther qualite_ sufficient corne for bread and drinke betwyne this and
the next harvest and for their seed after the rate of the sowinge of
that contrie vppon an acre. _And tha(t)_ they shall bynd all such as
shall appere to haue more of any kynde of grayne then shall serve to
the vses above menconed aswell Justices of the peace as others by
recognizance in some _good_ reasonable somes _of mony_ to observe the
orders ensueinge viz.
[Sidenote: The forme of the recognizance to be frely taken.]
Ye doe knowledge yo^r self to owe vnto o^r Sou(er)aigne Ladie the
Queenes Ma^{ties} &c. the some of &c. The condicon thereof shalbe,
that yf ye shall well and trewlie w^{th}out fraude, covyn[745] or
collusyon, and w^{th}out any mean deceipte or crafte, fullfill,
observe and keepe all and eu(er)ye such orders, appoynctments and
direccons as shall at this pre(se)nte be by vs on her Ma^{t's} behalf
prescribed and enioyned vnto yo^u, to be by yo^u donne and fulfilled
Then this recognizance to be voyd or els to stand in force.
[745] I.e. collusion. The word is connected with old French _covenir_,
modern _convenir_, to agree. It sometimes means agreement, but often,
as here, has an unfavourable connotation.
The orders to be by yo^u observed be these viz.
Yo^u shall bringe or cause to be brought weekelye so many quarters or
bushells of corne as wheate, rye, barlie, malte, pease, beanes, or
other grayne, or so much thereof as shall not be _directly_ sold to
the pore artificers or daye laborers of the parishe w^{th}in w^{ch}
yo^u dwell by order of the Justice of the peace of the division
w^{th}in w^{ch} yo^u do dwell or of two of them, to the market of
there to be by yo^u or at yo^r assignement sold vnto the
Queenes subiects in open markett by half quarters, two bushells, one
bushell or lesse as the buyer shall require of yo^u and not in greater
quantetie, excepte it be to a Badger or carier of corne admitted
accordinge to the statut, or to a comon knowen bruer _or_ baker,
havinge testimonye vnder the hand and seale of some _twoo_ justices of
the peace _at ye lest_ of the division or _of a_ mayo^r or other hed
officer of the Cittie, Towne or Borrough _corporat_ where he dwelleth
that he is a _co(mm)en_ Brewer _or_ Baker w^{th}in the same, or to
such other person as shall make provision for any Lord sp(irit)uall
or temporall, knighte or other gentleman _y^t hath no provisio(n)
of corn of ther own so as y^e former person_ hav & show vnto such
person as shall haue the over sighte of the markett in that behalf
testymonye vnder the hand and Seale of the partie for whome _he cometh
to y^e market_ to make that provision declaringe that it is for the
provision of his howse and conteyninge the quantetie & kynd of grayne
to be provided: and yo^u shall not willinglie leave any parte of yo^r
corne, so brought to that market, vnsold yf money be offered to yo^u
fo(r) th(e) same by any that are permitted to buy the same after the
vsuall price of the markett there that daye, _nether shall you fro(m)
y^e begy(n)ning of y^e markett to y^e full end therof kepe or cause
to_ _be kept any part of your sayd corn out of y^e oppen sight of y^e
markett_[746]....
[746] The clauses here omitted relate to the safe housing of the
unsold corn after the market, and to the remedying of miscalculations
as to the quantity of corn the farmer has to sell.
Ye shall buye noe corne to sell it agayne.
Ye shall neyther buy nor sell any mann(er) of corne but in the open
market, vnlesse the same be to pore handiecraftesmen or dayelaborers
w^{th}in the parish where yo^u doe dwell y^t _can not conveniently
come to y^e markett towns by reaso(n) of dista(n)ce of place,
accordinge_ to such direccon as shalbe geven vnto yo^u in that behalf
by the Justices of the peace of that division w^{th}in w^{ch} yo^u doe
dwell or two of them, and to none of these above one bushell at a tyme.
That the Justices of the peace w^{th}in their seu(er)all divisions
haue speciall regard that engrossers of corne be carefully seene vnto
and severely punished accordinge to the lawe, and wher such are found,
to make certificate thereof and of the proves to the _Q. Ma^{ty's}_
Attorney gen(er)all for the tyme beinge whoe is directed _spedeli_
to informe against them for the same and _to se also_ that none be
permitted to buy any corne to sell agayne but by _speciall_ license.
That they take order w^{th} the comen bakers[747] for the bakinge
of Rye, barlie, pease and beanes for the vse of the pore, and that
they appoyncte speciall and fytt persons diligentlie to see their
people well dealt w^{th}all by the _co(mm)en_ bakers and Brewers in
all Townes and places in their weight and ass(ize) and effectually to
enquire for and search out the default therein, and there-vppon to
geve order for punishment of the offendo^{rs} severely accordinge to
the lawe, _and wher any notable offe(n)ce shall be in the bakers to
cause y^e bread to be sold to y^e porar sort vnder y^e ordynary pryces
in part of punishment of y^e baker_.
[747] Lord Burleigh has here underlined for omission the following
words: "that the bread they bake of wheate only be all of one sort
w^{th}out takinge out of any of the flower for a fyner sort dueringe
this tyme of dearth and."
That noe Badgers of corne, bakers _or_ Brewers doe buy any grayne
or couinne[748] or bargayne for the same but in the tyme of open
markette, and that but by license vnder the hande of the Justices
of the division where they doe dwell or three of them, and that
they weekely bringe their license w^{th} them to the markett where
they doe eyther buye or sell, and that the license conteyne how
much grayne, of what kynde and for what place they are licensed to
buy and carrie, that there be set downe vppon the license the daye,
place, quantetie and price the corne is bought at, that they take but
measurablie for the cariadge bakinge and brewinge thereof, that they
showe their booke weekely to such, as the Justice of the division
wherein they dwell shall appoyncte, beinge noe bakers _or_ Badgers of
Corne. And that those _p(er)so(n)s_ eu(er)ye xiiii dayes make reporte
to the Justice of the division wherein they dwell how the people are
dealt w^{th}all by the badgers, bakers and Brewers. And that such as
have otherwyse sufficient to lyve on _or that ar knowen to be of any
crime or evill behavor_ be not permitted to be badgers of corne, nor
any badgers to be permitted but such as the statut doth lymitt, and
that none be permitted to buy or provide corne in the market in grosse
as badger or baker and such lyke, _uppo(n) payn of i(m)prisonm^t,
vntill_ one hower after the full markett _be begon_ that the pore
_may_ be first served.
[748] I.e. agree. See note above.
That the said Justices or _twoe or_ one of them at the least in
eu(er)ye division shalbe personallie presente at eu(er)ye market
w^{th}in their seu(er)all divisions to see the orders to be taken by
thauctoretie hereof to be well observed and the pore people provided
of necessarie corne _and that w^has much favor in y^e pryces as by
ernest perswasio(n) of y^e justyces may be obteyned_[749]....
[749] The clause here omitted provides that, if there are not enough
justices in any part the Sheriff and Justices of the peace shall
appoint some "other grave, honest and substanciall persons" to carry
out the orders.
That all good meanes and perswasions be vsed by the Justices in
their seu(er)all divisions that the pore may be served of corne at
convenyent and charitable prices.
That there be noe buyenge or bargayninge for any kynd of corne but
in open market, and that the justices in their seu(er)all divisions
restrayne comen malsters of makinge barlie malte in those contries and
places where there be otes sufficient to make malte of, for the use
of the people, and to restrayne, aswell the brewinge of barlie malte
by or for Alehouses or Comen Tiplers in those contries and places,
as also the excesse vse of any kynde of malte by all comen brewers
in all alehouses and comen Tipling howses wheresoeu(er), and that
sufficient bondes be taken of all comen brewers, malsters and comen
Tiplers accordinge to the trewe meaninge of this article, and that
the unnecessarie nomber of Alehouses and comen Tipplers be forthw^{th}
suppressed in all places and _y^t direction be gyven to all typlyng
howses, taverns and alehouses not to suffer any perso(n)s to repayre
thyther to eate and drynk at unseasonable tymes_.
That the Justices vse all other good meanes _that ar not me(n)tioned
in these orders that the_ marketts be well served and the pore
releyved in their provisions dueringe this tyme of dearth _and y^t no
expe(n)ce be of any gray(ne), mete for bread to fede men, be wasted
vppo(n) fedyng of bestts, neither y^t any be spent in maky(n)g of
a stuff called sterch, as of late theyr hath bene discovered great
qua(n)tite expe(n)ded in that vayne matter being in no sort to be
suffred to contynew_.
That the justices be straightlie comaunded to see by all good meanes
that the able people be set on worke, the howses of Correction
provided and furnished and there ydle vagabonds _to be_ punished.
That the Justices doe their best to have convenient stocke to be
provided in eu(er)ye division or other place, accordinge to the statut
for settinge the pore a worke, and the justices to vse all other good
and politique meanes w^{th}in their seu(er)all divisions to contynewe
and maynteyne the pore people in worke w^{th}in the parish or at the
furthest w^{th}in the hundred or division.
That the _maymed or hurt_ soldiers and all other impotent persons
be carefullye seene vnto to be releived w^{th}in their seu(er)all
parishes, hundreds or divisions, accordinge to the lawe _therfor
provyded_, and that where the provisions form(er)lye made be not
sufficient it may be _now for this tyme of derth_ increased; and where
one parishe is not able to geve sufficient releife to such their pore,
that parrishe to haue the supplye of such parishes nere adioyninge
as have fewer pore and are better able to geve releife, _and that no
vagabond or sturdy beggar or any y^t may otherwise gett ther lyving by
ther labors be not suffred to wander abrod under coller of beggy(n)g
in any town or high waye, and y^t the Justyces do presently gyve order
that ther be p(er)so(n)s sufficiently weaponed to asist the constables
of every town to attach such vagabo(n)ds both in ther towns side and
high wayes and to com(m)itt them to prison w^hout bayle, but as twoe
of y^e justyces of y^e peace n^r y^t divisio(n) shall order, and if
the townshipp shall not obs(er)ve this order for y^e attachy(n)g and
punisy(n)g of y^e sayd vagabo(n)ds then the justyces shall se due
punishme(n)t by fyne uppo(n) the whole townshipp or uppo(n) such
partyes in y^e town as shall be found in fault_.
That the Justices of the peace doe once eu(er)ye moneth c(er)tefie
their doings and proceadings by force of these Instruccons vnto the
Sheriffe of the said countie, in w^{ch} c(er)tificat they shall
also make c(er)tificat of such Justices as shalbe absent from any
these services and the trewe cause of their absence, and shall also
c(er)tefie the vsuall prices of all kyndes of grayne in their marketts
for that moneth past, of all w^{ch} the same Sheriffe to c(er)tefie
the privie Counsell once in eu(er)ye fortie dayes at the farthest, _so
as y^t defalt in any justyce y^t shal be absent may be duly considered
and corrected by authorety of hir Ma^{t's} counsell as reaso(n) shall
req(u)ir and so as such perso(n)s as ar placed as Justyces for ther
creditt may not contynew in those roomes, wherin they shall be found
not disposed to attend such a necessary and Godly servyce as this is,
but y^t others of better dispositio(n) may supply those roomes, if
ther shall be ned of any such no(m)ber, as in most places is thorght
not very nedefull, the nornber being in co(mm)on opinio(n) more
hurtful tha(n) proffitable to Justyce_.
And, yf any shall offend against the trewe meaninge of these
instruccons or of any parte thereof or shall vse any sinister means to
the defraudinge thereof, that such be severely punished accordinge to
the lawes, and for such obstinat persons as shall not conforme them
selves the Justices shall at their pleasure bynd to appere before _y^e
Q. Ma^{t's}_ privie Counsell _by a daye certen_ there to be further
dealt w^{th} _by sever_ punishment for the better ensample of _all_
others[750]....
[750] The rest of the manuscript contains a clause in Burleigh's
hand which provides that justices of the peace shall act with other
commissioners and prevent the transportation of grain and shall
also be jointly responsible with the commissioners for the proper
performance of this duty. The rest consists of rough jottings
in Burleigh's hand concerning some additional matters such as
"Tr(a)nsport of beans," "Recusants mo(n)y," &c.
APPENDIX VI.
ACCOUNTS of the Churchwardens and Overseers of the parish of
Staplegrove, Co. Somerset, for the year 1599 (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS.
30,278).
The accounts of the overseers of Staplegrove have been preserved for
several years between 1599 and 1623 (1599, 1605, 1621, 1622, and 1623).
The churchwardens' accounts also remain and begin as early as 1585 and
in some of these also payments to the poor are noted[751].
[751] Thus in the account rendered July 21st, 1588, by one churchwarden
several items of the kind occur, e.g.
Item to a poore blynde man the v^{th} of February iij^d.
It. to a poore woman the xiiij^{th} of February iij^d.
It. to the poore howse at Lamporte the x^{th} day of November iij^d.
It. to a poore souldyour iij^d. &c.
Later the churchwardens apparently always made a payment of 5_s._ every
half-year to the constables for lame soldiers and hospitals.
This account is of course made under the provisions of the Act of 1597
(39 Eliz. c. 3)[752].
[752] See p. 76.
The accounts of the churchwardens and overseeors of the poore in the
parishe of Stapelgrove for the eyare last past. This account stood
before her maeistis Justis on the xj daye of apreill in Anno Domini
1599.
A noot what every man hath paid to this colletion this whole eyar that
was set weekly to the poore.
George Poyre xj^s.
John Wuse. xviii^s.
Anthone Gonson ix^s. ij^d.
John Chattocke xiiij^s. viii^d.
Thomas Harris vii^s. iiii^d.
Robert Parsons xi^s.
Will. Cole iij^s. viii^d.
Richard Nelcomb v^s. vi^d.
John Sindercomb iij^s. iij^d.
William Davy ii^s. ix^d.
Harry Chattocke iii^s. viii^d.
Bartholmew Sindercomb xxii^d.
William Hit before hee had his apprentis viii^s. iiii^d.
Thomas Perrett before hee had his apprentis v^s.
Wat Gale before he had his apprentis. vi^s. viii^d.
John Chattocke before he had his apprentis vi^s. viii^d.
Som. of v^{li}. xviij^s. x^d.
A noet of every mans name that keepe anei poore body and them that
hath taken apprentisses
Roger Smyth kepeth William Harvy, Impot.
Water Knight kepeth Christine Fort, Impot.
Nicholas Cornishe kepeth Harry Gale as apprentis.
John Chattocke tholder kepeth Jone Rison as apprentis.
William Hit kepeth Mamwell Brice as apprentis.
Thomas Perrot kepeth Margery Huis as apprentis.
Walter Gale kepeth Jone Huis as apprentis.
The namis of them that paieth quarterly to the poore and what every
one of them hath paid the whole eyar.
first M^r. John Switteinge xii^s.
John Decon xii^s.
Hugh Farthinge xii^s.
Andrew Crosse vii^s.
William Whitt i^s. vi^d.
Mr. George Hill i^s. vi^d.
Water Duddroge iii^s.
Water Shut vi^s.
Mr. Goorge Fenwell i^s.
Robert Westcomb xxi^d.
Robert Farthinge iij^s. vi^d.
John Parsons ii^s. ix^d.
William Wilse i^s. vi^d.
Thomas Slape i^s.
Thomas Rooch iii^s.
William Corvenell ii^s. vi^d.
Mr. John Gibbones i^s. vi^d.
John Ollyver vi^d.
Robert Soger i^s. vi^d.
M^r. Jamis Clarke ii^s.
Thomas Brice i^s. iii^d.
Bartholmew Farthinge xviii^d.
Som. of iiii^{li}.
The whole
resowte for Som. of ix^{li}. xviii^s. x^d.
this yeare
The namis of all them that haue receved collection and euery one of
them haue Receved as followith.
first Jone Cole haue reseved xxix^s.
Richard Rison & his wyfe Reseved lvii^s.
John Gould Reseved xiiii^s. ii^d.
Christian Fort Reseved xii^s.
Jone Gale the wyfe of Richard Gale xii^s.
Margret Brice the wyfe of John Brice vi^s. viii^d.
Jane Hues the wyfe of Thom. Hues xviii^d.
Wilmoth Hunt xii^d.
Johane Rison xii^d.
To Roger Smyth for that his land is } viii^s. vi^d.
charged in St. Jamis }
To Christian Fort in her sicknis and for } iii^s. ix^d.
wood }
To John Gould's buriall xii^d.
To the tithingman for releivinge the }
poore strangers that were broght to } xii^d.
hem }
Wee haue laid out before Christmas for }
Clothers for the poore & for wood and } xxxviii^s.
parrell for the apprenteses }
disburssed som of ix^{li}. vi^s. vii^d.
so there is remayninge in ou^r hande xii^s. iii^d.
Churchwardens
Hugh Portman.
John Colles.
John Frances.
Thomas Beaton.
Thomas Perett & Bartholmew Sindercomb.
Overseears
Richer Smyth, Water Knight.
Nicholas Cornish & John Chattocke.
APPENDIX VII.
ORDERS made by the justices responsible for Aylesham and Reipham, Co.
Norfolk, 23rd October, 1622 (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., No. 12,496, f. 222).
The following orders were enclosed with a letter of Dec. 7th, 1622,
written by John Rycherds, one of the justices of Norfolk, to Sir
Julius Caesar[753]. Sir Julius had sent this justice the letters of
the Privy Council, regulating alehouses and the strength of beer, the
19th October, 1622, and had asked him to report as to the condition of
the country with regard to the supply of corn. John Rycherds states
that these orders had been made in the "Lymitt" where he served before
the receipt of the letter and that they dealt with all the matters
commanded in the Council's letter. After the letter had been received,
however, the matters named were again "given in perticuler charge."
[753] See above, p. 295.
Both the letter and these enclosed orders form part of the Caesar
papers.
[Sidenote: Norff.]
Orders conceaved and put in Execucon at Aylesham and Reipham the
xviij^{th} and xxiij^{th} of October 1622, by the Justices of the
Peace for the Lymitt in the Hundreds of Eynesford and South Erpinham
in the said Cownty as followeth.
[Sidenote: 39^o Eliz. 16.]
That the greatest Malsters and Ingrossers of Barly be suppresed in
parte or in the whole, whereby much Barly may be staied from maltinge,
for bread for the poore, which is nowe wastfullye consumed in stronge
Beere vpon riotous drunkards while the poore Labourers want bread.
[Sidenote: 23^o Hen. 8^o 4^o. 2^o Jac. 4^o. 4^o Jac. 4 & 5.]
That Brewers be not permitted to sell Beere to Alehowsekeepers aboue
the rates of 6^s 8^d a barrell, the best, & iiij^s iiij^d the small,
accordinge to the rates agreed vpon at the gen(er)all Sessions of
the peace houlden at the Castle of Norw^{ch} at Easter last. And
that they brewe aswell small beare as stronge, and be restrayned from
makinge of Malt.
[Sidenote: 51^o H. 3. 51 Ed. 1[754].]
[754] Probably intended for the 13 Ed. I.
That Bakers keepe the Assise of bread accordinge to the price of
corne, that they bake but the three sorts of bread appointed by the
lawe and sell but 13 to the doz. That Cakes and Finger breade be
restrayned in Innes and Alehowses.
[Sidenote: 8^o H. 6. 5^o. 10 H. 7. 4^o.]
That Troy weights be provided in Townes where Bakers do dwell and
where they utter bread, and that the Constables w^{th} the overseers
of the poore there, doe weekelie weigh and survey the bread baked
there or brought thither.
[Sidenote: 39^o Eliz. 4^o. 43^o Eliz. 3^o. 7^o Jac. 4^o.]
That poore people be not permitted to wander and begge out of the
parishe where they dwell but kept at worke and that worke be prouided
for those that cannot gett worke themselues and that such be compelled
to doe their worke well that the stocke be not consumed.
That poore children be put to Schoole to knittinge and spinninge
dames, and the Churchwardens and Ouerseers for the poore to paie the
Schoole dames their wages, where the parents are not able.
[Sidenote: 39^o Eliz. 4^o. 43^o Eliz. 3^o. 1^o Jac. 7^o. 7^o Jac. 4^o.
11^o H. 7. 2^o. 5 & 6 E. 6. 25^o.]
Rogues and wanderers to be corrected and ordered accordinge to lawe,
and the constables to be punished that do neglect y^t, for they are
the Roguemakers.
Superfluous Alehowses to be both suppressed and kept downe, and that
none be permitted to be Alehowsekeepers but those that are licensed by
the gen(er)all consent of the Justice of the Lymitt, that best knowe
both the conveniency of the places, the necessitie of an Alehowse
there, and the abilitie and condicon of the Alehowsekeeper, and
accordinge to the Articles heretofore agreed vpon betwene the Judges
of the Assises for that County and subscribed by the Justices of the
peace there.
[Sidenote: 1^o Eliz. 2. 23 Eliz. 1^o. 1^o Jac. 9. 4 & 5 Jac. 4 & 5. 7
Jac. 10. 3 Jac. 4^o. 5 E. 6.]
That all the good Lawes ordained for the goverment of Alehowses
licensed and vnlicensed the Alehowsekeepers, the Brewers, (who are
the principall Causers both of the excessive nomber and of the great
disorders in those howses), the idle Tipplers, the blasphemours,
drunkards or excessive drinkers and the Absent from Church be seuerely
and constantly put and kept in Execucon.
That the Lawes against Ingrossers, Forestallers and Regrato^{rs}
of Corne & victualles be looked vnto and the offenders punished
accordinge to the Lawes.
For all or most of these there are good Lawes prouided, if the
Justices w^{th} one gen(er)all Consent be carefull to putt their
lief vnto them. But there is one other mayne inconvenience w^{ch}
to remedie will require power from the ho^{ble} Board, and that is,
That the great owners of Corne aswell farmo^{rs} as others do not
thresh out their owne Corne, but buy all they spend or Sowe either
at the Marketts or of poore small farmo^{rs} that are constrayned to
sell nowe and yett must buy againe before Harvest next for their owne
expence w^{ch} doth both encrease the prices of all grayne, and by
that meanes all the Corne is brought into a fewe handes who then make
the prices at their owne pleasure. If theis things be provided for
and duly putt in execucon, there wilbee Corne enough found and spared
for the people of our Countrey w^{th}out inquiringe or examininge
perticuler mens store, w^{ch} doth but discouer the want and there bie
inhaunce the prices, but augments not the store.
APPENDIX VIII.
REPORT of the justices from Lackford and the half hundred of Exning
February 7th, 1622/3. Dom. State Papers James I. Vol. 142. 14. 1.
The following is one of nine reports forwarded by the Sheriff of
Suffolk to the Lords of the Privy Council on April 2nd, 1623.
All nine returns together with many others were sent in reply to
orders of the Privy Council issued in consequence of the distress in
1622-3[755]. If we compare this reply with the draft of the orders
corrected by Burleigh in 1586 (App. V.), we shall see that the orders
issued in 1623 must have been substantially the same as those of
1586/7. This report also shows, like the orders themselves, that the
direct relief of the poor was improved in consequence of the measures
of the years of scarcity.
[755] See above, p. 145 seq.
[Sidenote: Suff.]
A Certificate to y^e right hono^{ble} y^e Lords and others of his
Ma^{ties} most hono^{ble} Priuie Councell.
The quantitie of corne and grayne w^{th}in y^e hundred of Lackeford
and y^e halfe hundred of Exninge, taken y^e 7th. day of Februarie
a(nn)o regni regis Jacobi Angliæ 20^o a(nn)oq(ue) d(omi)ni 1622 by
presentm^t, and inquiry of a Jury in y^e said hundred and halfe
accordinge to his Ma^{ties} booke, is as followeth.
Inprim. in wheate two hundred fiue score and ten Com^{bs} and thre
bush^{lls}.
In Rye thre thousand and two combes.
In Barly eight thousand thre hundreth and fiftie fiue com^{bs}.
In Malte foure thousand, twenty seauen combes and thre bushells.
In Pease foure hundreth twentye seauen combs and thre bushells.
Deductions out of this
For persons remayninge in y^e houses of those y^t haue y^e said corne
for their mainetenance till Haruest fouretene hundred threscore and
two persons.
For Lands to be sowen this yeare followinge beinge six thousand
thirtie fiue acres.
For forehand bargaines to be deliu(er)ed w^{ch} amounts to seauen
hundred fiftie foure combes and two bushells.
For Sheepheardes wages ten score and foureteene combes.
For wheate, rie, barly, malt, sheepheards wage, and Pease six score is
accounted to each hundred; for persons in house, lands to be sowen,
forehand bargaines as aforesaid, fiue score is accounted for each
hundred.
There beinge within the hundred of Lackeford diu(er)ssome Townes,
consistinge of a greate number of miserable poore people w^{ch}
neither plowe nor sowe for Corne, we thinke in o^r opinions and
iudgem^{ts} y^t all y^e corne and graine aforesaid, the said poore
people beinge prouided for, and the deductions beinge allowed as
before is expressed, will hardely serue y^e people nowe inhabitinge
within the said hundred, and halfe vntill haruest next.
For y^e Marketts within y^e hundred and halfe aforesaid they are nowe
sufficiently furnished with corne and graine, the poorer sorte of
people within the seuerall townes and places are ordered to be sett
on worke, hauinge caused these deere times y^e weekely collections of
each towne for y^e poore to be raysed and augemented. And y^e better
sorte of people that haue corne doe sell to the poore of each towne
within y^e hundred and halfe eight pence, ten pence and some twelue
pence in y^e bushell vnder y^e value y^t corne is sold in the next
adioyninge marketts.
For Maltsters, Brewers Ingrossers and millers wee haue taken such
order as by his Ma^{tie} is com(m)anded.
The prizes of corne and other grayne sold at y^e last markett day at
Mildenhall beinge y^e xxviii^{th}. of Februarie is
For wheate y^e combe xxii^s.
for rie y^e combe xvii^s. iiij^d.
for barly y^e combe xiij^s. vi^d.
for pease y^e combe x^s. viii^d.
oates y^e combe vi^s. viii^d.
This wee y^e justices of y^e Peace inhabitinge within the hundreds
aforesaid accordinge to o^r bounden duties doe most humbly certifie.
J. Heightting?, Roger North.
Joh. Smythe.
APPENDIX IX.
Extracts from the Privy Council Register.
Copy of a letter sent to the Deputy Lieutenants and Justices of the
Peace in the Counties of Suffolk and Essex concerning the employment
of the poor. Privy Council Register[756] Chas. I. Vol. V. f. 263, 22nd
May, 1629[757].
[756] See above, p. 143, note.
[757] _Ib._, p. 154.
[Sidenote: Dated the 22nd. Signed
Lo. Trer.
Lo. Privie Seale
Lo. High Chamb.
Lo. Steward
Lo. Chamb.
Ea. of Suffolk
Ea. of Dorsett
Ea. of Holland
Lo. Chanc. of Scotland
Lo. Vic. Dorchester
Lo. Vic. Grandison
Lo. Vic. Wilmot
Lo. Bp. of London
Lo. Bp. of Winton
Mr. Trer.
Mr. Vic. Chamb.
Mr. of the Wardes
Mr. Chanc. of the Ex^r.
]
"Whereas wee by special direccons of his Ma^{tie} did lately commend
unto yo^r care the present state of those parts of y^r county where
the poore clothiers and their workmen at present destitute of worke
might some other way be imployed or for the tyme be releeved till some
obstructions to trade were remooved, as also to kepe in order those
that are loose and ill disposed people. To w^{ch} end his Ma^{tie} by
advise of his Privie Councell and the Judges hath lately published a
proclamacon declaring his pleasure and command; in what manner the
truly poore and impotent should be relieved, those of able bodies
should be sett on worke and imployed in honest labors and the sturdie,
idle and dangerous roagues and vagabonds should be repressed and
punished w^{ch} proclamacon you shall herew^{th} likewise receive.
Now, bycause wee understand that in yo^r countie there is more than
ordinarie occasion to use all dilligence and industrie at this time,
wee have thought fitt to putt yo^u more particularlie in minde
thereof, and in answere of yo^r l(ett)res to lett yo^u know that it is
the resolucon of all the Judges, that by the lawe yo^u have sufficient
power and ought to raise meanes out of the severall Parishes if
they be of abilitie, or otherwise in their defect in their severall
Hundrethes, Lathes or Wapentakes, and for want of their abilitie (to
sett yo^r poore on worke and to relieve the aged and impotent not able
to worke) in the whole bodie of the county, wherefore his Ma^{tie}
commands that the wayes provided by lawe in theise cases be duely
followed w^{th} all diligence and possible speede. You are required
to understand the true state of the country from the ministers,
churchwardens and overseers of the severall parishes w^{th}in your
severall divisions. And what rests herein to be done by order at the
Quarter Sessions, the judges advise that for this purpose you may call
the Quarter Sessions sooner then the ordinary sett tymes and doe that
w^{ch} in this case is so requisite. Further wee lett yo^u to know,
that such hath bin his Ma^{t's} care and personall paines taken to
remove theis impediments, that of late have bin to trade and to open
a free vent to the commodities of yo^r country, that yo^rselves will
shortily see the fruits of it to yo^r comforts neverthelesse in the
meane tyme theise things provided by the lawe and the helpes that by
yo^r care may be added are in no sorte to bee neglected, but exactly
pursued of w^{ch} yo^r proceedings wee are to bee advertised that so
wee may render account thereof to his Ma^{tie}. And so etc.
[Sidenote: Ut supra.]
A like warrant or lre to the Deputy Lieutenants and Justices of the
Peace in the Countie of Suffolk, dated and signed ut supra.
APPENDIX X.
Extracts from the Privy Council Register (continued).
Letter concerning the disturbances in Rutlandshire (_Privy Council
Register_, Vol. VI. f. 345. 15th Feb. 1630/1).
This entry illustrates the connection between efforts to improve poor
relief and the maintenance of order.
A Lre to S^r Edward Harrington, Sir Hen. Mackworth Bar^t S^r Guy
Palmer K^t and Basill Fielding Esq^r or any twoe of them.
[Sidenote:
Lo. Keeper.
Lo. Trear.
Lo. Privie Seale.
Ea. Marshall.
Lo. V. Wentworth.
Lo. Bp. of Winton.
Mr Trear.
Mr Comptroler.
Mr Secre. Coke.
]
Whereas we have beene made acquainted w^{th} a lre written by John
Wildbore a Minister in and aboute Tinwell w^{th}in that County to
a friend of his here wherein after some mencon by him made of the
present want and miserie sustayned by the poorer sorte in those parts
through the dearth of Corne and the want of worke, he doth advertize
in particular some speeches uttered by a shoomaker of Uppingham
(whose name wee finde not) tending to the stirring upp of the poore
theraboute to a mutiny and insurreccon. W^{ch} informacon was as
followeth in hæc verba "Hearest thou" saith a Shoomaker of Uppingham
to a poore man of Liddington "if thou wilte be secrett I will make
a mocon to thee." "What is yo^r Mocon?" saith the other. Then said
the Shoomaker "The poore men of Okeham have sent to us poore men of
Uppingham and if you poore men of Liddington will ioyne w^{th} us wee
will rise and the poore of Okeham say they can have all the Armour of
the Countrie in theire power w^{th}in halfe an hower, and (in faith
saith he) we will ryfle the churles." Upon consideracon had therof
however this Board is not easily credilous of light reports nor apte
to take impression from the vaine speeches or eiaculacons of some
meane and contemptible persons. Yet because it sorts well w^{th} the
care and providence of a State to prevent all occasions w^{ch} ill
affected persons may otherwise lay hold of under pretence and collour
of the necessitie of the tyme, we have thought good hereby to will and
require you the Deputy Lieuts. and Justices of peace next adioyneing
forthw^{th} to apprehend and take a more particular examinacon aswell
of the said Shoomaker as of such others as you shall thinke fitt
concerning the advertizement aforesaid. And that you take especial
care that the Armes of that County in and aboute those parts be safely
disposed of. And lykewise (w^{ch} is indeede most considerable and the
best meanes to prevent all disorders in this kinde) that you deale
effectually in causeing the markett to be well supplyed w^{th} corne
and the poore to be served at reasonable prices and sett on worke by
those of the richer sorte and by rayseing of stocke to releeve and
sett them on worke according to the lawes. All w^{ch} we recomende to
yo^r especiall care and require an account from you of yo^r doeings
and proceedings herein w^{th} all convenient expedicon. And soe &c.
APPENDIX XI.
Letter from Sir Thomas Barrington concerning the eight hundreds of
Yorkshire (_Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I. Vol. 177, No. 31. 21st Dec.
1630).
The following letter is substantially like many other justices' reports
relating to the corn measures of 1629-1631. This document, like a few
others of the same kind, preceded the issue of the Book of Orders of
Jan. 1630/1; and was sent in answer to previous orders of the Privy
Council[758]. It is addressed on the back "To the right Hon^{le} my
most hon^d Lo. the Lo. viceCount Dorchester[759] at his lodgings in
Whitehall"; and has attached to it a seal with a crest and also the
date 1630.
[758] See above, p. 172.
[759] Lord Dorchester had been appointed one of the special
commissioners for the poor in June 1630. See above, pp. 156, 164.
My Lo., the assurance y^t I haue of yo^r Lo^{ps} desyre to understand
y^e carefull and successfull execution of y^e late commaunds w^{ch}
we haue receiued, and feareing least y^e high Sheriff may delay
y^e retourning of owr certifficates; I shall take the bouldnes to
aduertize yo^r Lo^p that haueing attended the seruice inioyned by
his Ma^{ts} instructions and yo^r Lo^{ps} letters in eight hundreds
of this Countie, (as yo^r Lo^p will find when y^e Cirtificates are
retourned) we haue followed those directions giuen us conserneing
Badgers[760], Millers etc. a sort of people y^t did much rayse y^e
prizes of Corne; but I hope we haue preuented it for y^e future, som
of them being bound to y^e Sessions, others ouerlooked w^{th} a strict
eye that theay offend not as theay haue done; we find the Marketts
to be well serued; and tharefor no compulsion yet needes to be used
as yet; we haue furthermore taken care (w^{ch} I conceiue to be yo^r
Lo^{ps} chiefe ayme) that the poorer sort be prouided for by y^e
laying in of Corne in euery Toune sufficient to satisfy them for this
yeear, and y^t at such rates, as y^e scarcytye and dirth of theise
times will be y^e less bitter unto them, when theay shall haue it
18^d. and 2^s. in y^e Bushell cheaper then y^e Markett can afford,
as vpon calling y^e countrye together we haue easyly perswaded them
heearunto, & y^e most parishes haue allready begun this worke, w^{ch}
if it answar not yo^r Lo^{ps} desyres I shall be sorye y^t I was one
of y^e first moouers heearin; in y^e same forme y^t I exprest unto
yo^r Lo^p when I wayted upon you; w^{ch} haueing tendred to y^r Lo^p
and other Justices in theise parts I found them so well to approoue it
(as y^t yo^r Lo^p will find) we haue followed y^t way w^{th} a ioynct
consent; by w^{ch} meanes it appeears playnely y^t y^e prizes of y^e
marketts are fallne and doe weekely fall, wheate being in diuerse
Marketts where I haue attended this seruice at 7^s. y^e bushell and
vi^s. vi^d. whare lately it was sold at 8^s. vi^d.; for y^e laborers
and all y^e poorer sort being supplyed at home who are the greater
nomber, the rates of graine must of necessytye fall to be less. My Lo.
I feare I haue ben toe troublesom in this tedious discourse, but yo^r
Lo^p knowes circumstances make y^e busines of no small consequence,
w^{ch} it hath pleased his Ma^{ty} so gratiously to consider & yo^r
Lo^{ps} so carefully to order, wharein if thare be any thing y^t yo^r
Lo^p will be pleased to commaund me, I shall willing obaye, and so
shall yo^r Lo^p euer find me deuoted to yo^r desyres in any thing,
whareby I may becom seruiceable to y^e Countye, or to y^r Lo^p in
particular, whose fauors have ingaged me to study how I may any way
express myselfe most,
[760] See note App. V.
Hatf. Bro. Yo^r Lo^{ps} faithfull seruant
10^r. 21, 1630. Tho. Barrington.
My wife w^{th} me offers yo^r Lo^p and yo^r noble La. obliged seruice
thare being nothing we more desyre then to heear of yo^r good healthes.
APPENDIX XII.
Justices' reports on the execution of the Book of Orders of January,
1630/1[761].
[761] See p. 172 seq.
A. _Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I. Vol. 188. 85.
Questions sent by the justices responsible for the division of Fawley,
Hants. to the constables etc. of their district.
This copy of the inquiries was sent by Sir Richard Tychborne, Sir
Thomas Stukeley, Henry Clerke and William Rolfe, the justices
responsible for Fawley, to the High Sheriff of the county, together
with a report on the measures taken to improve poor relief in the
division of Fawley. The justices state they have sent these inquiries
to the "officers of everie parish," but have so far not obtained
satisfactory replies.
The document is directed "To the right wor^{ll} Thomas Cotele Esq. high
Sheriffe of the county of South(amp)ton."
[Sidenote: Southht.]
"The perticuler of such things as by vertue of divers statutes menconed
in his Ma^{t's} Commission are given in charge to the severall officers
vizt.
[Sidenote: Touching the poore.]
1. What poore are releived that cannott worke.
2. What poore are sett to worke that want it.
3. What stocks are provided to sett the poore on worke.
4. The names of such poore as want stocks to worke.
5. The names of such men or women children that are above the age of
10 yeres & not bound apprentice.
6. The names of such householders as are fitt to take apprentices.
7. What monies or lands have bine given to charitable vses.
8. Whether the Churchwardens & overseers for theis things have mett
monethly.
[Sidenote: Touching highwaies.]
1. What high waies are in decay & need repaier w^{th}in yo^r parish.
2. Whether the Churchwardens and Constables in Easter weeke last did
chuse surveyo^{rs}.
3. Whether they did appoint 6 daies for worke and give notice thereof
the next Sunday after.
4. Whether everie man having a plowe did for 6 daies and 8 houres in
that day w^{th} twoe men and necessarie tooles worke in those daies.
5. Whether everie person not being an hired serv^t or taking wages
have wrought those 6 daies.
6. What defects in any persons have bine presented by the Surveyo^{rs}
to the Justices.
7. Whether any nusance by anie neighbors to anie high waies be
comitted.
[Sidenote: Touching laborers & s(er)v^{ts}.[762]]
[762] All these inquiries refer to the statute of Elizabeth concerning
labourers (5 Eliz. c. 4) or to the clause in the poor law of 1601 (43
Eliz. c. 2) which ordered the overseers to set to work all persons who
had no means to maintain themselves. See above, pp. 140, 161. Some of
the regulations of the former statute provide that in many employments
servants should not be retained for less than a year; that the rates
of wages should be fixed by the justices in Quarter Sessions every
year; that a quarter's warning should be given if either master or
servant desired to terminate the engagement at the end of the term, and
that a testimonial should be obtained by a servant before he left his
own parish or town, and should be shown to his new master before he
obtained a fresh engagement. The statute also settled the conditions
of apprenticeship, and limited the right of becoming an apprentice in
certain crafts to the sons of those who possessed a little property. It
also provided that all persons between twelve and sixty not otherwise
employed, might be compelled to serve in husbandry. Several other
references to the execution of this statute occur in the reports here
printed. See B., Westmill and Sawbridgeworth, also D and E.
1. Whether those in the parish w^{ch} are fitt to serve doe serve.
2. Whether anie be retained or doe serve for lesse then a yeare.
3. Whether any doe give or take wage other then the Statute allowes.
4. Whether any departe att the end of theire terme w^{th}out a
q(uar)ters warninge.
5. Whether any doe serve or be retained w^{th}out first shewing a
testimoniall.
6. Whether any refuse to serve either as apprentice or otherwise
w^{ch} ought to serve.
[Sidenote: Touching Rogues.]
{ All beggers.
1. All wanderers are rogues viz^t. { Patent gatherers.
{ Collecto^{rs} for persons.
{ Proctors.
{ Juglers.
2. All using vnlawfull trades as { Plaiers.
{ Fortune tellers.
{ Egiptians.
{ Minstrells.
{ Bearewards.
3. Idle traders travelling ag^t the lawe. { Tynkers.
{ Pedlers.
{ Pettichapmen.
{ Glasmen.
1. To present w^{ch} of theis or what other persons have bine
apprehended or punished either by private persons or officers.
2. Whoe have neglected to punish anie such Rogues.
3. Whoe have releived or lodged them.
[Sidenote: Touching Alehouses.]
1. What alehouses there be in yo^r parish & where they stand.
2. What persons they bee that keepe them & whether licensed or bound.
3. What assize of bread & beere they keepe.
4. What disorders they keepe in theire houses by drinking or otherwise.
5. What persons haunt the same Alehouses or continue drinking therein.
6. What persons have bine drunke and have not bine therefore punished.
[Sidenote: Lastly.]
Whether the watches appointed by the Statute have bine duly observed
for the apprehencon and punishm^t of Rogues."
B. _Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I. Vol. 189. 80 and Vol. 197. 69.
Extracts from two reports from the hundred of Braughing, one sent to
the High Sheriff in April and the other in Sept. 1631.
These two reports contain abstracts of the returns sent in by the
overseers at six monthly meetings held between Feb. 7th, 1630/1 and
June 27th, 1631[763]. The whole of the abstracts sent in on Feb.
7th are here printed, but of the others only those which indicate
improvement in the administration of the poor law. The first document
is written on parchment, the second on paper, both in a clerk's hand.
[763] See above, p. 249.
=Hertf.=[764]
[764] In the manuscript the names of the churchwardens &c. are written
opposite the entries in a right-hand margin and the names of the
places are written in a large hand in a left-hand margin.
"An Abstract of the Returne and presentments made by the
Churchwardens, Constables and Ouerseers for the poore in the parishes
of the halfe Hundred of +Braughinge+ vnto vs Justices of the
peace in this devision whose names are herevnder written, on the
vii^{th} of February 1630.
=Braughinge=[765].
[765] Of these places only Ware, Stortford, Sawbridgeworth, Braughing
and Stansted Abbots are of any size; Eastwick has even now only 71
inhabitants, and neither Gilston, Westmill or Thundridge have a
population exceeding 500. The population of Charles I.'s time for the
whole of England and Wales is estimated to have been about one-sixth
that of the present day. The largest place, Ware, has a stock when
the reports begin, the second in size, Stortford, reports one at the
second meeting, while the overseers of Braughing have arranged for the
employment of the poor in another manner. Here therefore as elsewhere
arrangements for finding work exist more in the larger places than in
the smaller.
Noe stocke for the poore, noe land or rents for charitable vses. A
dozen of bread out of Lent and ii dozen in Lent w^{th} a barrell of
white and a cade of red herrings. Noe children put to seruice this
yeare, foure to be put out, six rogues punished, fiftie shillings
guift to the poore.
Edward Dogood, Henry Watts, _Churchwardens_.
Thomas Smith, _Ouerseer for the poore_.
=Widford.=
Noe stocke, but foure pounds yearely gathered, and fiue markes rent,
none that want worke, none put to seruice, one to put forth. Prouision
of corne at iii^s iiii^d for the poore.
Oliuer Mills, _Churchwarden_.
Thomas Hadsley, _Ouerseer for the poore_.
=Eastwicke.=
Noe stocke for the poore, noe children to put to service, noe disorder
in Alehouses, Watches and Ward duely kept, iii rogues punished, xxx^s
yearly rent for the poore.
Thomas Kinge, George Cramphorne, _Constables_.
John Thorogood, _Ouerseer for the poore_.
=Stansted Abbot.=
Noe stocke but twoe cowes[766] and xviii^s iiij^d yearely rent. One
lately put to seruice one to be put fourth, noe disorder in the Innes
or Alehouses, eleuen rogues punished.
[766] The keeping of cows so that the poor could have their milk seems
to have been one of the oldest methods of public poor relief; see
Ashley, _Econ. Hist._, II. p. 311.
John Tayler, _Constable_.
Abraham Grisley, _Churchwarden_.
John Bannester, _Ouerseer for the poore_.
=Ware.=
Thirtie pounds stocke to sett the poore one worke; three lately put
to seruice, nine more male and female to put forth; rents yearely
imployed according to the donors wills; fortie markes, 80^{li} yearely
collection by Rates for the poore, more levied since Michaellmas
last; 93^{li} to buy corne for the poore and sold them at iiii^s. the
bushell, more 26^{li} giuen at Christmas by the Inhabitants in money
to the poore; Watch and Ward duely kept, xiii rogues punished and
passed, none but will worke for reasonable pay, three drawe Beare and
sell w^{th}out Licence, noe disorders in Innes or Alehouses but such
as haue lately been punished.
Robert Dowell, Isacke Needham, _Constables_.
Humphrie Parker, Thomas Mead, _Churchwardens_.
Joseph Wattson, Thomas Hadsley, _Ouerseers_.
=Chorley.=
Noe stocke, twoe put to service, noe rents for charitable vses, no
vnlicenced Alehouses, 24 Quarters of corne provided for the poore and
sold to them at iii_s._ iiii_d._ the bushell.
Nicholas Humfrie, _Churchwarden_.
Richard Godfree, _Constable_.
Edward Sabine, _Ouerseer_.
=Gildston.=
Noe stocke, The poore imployed by clothiers, one childe put to seruice
the others twoe young, 5^{li} yearely Rent for the poore, but one
Alehouse noe disorder therein, Watches and Wards duely kept.
Nathaniell Spencer, _Constable_.
John Rogers, _Churchwarden_.
Henry Corney, _Ouerseer_.
=Hunsdon.=
Tenn pounds Stocke to sett the poore on Worke, none to be put out,
10^{li} Land for charitable vses; noe unlicenced Alehouses; noe
disorder in any, Watch and Ward duely kept, Rogues punished by the
Marshall.
George Elliott, Richard Hunt, _Const._
Thomas Howe, _Churchwarden_.
=Westmill.=
Noe stocke for the poore, xvii rogues punished & passed, Richard Beadle
and John Boldle liue idly[767], one boy put to seruice, one other to
put fourth, neither Inne nor alehouse.
[767] See above, pp. 156-7 note.
Richard Haruey, _Const._
Thomas Kirby, _Churchwar._
John Bullard, _Ouerseer_.
=Sabridgworth.=
Noe stocke to sett the Poore on worke, a stocke of corne at iii_s._ and
iiii_d._ the bushell for the poore, none put to seruice, many to be put
forth, the profits to the poore imployed as by the doners wills, noe
unlicenced alehouses, noe disorder in licenced, none liue idly, Watch
and Ward duely kept, Rogues punished and passed according to the lawe;
Levied vpon drunkards x_s._ w^{ch} was giuen to the poore.
William Addams, _Churchwarden_.
Richard Shepheard, _Constable_.
Simon Abbott, _Ouerseer for the poore_.
=Standon.=
Noe stock for the poore, watch and ward duely kept, xii rogues
punished and passed, none liue idly, fiue children put out to seruice,
viii male & ix female children to put fourth, noe vnlicenced Alehouses
nor disorder in any, noe money Levied vpon drunkards, 50^{li} per
annu(m) rents imployed according to the donors intent.
William Beadle, _Churchwarden_.
Richard Hill, _Constable_.
Thomas (Avorch?), _Ouerseer for y^e poore_.
=Stortford.=
Twentie foure pounds & tenn shillings collected yearly for the poore
xii^{li}: xi^s rents, xxiij^{li}: x^s laid out to buy corne for
the poore at xvi^d the bushell cheaper then it cost, not any put
to seruice this yeare, viii children to be put out, noe vnlicenced
alehouses, noe disorder in Inne or Alehouse, foure vagrants punished,
Watch and Warde duely kept, not any idle persons.
Leonard Knight, _Constable_.
John Jones, _Ouerseer for y^e poore_.
=Thundridge.=
Noe stocke for their poore, watches and wards duely kept, none put to
seruice this yeare, Henry Cobham selleth Beare w^{th}out Licence noe
disorder in Innes or Alehouses, noe money levied upon drunkards. The
rest of the presentment is against Edward Gardiner Esq. w^{ch} doth
depend vpon the Lawe.
Frier Durden, _Churchwarden_.
Thomas Young, _Consta^{ble}_.
Isacke Gray, Thomas Gilson, _Ouerseers for the poore_."
This ends the returns for Feb. 7th; the same parishes send returns on
each of the later dates; the few which are here printed are those which
indicate the alteration effected by the enforcement of the Book of
Orders.
"An Abstract of the Returnes made March the vii^{th}....
=Sabrdgworth.=
Noe vnlicenced Alehouses, noe disorder, watch and ward duely kept,
vagrants punished according to the Lawe, x^s leuied vpon drunkards to
the vse of the poore. Gabraell Whittawe, his wife, sonne and daughter
liue idly and are hedgbreakers, noe stocke in the parish to sett the
poore on worke. A greate stocke of corne laid in for the poore at
iii^s iiij^d the bushell, none want worke, all being set one worke in
the parish, ii^{li} x^s yearly rent distributed to the poore by the
donors, xi boyes and girles to be put to service....
Richard Shepheard, Robert Goulett, _Consta._
Thomas Thackguere, William Addams, _Churchwar._
Abraham Thorogood, Simon Abbott, _Ouerseers_....
=Stortford.=
Stocke to set the poore one worke to make Clothe 22^{li}: 10^s: of
hempe, towe and flax; 24 children to put to seruice, 22 poore spinners
sett to worke, none sell beare or ale w^{th}out licence, noe disorder
in Innes or Alehouses, iiii rogues punished, watch & ward duely kept,
noe Money leuied vpon drunkards since our last returne: Thomas Gurston
goeth aboute w^{th} a Gunne or Peece, Tobias Chandler hath noe Lawfull
calling.
Tho. Barnard, gen. _Church._
Leonard Knight, Robert Freeman, _Constables_.
John Jones, James Scruby, _Ouerseers_.
=Westmill.=
Tenn pounds, thirteene shillings Stocke for the releife of the poore
in corne; Richard Beadle, John Beadle idle liuers out of seruice, noe
Inne or Alehouse in the parish, the Guifts formerly given imployed
as by the donors wills, watch and ward duely kept, three rogues
punished....
Thomas Kirbey, Michaell More, _Churchwardens_.
Tho. Ancell, Richard Haruey, _Ouerseers_.
An Abstract of the Returnes made Aprill the iiii^{th} Anno d(omi)ni
1631....
=Braughinge.=
Noe stock to sett the poore on worke but they are sett on worke by
the inhabitants to spinn towe at iiii^d the pound, fiftie shillings
guift to the poore, adozen of bread out of Lent and twoe dozen in
Lent w^{th} a Barrell of White & a cade of Redd herrings the Weekly
Collection amounteth to aboue xx^{li} the yeare, six rogues punished,
Watches and Wardes duely kept....
Will Denison, _Const._
Hen. Wattie, Edw. Dogood, _Church._
Tho. Smith, Edw. Tubman, _Ouer._
=Widford.=
None that keepe Alehouse w^{th}out Licence noe disorder in the
Licenced, Watch and Ward duely kept, iiii rogues punished, noe money
leuied vpon drunkards, none but will and doe worke for reasonable
wages, noe stocke but the poore are releiued w^{th} corne and money,
noe Guifts to charitable vses, none to put fourth Apprentices but
those whome their parents will put fourth.
Tho. Ouerill, _Const._
Tho. Wett, _Churchw._
John Cripes, _Ouers._
_D. S. P._ Chas. I. Vol. 197. 69.
An Abstract of the Returnes and presentments made by the
churchwardens, constables and ouerseers for the Poore in the parishes
of the halfe hundred of Braughing vnto vs Justices of the peace in
this diuision whose names are herevnder written on the first day of
May anno do(min)i 1631....
=Stortford.=
Twoe put fourth Apprentices, there is more to put fourth soe soone as
there cann be masters gotten for them, Robert Gray refuseth to pay to
the Rate for the poore, there is one William Brookes will not keepe
his seruice....
James Scruby, John Jones, _Ouerseers_.
John Bull, Robert Colt, _Churchwardens_.
W^m Ellis, W^m Reade, _Constables_.
An Abstract of the Returnes made May xxx^{th} 1631....
=Gilston.=
Noe unlicenced Alehouse keepers, Watch & Ward is duely kept, one Rogue
punished and passed since the last Sitting, Joseph Charnocke and
Thomas Charnocke liue idly and will not worke there is fiue pounds
stocke and the poore are sett on worke, none put fourth apprentices as
yet....
Hen. Damyan, _Constable_.
Robert Ellis, _Churchwarden_.
Hen. Corney, _Ouerseer_....
An Abstract of the Returnes made June xxvii^{th} anno do(min)i 1631....
=Hunsdon.=
None sell Ale or beare w^{th}out Licence, Watch and Ward is duely
kept, tenn Rogues haue been punished and passed, noe money leuied vpon
drunkards, noe idle persons, theire was a stocke of Tenn pounds to
sett the poore on worke, w^{ch} is decayed and come to fiue pounds,
Noe guifts to charitable vses, none fitt to put apprentices....
George Elliott, _Constable_.
John Burton, _Churchwarden_.
W^m Hale, _Ouerseer_.
=Eastwicke.=
Watch and Ward is duely kept, noe unlicenced alehouses, noe rogues
punished since the last sitting, the poore are sett on worke by
the inhabitants, there are some yearely rents w^{ch} are weekely
distributed to the poore, none to put fourth apprentices."
Tho. King, _Constable_.
Geo. Cramphorne, _Churchwarden_.
Tho. Porter, _Ouerseer_."
This later report is endorsed "Certifyed by the high Sheriff the first
of Septemb(er) 1631. Jo. Boteler."
C. _Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I. Vol. 190. 10.
Part of the Report of Bridewell.
This report of Bridewell seems to have been made in consequence of the
inquiries of the commissioners on poor relief appointed in Jan. 1630/1.
The estimated value of the labour of the inmates, the cost of their
maintenance, the amount paid in salaries to the officials of the
hospital all throw light on the rate of wages and on the cost of living
at this time.
=London Bridewell.=
"To the right hon^{ble} the lords of his Ma^{ties} most ho^{ble} privy
Counsaile.
We, the Presid^t, Treasurer and other the Governo^{rs} of the
hospitall of Bridewell, in obedience to yo^r Lo(rdshi)ps order dated
the xviii^{th} day of Aprill now last past doe humbly present vnto
Hono^{rs} a true particuler of all the state of the same Hospitall
as it now standeth this Second day of May 1631 in manner and forme
following (viz^t.)[768]." ...
[768] Particulars of rents annually received are here set down; they
together amount to £724. 2_s._ 2_d._
"Casuall receipts."
"There is raised by the labo^r of eu(er)y
man that is set to worke w^{th}in the said hospitall
for eu(er)y dayes worke iiii^d and for eu(er)y
woman and boy ii^d, w^{ch} for vii yeares now last
past co(mmun)ibus annis hath raised per
ann(um) xl^{li}
There hath been moreover receaved for the
dyett of such rude apprentices and other idle
and vnruly persons as have been sent thither
w^{th}in Seaven yeares last past co(mmun)ibus
annis per ann(um) xxxvi^{li}
There hath been given by well disposed
persons towards the releife of the poore people
harboured w^{th}in the said hospitall and towards
the putting forth of poore children apprentices
w^{th}in the space of vii yeares last past co(mmun)ibus
annis the yearly som(m)e of cxx^{li}
Som(m)e of all the Casuall receipts yearly ys clxxxxvi^{li}
There hath been letten w^{th}in the space of
Seaven yeares of the lands and Tenem^{ts} belonging
to the said Hospitall fifteene leases
for the w^{ch} there hath been receaved in fines
the totall som(m)e of Three hundred & fifteene
pounds w^{ch} co(mmun)ibus annis doth amount
vnto the yearly some of xlv^{li}
In toto ccxli^{li}
There is also belonging to the said hospitall
one lease of fifteene Tenem^{ts} at Bethlem w^{th}out
Bishopsgate London w^{ch} cost cccl^{li} wherein are
yet to come v yeares at o^r Lady day last
whervpon is to be receaved the cleare yearly
rent of lx^{li}
Som(m)e totall of all the rents revenue
and receipts aforemenconed ys mxxv^{li}, ii^s, ii^d
There is remaining in stock belonging to
the said Hospitall these severall som(m)es
he(re)after menconed (viz^t)
There remaineth vpon the foote of the
account of the Tre(asure)r of the said hospitall
made vp at Xpimas 1630 the som(m)e of ccccv^{li} vii^s ii^d
There is also remaining in stock belonging
to the said hospitall by the guift of Mr Richard
Culverwell dec. the somme of cc
There is also remaining in stock of the
guift of M^{ris} Mary Paradyne Widdow the
som(m)e of cc^{li}
For the ymploym^t of the said last recited som(m)es of Two hundred
pounds a peice, the Citty have given bonds that the same shall remaine
and foreu(er) continue as a stock in the said Hospitall and that the
benefitt thereof made shall redound to the putting forth of poore
children apprentices and otherwise to releive the poore of the same
hospitall in such sort and to such vses as the dono^{rs} thereof have
limitted. The same to be disposed by the discrecon of the Governo^{rs}
of the same Hospitall.
And whereas the said house was indebted
to the chamber of London the som(m)e of 200^{li}
and did otherwise want stock to releive the
poore and set them to worke, there was therfore
a colleccon made w^{th}in the Citty of London
by order of Lord Maio^r and Court of Ald(e)r(me)n
about Seaven yeares now past for and
towards the releife of the poore harboured in
the said Hospitall and towards the mainteining
of a stock there to set the poore on worke and
otherwise to put poore children out apprentices
to the totall som(m)e of 1749^{li}. 5^s. 3^d, parte
whereof (viz^t) 200^{li} was paid into the chamber
of London to satisfy the debt aforesaid and
350^{li} more was laid out for the purchase of the
lease aforemenconed at Bethlem and the residue
is remaining yet in stock to buy hempe or
otherwise to be disposed of in such sort for
vse of the house as the Govern^{ors} of the said
house shall best advise (that is to say) mclxxxxix^{li} v^s iii^d
Som(m)e totall of all the stock aforemenconed
ys mmiiij^{li} xii^s v^d
There is furthermore to be receaved for
fines of leases vpon bonds and other security
not yet due to be paid cclxxx^{li}
There ys also due to the said Hospitall by
bonds the som(m)e of cxi^{li}
And there is more also due to the said
Hospitall in doubtfull or desperate debts the
som(m)e of cxxxiiij^{li}
Som(m)e totall of all the said debts ys v^cxv^{li}[769]
[769] The arithmetic seems wrong here; it should be £525.
There ys no Linnen bedding or ymplemts of houshold stuffe belonging
to the said Hospitall other then such as are hereafter menconed in a
particuler Inventary thereof made and here vnto annexed.
There are vsed w^{th}in the said Hospitall these occupacons or workes
hereafter menconed (viz^t).
Four Silkeweavers who doe keepe poore children taken vp in the streets
or otherwise distressed as their apprentices to the number of fortye &
sixe.
Two Pinmakers who doe likewise keepe as apprentices twenty and three.
One Ribbon weaver who keepeth v apprentices.
Two Hempdressers who keepe Tenn apprentices.
Five Glovers who keepe Sixteene apprentices.
One Linnen Weav(er) who keepeth iiij^r apprentices.
One Carpenter who keepeth Two apprentices.
The whole number of the apprentices are cvi.
The Hempmen aforesaid doe at this time keepe at worke in beating hempe
of men and women to the number of xlviii.
There are also kept at this present w^{th}in the said Hospitall of
vagrants and persons vnable to worke to the number of xiij.
There are also w^{th}in the said Hospitall these seu(er)all officers
hereafter menconed.
A Preacher who hath for his yearly wages
and house rent xxvi^{li} xvi^s viii^d
A Clarke to keepe their bookes and to
enter vp their accounts who hath yearly for
his sallary xx^{li}
A Steward who for himselfe his man and
his maid receaveth yearly xxxii^{li}
A Porter who receaveth yearly for himselfe
and his man xxij^{li} xvj^s viii^d
A Matron who receaveth yearly for herselfe
and her maid xxv^{li}
One Beadle who is also Sexton of the Chappell
and receaveth yearly for his service therein
and for making cleane the yards and looking
to themptying of the vaults Three pounds Sixe
shillings and Eight pence And he being a
Tailo^r is allowed yearly towards making the
apprentices and others of the poores clothes
w^{th}in the house iiii^{li} and he is allowed more
yearly xx^s in tot. viii^{li} vi^s viii^d
One other Beadle who receaveth yearly xx^s
These two Beadles receave the rest of their
wages from the other Hospitalls.
Two other beadles who receave yearly for
wages and livery coats xiij^{li} iiij^s
These officers doe all reside w^{th}in the house.
A Surgeon to view the bodies of such as
are brought in diseased or lame w^{th}in the
house and to cure such as be suddenly hurt
who receaveth yearly xl^s
There are also Two Marshalls men who
doe receive yearly for their wages xxxvi^{li} x^s
There is a Raker to carry away the soyle
from the house who hath yearly xx^s
A Nightman to empty the Vaults who hath
yearly iiij^{li}
Som(m)e totall of all the officers wages ys clxxxxiij^{li} viii^s[770]
[770] The sum total seems to amount to £192. 14_s._
The Revenue of the said Hospitall is expended
and disposed of in releiveing and
manteining such aged lame sick and idle
persons as are sent downe to the said Hospitall
and either cannot or will not worke for
whome they are constrained to provide clothes
for such as be naked, diet, straw and other
provision, and also to allowe continuall sustenance
to those whose worke is not sufficient
to releive them, all w^{ch} w^{th}in the space of
vii yeares last past one yeare w^{th} another hath
expended per ann(um) ccxl^{li}
And also, according to the intent and true
meaning of their grant, there are mainteined in
clothes w^{th}in the said hospitall one hundred
and sixe apprentices, poore children most of
them taken out of the streets whose Masters
dwell rent free w^{th}in the said Hospitall, besides
many other poore children are put forth apprentices
into other places. All w^{ch} together
w^{th} the repaire of the houses and other necessary
charges and expences of the said hospitall
disbursed and laid out, as by the particulers
thereof may appeare at large in the bookes
of accounts, w^{th}in vii yeares last past hath
cost one yeare w^{th} another at least vii^{cli}
Som(m)e totall of all the casuall paym^{ts}
aforemenconed ys ix^cxl^l
Som(m)e totall of all the paym^{ts} afore specified
ys mcxxxiij^{li} viii^s[771]....
[771] Particulars of the leases here follow, the rents of which amount
to £483. 3_s._ 4_d._ After this there is an inventory of the furniture
in every room of the hospital. The following are the particulars given
for one of the rooms:
"At the Eight boarded bedsteds.
working One long table of Two planks.
roome at One forme and a particon.
the Matrons. One old forme.
One old peice of timber lying before the chimney.
Eight spinning wheeles.
Three straw bedds and sixe bowlsters."
The Ordinances and Constitucons by w^{ch} the said hospitall is
ordered and governed are conteined and specified in great bookes by
reason of the largenes whereof they cannot in so short a time be
coppied out but they shalbe ready to be shewed forth as yo^r Hono^{rs}
shall appoint."
D. _Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I., Vol. 191, No. 42. This report is
endorsed "16 May, 1631. Certificate from the Maior of Guldeforde in
Surr."
[Sidenote: Guldeford in Com. Surr.]
"The certificate of John Champion gent Maior of the Towne of
Guldeford, on the behalf of the Maior and Justices of peace of the
saide Towne and Lib(er)ties made the Sixtenth day of May, in the
seauenth yere of the Raigne of o^r Sou(er)aigne Lord kinge Charles
1631.
Accordinge to his Ma^{ties} good Orders and direccons, and in
performance of o^r Duties I certifie That forthw^{th} vppon receipt
of the Booke of instruccons w^{ch} was about the 5^t of Februarie
last past, we, the saide Maio^r and the Justices of Peace in the
saide Towne, did assemble o^rselues togeather and did call before
vs The constables, churchwardens and overseers of the poore in the
seu(er)all parishes w^{th}in the saide Towne and lib(er)ties. And ther
did enquire, As by the saide booke of Orders is directed, And haue
vntill this tyme contynewed a three weekes meetinge and made enquirie
accordinglie.
We found no neglect in any of the saide Officers, But that they haue
discharged ther duties accordinge to Lawe.
Vppon o^r enquirie had, seuerall presentm^{ts} were made to vs ag^t
dronkards and such as do sitt tiplinge and drinckinge in Alehouses
and vitlinge houses, and we haue caused the penalties lymitted by the
statute to be leuyed, as well on them as the vitlers and disposed the
same to y^e poore of the seu(er)all parishes wher the offences were
comitted as the Lawe requireth.
We haue caused also Two apprentices to be bound to handicrafts and
raysed money to place them And do prouide to haue such other as are
yet to be placed, to be put out so sone as they are fitt to be put out
We haue, at o^r Sessions of the peace helde for the saide Towne on
the second day of May last, enquired on those Articles that tend to
reformacon or punishm^t of Offences in Bakers or Brewers, Forstallers,
regrato^{rs} and ingrossers and of such other offences as are in the
direccon menc(ion)ed. And such Delinquents as stand presented before
vs and appered in Court we haue fyned and punished accordinge to Lawe.
And caused proces from the saide sessions to be made out against the
delinquents so presented and not appereinge, and entend to put the
seu(er)all Lawes in execucon against them.
Further we haue caused the statute of laborers to be putt in
execucon[772].
[772] See note to Appendix XII. A.
Item we haue ordered That the taxacons for the releife of the poore
are duely collected for their present releife. And touchinge the hable
poore men of the Towne both great and smale They are daielie imployed
and set on woorke, by the meanes of a good manufacture founded by the
right hono^{ble} the most Reuerend father in god, the Lord Archbishopp
of Canterbury his grace, in Guldeford, the stock beinge flaxe and
hempe, spining and weauing the same into cloth, w^{ch} we finde to be a
great comfort to many poore workefolke, men, women and children her.
We haue caused daylie ward in the Toune to be kept by sufficient
persons for the app(re)hencon of Rogues and Vagabonds and for safetie
and good order.
And we haue w^{th} all diligence and care taken order That the
constables and officers in the saide Towne haue vsed all diligence and
care in punishinge of Rogues and Vagabonds and that ther was few or no
Rogue taken for that by the late care and watch in the countrie and
Townes nere to tak Rogues, verie few or none are found to wander nor
any come to this Towne.
The number of Alehouses ar w^{th} all care lessened w^{th} vs and
the unlycensed punished and Brewers that haue s^rued them, and the
penalties disposed to the poore accordinge to lawe.
We haue taken speciall Care for the amending of highwaies w^{th}in the
lib(er)ties of the Towne and haue giuen the same in chardge to the
Surveyo^{rs} of the high waies to see it trulie performed
16^{to} May Anno D(omin)i 1631.
Jo. Champion _Maior_."
E. _Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I., Vol. 216, No. 45. This document is
endorsed "Cantebr(igia) July 1632, Certificate of y^e justices for
the hundreds of Chesterton, Papworth and North sto(we). Julii 16^o
1632."[773]
[773] See above, p. 264.
[Sidenote: Com(itatus) Cantebr(igiensis).]
"The c(er)tificate of S^r John Cutts, S^r Edward Hynde, S^r Robert
Hatton knights and Martin Peerce Esqr. Justices of the peace w^{th}in
the County of Cambridge aforesaid, and assigned to the devisions of
the hundreds of Chesterton, Papworth and North Stowe, vnto the high
Sheriffe of the said County, by vertue of certayne imprinted orders
and direccons sent from his ma^{tie}, and l(ett)res sent vnto vs by
the right hono^{ble} the lords of his ma^{ties} most hono^{ble} privy
Councell beareinge date the last day of Aprill Anno d(omi)ni 1632.
From o^r meeteinge at Longe Stanton the thirteenth of May 1632.
Wee, or some of vs whose names are heere subscribed, have mett
seu(er)all tymes for the said hund(reds) accordinge to the instruccons
sent vnto vs.
Wee have taken a strict accompt of the high Constables, petty
Constables, Churwardens and ou(er)seers for the poore of eu(er)y parish
w^{th}in theis hundreds howe the impotent poore are releived and their
other poore sett on worke in eu(er)y Towne, and we find that they are
sufficiently provided for and the Towne stockes we have in most Townes
increased w^{th} direccons to have them duly imployed.
Since our first meeteings we find the contry to have bin soe carefull
that wee have bin sloe in punishinge, but have rather sought by gentle
meanes to incourrage them, where we find the lawe to give vs that
liberty.
We have caused a gen(er)all privy Search to be made in all Townes
w^{th}in the sayd Hundreds, for the apprehendinge of rogues and
vagabons, and have caused them to be punished and conveyed accordinge
to the Statute, and we have comanded a strict and diligent ward to be
kept in eu(er)y Towne for the apprehendinge, punishinge and conveyinge
of all such Rogues and wandringe persons as shall hereafter be found
w^{th}in the said lymitts and we shall punish the defaults of such
officers as have bin negligent in the due execucon of the premisses.
We have at o^r seu(er)all meeteings put forth above one hundred and
fifty apprentices and have since taken an accompt of all such masters
as have heretofore taken apprentices and have putt them away, and we
have settled them againe w^{th} their said masters where they remayne
quietly.
For the statute of laborers, retayneinge of servants and orderinge of
wages, we have taken it into our consideracon, but have perfected
nothinge[774], the care of the poore and puttinge forth of apprentices
hath imployed soe much of our tyme.
[774] See note to Appendix XII. A.
The howes of correccon we have yett had noe tyme or means to alter but
we shall carefully and speedyly obey comandem^t.
For the highe wayes we have vsed our best diligence, and we have seene
the lawes strictly observed, but y^t must be a worke of tyme, and we
will continewe our care.
Jhon Cutts. Edw. Hynde. Rob. Hatton. Martin Perse.
Rec. this from y^e Justices
Julii 16^o 1632."
F. _Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I., Vol. 226, No. 78.
Part of the certificate of the justices of Middlesex for the Finsbury
division.
The original document contains the accounts of six parishes[775] but
only the part relating to St Giles', Cripplegate, is here printed.
[775] The other five parishes are St Sepulchres, Stoke Newington,
Clarkenwell, Islington and Friern Barnet. A note is also added that
"Hornsey and Finchley }
have levyed } nil."
The document is endorsed "Finsbury Division Midd. Certificate of
forfeitures[776] levyed of vnlycensed alehousekeeps for defective
measures, for the poore 1630, 1631 & 1632."
[776] See above, pp. 138, note 2, and 177. These forfeitures were
partially used for setting the poor to work in three of the parishes
out of these six.
[Sidenote: St Gyles Cripplegate in Com. Midd.]
"The constables and churchwardens there
haue levyed of Alehousekeepers unlycensed
and for defective measures in annis 1630, 1631
& 1632, hucusque lxxiiij^{li} xv^s
[Sidenote: Francis Foster, Thomas Howgrave, John Willes,
_Churchwardens_.]
And that they have improved by the stocke
disbursed iij^{li} xii^s
Whereof they have disbursed to poore
people for stocke to sett them on worke ix^{li} viii^s
And for releife of those that were infected
w^{th} the plague in y^e said parishe iiij^{li} xviii^s
[Sidenote: Apprentices put out, 19.]
And for the puttinge forth and Clothinge
nyneteene Apprentices xxxiii^{li} xviii^s
[Sidenote: Rewards to informers.]
And for rewardes to those that discovered
the said forfeitures in y^e paryshe (for the vse
of y^e poore?) viii^{li} iii^s
[Sidenote: Discretion.]
And they haue disbursed to divers poore
people accordinge to theire necessities by the
discretion of the saide churchwardens xvi^{li} xvii^s
They have receaved lxxviii^{li} vii^s
And haue disbursed lxxiii^{li} iiii^s iiii^d
[Sidenote: Stocke remayninge.]
And there remaynes in stocke for the vse
of the poore of that parishe[777] v^{li} ii^s viii^d"
[777] The whole series of accounts are signed by the justices Thomas
Fowler, William Hudson and John Herne.
G. _Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I., Vol. 349, No. 86.
Part of the Certificate from the wappentake of Bassetlaw[778] 10th
March 1636/7.
[778] See above, p. 256 seq.
The following document is endorsed "Nott. 10th March 1636," in another
hand, while in the same hand as the rest of the document is written,
"The Divisions of North Clay, South Clay and Hatfeild w^{th}in the
wapentake of Bersett Law in the County of Nottingha(m)." The part of
the document here printed relates to the division of South Clay.
"A Certificate of our proceedings at the Monethly meeteings held
w^{th}in the Hundred of Bersett Law in the County of Nottingh(a)m
since the last Assizes delivered to his Ma^{ties} Judges of Assize the
tenth day of March Anno d(omi)ni 1636.
At East Retford for the Divisions of South Clay and North Clay in
October and Februarie 1636."
"_Laneham_[779].
[779] The following twenty-two places are all small except Tuxford,
which now possesses nearly a thousand inhabitants. All the others
except five have less than three hundred inhabitants at the present
day.
They certifie six poore people w^{ch} haue weeckely releife.
It(em) that they haue in Towne stocke xvi^s w^{ch} is bestowed in hemp
and imployed to sett such poore on worke as wante.
It(em) that they haue had noe wanderers come w^{th}in their liberties.
It(em) that they haue 4 poore children to bee placed out apprentices
w^{ch} are to bee bound the next meeteing.
_Ekring._
Impr(imis) there is in that Towne and parishe 6 impotent and aged
people w^{ch} haue weeckely pension.
It(em) they haue in Towne stocke xx^s.
It(em) they haue punished one vagrant.
It(em) they haue placed foure poore children app(re)ntices.
_Stokeham_[780].
[780] Stokeham has now only thirty-five inhabitants, so this report
does not necessarily denote negligence.
Impr(imis) they haue in that Towne noe poore people but such as are
able to maintaine themselues.
It(em) wanderers they had none.
_Gamolston._
Impr(imis) they haue noe poore w^{ch} neede weeckely releife.
It(em) they haue in Towne stocke 40^s to sett such poore on worke as
neede.
It(em) they haue noe poore children fitt as yett to bee putt
apprentices.
It(em) they haue punished 3 wanderers and sent the(m) into Yorkeshire
where they sayed they were borne.
_Ragnell._
Inpr(imis) they maintayne 3 poore people w^{th} weeckely pension being
aged.
It(em) they haue in Towne stocke 3^{li} to sett such poore on worke as
want worke.
It(em) they haue noe poore children fitt to bee placed apprentices.
It(em) wanderers they haue had none.
_East Drayton._
Impr(imis) they maintayne 5 poore people being impotent and aged
w^{th} weeckely pension.
It(em) they haue in Towne stocke 40^s to sett such other poore on
worke as want worke.
It(em) they haue noe poore children fitt to bee placed Apprentices.
It(em) they haue punished 3 vagrants.
_Darleton._
Inpr(imis) they maintaine 2 poore people w^{th} weeckely pension.
It(em) they haue 30^s in Towne stocke.
It(em) they haue noe poore children fitt to bee placed apprentices.
Item they haue punished 3 vagrants.
_Rampton._
Impr(imis) they maintaine one poore man w^{th} weeckely pension.
It(em) they haue xx^{li} in Towne stocke.
It(em) they haue placed out 2 Apprentices.
Item they haue noe wanderers come w^{th}in their Towne.
_Dunham._
Impr(imis) they maintaine 4 poore people w^{th} monethly pension.
It(em) they haue in Towne stocke 2^{li}. 6^s. 8^d.
It(em) they haue noe poore children fitt to bee placed apprentices.
It(em) wanderers they haue had none.
_Askham._
Impr(imis) they have 5 poore people w^{ch} haue weeckely pension.
It(em) in Towne stocke twenty mks.
It(em) they haue placed out one apprentice.
It(em) they haue punished one vagrant.
_Eaton._
Inpr(imis) in Towne stocke 2^{li}. 6^s. 8^d.
It(em) one poore boy placed out apprentice.
It(em) two wanderers punished.
_Kirton._
Inpr(imis) 3 poore people w^{ch} haue weeckely or monethly releife, as
they neede.
It(em) in Towne stocke x^{li}.
It(em) wanderers they haue had none.
_Welhagh._
Inpr(imis) in Towne stocke 6^{li}. 13^s. 4^d.
It(em) wanderers they haue had none.
It(em) poore children to bee placed out apprentices none.
It(em) 4 poore people w^{ch} haue monethly releife.
_Bilstrop._
Impr(imis) they allowe a poore woman a weekely pension.
It(em) they give for the keepinge of a bastard child per ann(um)
xxxiii^s iiij^d.
It(em) in towne stock 4 pounds.
It(em) they haue punished 2 vagrants.
_Tuxford._
Impr(imis) they give to 9 poore people weekely pension.
It(em) in towne stock five pounds.
It(em) they haue placed out 6 poore children apprentice.
It(em) they haue punished 3 vagrants.
_East Markham._
Impr(imis) in towne stock vij pounds.
It(em) they haue placed out fower apprentice and w^{th} two of them
given vii^{li} x^s.
It(em) wanderers they haue had none.
_Treswell._
Impr(imis) the(y) releeve weekly of poore people, impotent, aged and
younge children 29.
It(em) they haue punished 3 vagrants.
_Grove._
Impr(imis) they haue no poore that need releefve all being able to
mainteine themselues w^{th} theire labo^r.
It(em) they haue no towne stock in regard theire poore are otherwise
sett on worke.
It(em) they haue no wanderers.
_Egmonton._
Imp(rimi)s they mainteine 8 poore people w^{th} weekly pension and one
w^{th} monthly pension.
It(em) towne stock they haue none because they imploy theire poore in
other worke as they wante it.
_Laxton cu(m) Morehouse._
Inpr(imi)s they haue placed 3 poore children out apprentice and given
w^{th} them vi^{li} x^s.
It(em) they haue no towne stock, theire poore such as want work beinge
sett on worke otherwise by the towne.
It(em) wanderers they haue had none.
_West Markham._
Impr(imi)s they haue diuers younge children but are too young to place
out apprentice w^{ch} wee maintaine and theire parents w^{th} worke.
It(em) an old woman is mainteyned w^{th} a monethly pension of v^s
iiij^d and a load of coles eu(er)y yeare.
It(em) wanderers they haue had none.
_Headon cu(m) Upton._
Impr(imi)s they give vnto 3 poore people a weekly allowance.
It(em) such poore as are able to worke are sett on worke.
It(em) they haue placed out 4 apprentice.
It(em) they haue punished 2 vagrants."
The reports for the divisions of North Clay and Hatfeild follow, and
the whole is signed by the justices.
H. _Dom. State Papers_, Chas. I., Vol. 395, No. 55.
Certificate concerning the Book of Orders from the hundreds of Loes,
Wilford, Thredling and Plomesgate, 14 July 1638[781].
[781] See above, p. 264.
[Sidenote: Suff.]
"To the high Sheriffe of the County of Suff.
The Certificate of the Justices of the peace whose names are
herevnd(er)written for the hundreds of Loes, Willford, Thredlinge
and Plomesgate w^{th}in the lib(er)ty of S^{ct} Etheldred made the
xiiii^{th} day of Julye: 1638, touchinge his Ma^{t's} Booke of Orders
as followeth:
1. First that wee doe contynue o^r monethly meeteings w^{th}in the
said hundreds according to his Ma^{t's} said Booke of orders.
2. That the impotent poore w^{th}in the said hundreds are releived
and such other poore as are able to worke and will worke haveing noe
stocks are provided of stocks and sett to worke by the ou(er)seers.
3. That such idle poore as will nott worke are sent to the house of
Correction and there sett to worke and punished according to lawe.
4. That the nomber of sup(er)fluous alehowses w^{th}in the said
hundreds doe still contynue suppressed.
5. That since o^r last c(er)tificate wee haue bound forth syxe poore
children to be apprentices.
6. That since o^r last c(er)tificate wee haue levied w^{th}in the said
hundreds for disorders in Innes and Alehowses and for other offences
comitted contrary to lawe the some of Twenty shillings.
7. That there hath bin a watch kept w^{th}in the said hundreds for the
apprehending of Rogues and vagabonds in w^{ch} watch such Rogues as
haue bin Apprehended haue bin punished and sent according to lawe.
Edw^d Duke.
Nic. Reuette."
APPENDIX XIII.
The assessment for a rate made at Norwich in Jan. 1642/3 in order to
relieve the poor and to raise a stock for setting them to work (Add.
MSS. Brit. Mus. No. 22619, f. 11).
The accounts for this rate are given in full for seven parishes of
Norwich, and a summary is also made of the accounts received from all
the parishes of the city. The whole sum together with contributions
from a few private gentlemen amounted to £105. 5_s._
The part of the account here printed relates to the parish of S.
Benedict. It is printed on a separate sheet of paper and is endorsed
"St Benedict's."
"_St Benedict's._
_s._ _d._
Ric. Puckle 02 : 8
Edward Norris 02 : 0
Daniell Stiles 01 : 4
Will(ia)m Fearman 01 : 4
Tho. Powle 01 : 4
Henery Tompson 01 : 4
Daniell Desermew 02 : 8
Nathaniell Debony 02 : 0
Nathaniel Depute 02 : 0
Francis Gissell 02 : 0
Will(ia)m Stratton 02 : 0
John Whall 01 : 4
Richard Puckle, Edw. Norris, _Churchwardens_.
Henry Tompson, John Sabbarton, _Overseers_.
The rate abouesaid made by vs the churchwardens and ou(er)seers of the
said parishe whose names are aboue written for releiffe of the poore
of o^r said parishe and for rayseinge a stocke to sett them on worke
in theise necessitous times to be forth w^{th} paid at one payment
this 3 day of January 1642.
We haue perused the rate abouesaid and doe consent vnto ratefie and
confirme the same and doe hereby require yo^u the said ou(er)seers
forth w^{th} to collect the same and pay the same to M^r Adrian
Parmenter Ald(erman) by the 14^{th} of this instant January to be
imployed for the vse aforesaid this 4^{th} of January 1642.
Will(ia)m Costlin, _Maio^r_.
Adryan Pimenter.
Rd. this 24^{th} of January } John Tolye
In full of this byll } xxii^s."
APPENDIX XIV.
Report of the Four Royal Hospitals, 1644[782] (_King's pamphlets_, 669,
f. 10, No. 2).
[782] See above, p. 269. These reports were apparently issued every
year, and most of them between 1642 and 1649 are among the _King's
pamphlets_.
A true Report of the great Costs and Charges of the foure Hospitals,
in the City of London, in the maintenance of their great number of
poore, this present yeare, 1644, as followeth:
Children kept and maintained at this present, at the }
Charge of Christs Hospitall in the said House, in diverse } 758
places of this City and Suburbes, and with sundry Nurses }
in the Countrey. }
The Names of all which are registred in the Bookes kept in Christs
Hospitall, there to be seene from what Parishes, and by what meanes
they have beene from time to time admitted.
Children put forth Apprentices, discharged and dead }
this yeare last past } 100
In respect of the troubles of the times, the meanes of the said
Hospitall hath very much failed for want of charitable Benevolences
which formerly have beene given, and are now ceased and very few
Legacies are now given to Hospitals, the Rents and Revenues thereunto
belonging being also very ill paid; besides the want of bringing Cloth
and other Manufactures to London, which have formerly bin brought to
_Blackwell-Hall_, the Hallage whereof was a great part of the poore
Childrens Maintenance, which being decaied, by these and other meanes,
the said Hospitall hath not beene able to take in any Children for two
yeares past.
There hath bin Cured this yeare last past at the }
Charge of _St. Bartholomewes_ Hospitall of maymed Souldiers } 1122
and other diseased Persons, to the number of }
All which have beene relieved with Money and other necessaries at
their departure.
Buried this yeare after much Charge in their Sicknesse } 152
Remaining under Cure at this present, at the charge of }
the said Hospitall } 249
There hath bin Cured at the Charge of _St. Thomas_ }
Hospitall this yeare last past, of diseased persons, wherof }
a great number have bin Souldiers who have bin relieved } 1063
with money and other necessaries at their departure }
Buried this yeare after much charge in the time of }
their Sicknesse } 248
Remaining under Cure, upon the charge of the said }
Hospitall at this present } 265
There hath beene brought to the Hospitall of _Bridewell_ }
within the space of one whole yeare last past, of Cavaleers } 1128
and wandring Souldiers and other vagrant people, to the }
number of }
Many whereof have beene very chargeable to the said Hospitall, for
Apparrell, sicke dyet and Surgery, besides their ordinary dyet, and
other provisions and charges expended about them, which could not be
avoyded, by reason of their necessities. And there are now kept and
maintained in Arts and Occupations, and other severall workes and
labours at the charge of the said Hospitall, to the number of 134
Apprentices and other Persons.
The Hospitall of _Bethlem_ is of great antiquity, use and necessity
for keeping and curing distracted persons who are of all other the
most miserable, by reason of their wants, both for soule and body and
have no sence thereof.
That the charge thereof is very great, there being kept and maintained
with Physick, dyet, and other reliefe, 44 distracted persons,
constantly at least, and the rents and revenues thereof very small,
not amounting to two third parts of the yearely charge and therefore
is a fit object of Charity.
The date "Aprill 24^{th} 1644" is added in a contemporary hand with the
note that "this yeare ther was noe psalmes printed as usually."
APPENDIX XV.
Ordinance of the Lords for putting in execution the laws for the relief
of the poor[783] (_King's pamphlets_, Brit. Mus. 669, f. 9, No. 81).
[783] See above, p. 270.
This sheet is prefixed by the royal arms.
Die Veneris 5 March 1646.
The Lords in Parliament Assembled taking into their consideration
the multitude of Beggars, poore, and Vagabonds in and about the
Cities of _London_, _Westminster_ and in the other parts of this
Kingdome; for prevention whereof, divers Acts of Parliament have
been made, as well to punish such Beggars and Vagabonds, as also
to provide for the reliefe of poore people, but by reason of the
unhappy distractions of these times, the putting of the Lawes into
Execution have been altogether neglected. It is therefore Ordered by
the Lords in Parliament assembled, That the Lord Mayor of the City of
_London_ for the time being, and all Judges and Justices of Assize
and Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer and generall Goale delivery,
in their severall Circuits, and Justices of Peace in their Quarter
Sessions, and all other person or persons (who are by any Act of
Parliament entrusted to see the said Acts put in Execution, and the
poore to be provided for) doe strictly and carefully put in Execution
all and severall the Acts of Parliament for the punishment of Beggers,
Rogues, and Vagabonds and for releife of the poore. And the said
Judges and Justices of Assize in their severall Circuits are required
to give the said Acts of Parliament in charge at the Assizes in all
the Countries where they shall come and keep Assize.
_Joh. Brown Cler. Parliament._
Printed at _London_ for _John Wright_ at the King's Head
in the Old Baily 1646.
INDEX.
abbey, new 28
abbeys 3, 290, _see_ monasteries
Abbot, Archbishop 157, 164, 211, 222, 258
Aberdeen, boro. 280 n., 285, 286, 289;
diocese of 287
Abingdon 226, 260
able-bodied poor, _see_ poor
accounts of overseers of Alton 174
" of Bridewell 352 seq.
" of Gloucester 129, 130
" of overseers &c. of Finsbury division 360 seq.
" of Newcastle corporation 125
" of overseers, collectors, deacons, &c. of Norwich,
102 n., 367
" of overseers in St Alban's district 182
" of overseers of St John's Walbrook 97
" of Sheffield corporation 225, 226
" of overseers of Staplegrove 327 seq.
" of Reading workhouse 113
Acland, Sir John, charity of 216 n.
Acts of Parliament, _see_ statutes
actions legal, fees for 44
Acton, J. and W., charities of 234 n.
administration, _see_ execution of law
Aelfric 3 n.
Agbrigg 192 n., 255 n.
aldermen, authority of, 134 n.
" of London 26, 30, 55, 95, 96, 305 seq.
" Court of 26, 30
" of Norwich 102 n., 104, 105, 106, 224 n.
" of Newcastle 124
" of Cambridge 44
Aldrich, Allderiche, Aldriche, John 104, 308, 311 seq.
Aldworth, Richard 212 n.
Aldworth, Thomas 122, 222 n.
alehouses, alehouse keepers, license of 117, 179, 332
" unlicensed 174, 346 seq.
" questions touching, 344
" misdemeanours in 175, 346 seq., 366, _see_ fines
" reduction and suppression of 145, 185 seq., 194 n., 252,
325, 332, 358, 366
" regulation of 179, 180, 325, 331, 332, 346 seq.
" fines for unlicensed &c. 138 n., 360 seq., 366,
_see_ Sunday
Alfred, King 3
All Saints', Hereford 211 n.
allowance to poor brethren 42 n., _see_ pensions
almoners, Gloucester 129 n.
alms, _almes_, _almose_, _allmns_, _almesse_, _alyms_, 30, 35, 36,
52, 54, 55, 102, 271
" increase beggars 40
" in Anglo-Saxon times 2 seq.
" at Southampton 9
" of great houses, 17 seq.
" distributed by parish priests, monks and guilds 6 seq.
" of Sir Julius Caesar, 295
" official collection of, 26, 55, 56, 57, 62, 63, 96, 278
" whether or not given to particular people in Norwich, 308 seq.
" in France 290
" _see_ charities, collections, contributions and giver,
restraint of
almsgiving, 66, _see_ alms
almshouses, 8, 19, 27 n., 77, 101, 204, 207 seq.
Alton 173, 176, 177 n., 186, 256 n.
Alythwaite 214
amendments 75 seq.
America 230 n.
Amesbury 50 n.
Andersfield 194 n., 254 n., 261
Andover 186, 298
Anglo-Saxon times 2 seq.
Antigua 230
Applebye, William 217 n.
Appleton in the Street 171 n.
Appletree 151, 262 n., 299
Appowell, charity of 233
apprentices, statutory provisions touching 55, 56, 57, 76, 134 n.,
138 n., 154, 155, 158, 179 n., 343 n.
" in Scotland 279, 279 n.
" poor children placed as 35 n., 117 n., 129, 167, 173,
174, 175, 177, 180, 182, 183, 215 seq., 247, 248, 249, 250,
251, 252, 253 seq., 299, 315, 328, 345 seq., 357, 359,
361 seq., 366, 369
" in Bridewell 38, 217, 352, 353, 354, 356, 270
" opinion concerning 215 seq., 244, 295
" questions touching 247, 342, 344, _see_ charities
archbishops, _see_ Canterbury and York
aristocracy 296
Arksey 168
Armingford 82
arms and armour 338, 339
army, Parliamentary 274
Arth, Henry 127 seq., 139, 168 n.
_articles_ sent to justices 81
" " overseers 174, 181
artificers 49, 228 n., 322, 323, _see_ labourers and lending cash
Arundel 256
Ashley, Prof. 20
Ashton-under-Line 259
Askham 257 n., 363
assemblies, tumultuous 270
Asser 3 n.
assessments, cessments 116 seq., 167, 173 n., 180
" in London 29, 96
" in Cambridge 44
" in Norwich 104, 223 n., 367 seq.
" in North Riding 171, 171 n., 173
" in West Riding, 168
" voluntary 117, 129, _see_ rates
assizes 179 n., 247 n., 299
assize of bread and beer 176, 332, 344
Atkinson, Thomas 176
attorneys 44
Athelstan, the Atheling 3 n.
" King 2 n.
Atwill, charity of 222 n.
Aucher, Richard 187 n.
Audeley, Robert 265 n.
Augsburg 20
Axton 264 n.
Aylesham 331
Babergh 173 n., 187, 245
_babis_ 280 n., 285
Bacon, Lord 73, 74, 76, 79, 294
Bacon, Nathaniel 316
Badbury 256 n.
badges for beggars 25, 26, 41, 280 n., 284 n., 285, 288 n.,
_see_ beggars, tokens
badgers 50 n., 87 seq., 188 n., 193, 316, 322, 323 seq., 340
" def. of 320
Bagby 214 n.
Bailey, Old 71 n.