[_Introduction_. The principal events with which a reader of this
Speech ought to be acquainted have already been narrated (see
especially the Introductions to the last two Speeches). The influence
of the anti-Macedonian party grew gradually from the time of the Peace
onwards. In 346, within a month after the return of the Second Embassy,
the ambassadors presented their reports before the Logistae or Board of
Auditors (after a futile attempt on the part of Aeschines to avoid
making a report altogether); and Timarchus, supported by Demosthenes,
there announced his intention of taking proceedings against Aeschines
for misconduct on the Second Embassy. But Timarchus' own past history
was not above reproach: he was attacked by Aeschines for the
immoralities of his youth, which, it was stated, disqualified him from
acting as prosecutor, and though defended by Demosthenes, was condemned
and disfranchised (345 B.C.). But early in 343 Hypereides impeached
Philocrates for corruption as ambassador, and obtained his condemnation
to death--a penalty which he escaped by voluntary exile before the
conclusion of the trial; and, later in the same year, Demosthenes
brought the same charge against Aeschines.
In the meantime (since the delivery of Demosthenes' Second Philippic)
Philip had been making fresh progress. The Arcadians and Argives (for
the Athenian envoys to the Peloponnese in 344 seem to have had little
success) were ready to open their gates to him. His supporters in Elis
massacred their opponents, and with them the remnant of the Phocians
who had crossed over to Elis with Phalaecus. At Megara, Perillus and
Ptoeodorus almost succeeded in bringing a force of Philip's mercenaries
into the town, but the attempt was defeated, by the aid of an Athenian
force under Phocion. In Euboea Philip's troops occupied Porthmus, where
the democratic party of Eretria had taken refuge, owing to an overthrow
of the constitution (brought about by Philip's intrigues) which
resulted in the establishment of Cleitarchus as tyrant. In the course
of the same year (343) occurred two significant trials. The first was
that of Antiphon, who had made an offer to Philip to burn the Athenian
dockyards at the Peiraeus. He was summarily arrested by order of
Demosthenes (probably in virtue of some administrative office):
Aeschines obtained his release, but he was re-arrested by order of the
Council of Areopagus[1] and condemned to death. The other trial was
held before the Amphictyonic Council on the motion of the people of
Delos, to decide whether the Athenians should continue to possess the
right of managing the Temple of Delos. The Assembly chose Aeschines as
counsel for Athens; but the Council of Areopagus, which had been given
power to revise the appointment, put Hypereides in his place.
Hypereides won the case. Early in 343 (or at all events before the
middle of the year), Philip sent Python of Byzantium to complain of the
language used about him by Athenian orators, and to offer to revise and
amend the terms of the Peace of Philocrates. In response, an embassy
was sent, headed by Hegesippus, a violent opponent of Macedonia, to
propose to Philip (1) that instead of the clause 'that each party shall
retain possession of what they have', a clause, 'that each party shall
possess what is their own,' should be substituted; and (2) that all
Greek States not included in the Treaty of Peace should be declared
free, and that Athens and Philip should assist them, if they were
attacked. These proposals, if sanctioned, would obviously have reopened
the question of Amphipolis, Pydna, and Poteidaea, as well as of Cardia
and the Thracian towns taken by Philip in 346. Hegesippus, moreover,
was personally objectionable, and the embassy was dismissed with little
courtesy by Philip, who even banished from Macedonia the Athenian poet
Xenocleides for acting as host to the envoys. The feeling against
Philip in Athens was evidently strong, when the prosecution of
Aeschines by Demosthenes took place.
The trial was held before a jury (probably consisting of 1,501
persons), presided over by the Board of Auditors. Demosthenes spoke
first, and Aeschines replied in a speech which is preserved. There is
no doubt, on a comparison of the two speeches, that each, before it was
published, received alterations and insertions, intended to meet the
adversary's points, or to give a better colour to passages which had
been unfavourably received. Probably not all the refutations 'in
advance' were such in reality. But there is no sufficient reason to
doubt that the speeches were delivered substantially as we have them.
Aeschines was acquitted by thirty votes.
The question of the guilt or innocence of Aeschines will probably never
be finally settled. A great part of his conduct can be explained as a
sincere attempt to carry out the policy of Eubulus, or as the issue of
a genuine belief that it was best for Athens to make terms with Philip
and stand on his side. Even so the wisdom and the veracity of certain
speeches which he had made is open to grave question; but this is a
different thing from corruption. Moreover, to some of Demosthenes'
arguments he has a conclusive reply. It is more difficult to explain
his apparent change of opinion between the 18th and 19th of
Elaphebolion, 346 (if Demosthenes' report of the debates is to be
trusted); and some writers are disposed to date his corruption from the
intervening night. Nor is it easy to meet Demosthenes' argument that if
Aeschines had really been taken in by Philip, and believed the promises
which he announced, or if he had actually heard Philip make the
promises, he would have regarded Philip afterwards as a personal enemy,
and not as a friend. But even on these points Aeschines might reply
(though he could not reply so to the Athenian people or jury) that
though he did not trust the promises, he regarded the interest of
Athens as so closely bound up with the alliance with Philip, that he
considered it justifiable to deceive the people into making the
alliance, or at least to take the risk of the promises which he
announced proving untrue. In any case there is no convincing evidence
of corruption; and it may be taken as practically certain that he was
not bribed to perform particular services. It is less certain that he
was not influenced by generous presents from Philip in forming his
judgement of Philip's character and intentions. The standard of
Athenian public opinion in regard to the receipt of presents was not
that of the English Civil Service; and the ancient orators accuse one
another of corruption almost as a matter of course. (We have seen that
Demosthenes began the attack upon Eubulus' party in this form as early
as the Speech for the Rhodians; it appears in almost every subsequent
oration: and in their turn, his opponents make the same charge against
him.) It is, in any case, remarkable that at a time when the people was
plainly exasperated with the Peace and its authors, and very
ill-disposed towards Philip, a popular jury nevertheless acquitted
Aeschines; and the verdict is not sufficiently explained either by the
fact that Eubulus supported Aeschines or by the jurors' memory of
Demosthenes' own part in the earlier peace-negotiations, though this
must have weakened the force of his attack. That Demosthenes himself
believed Aeschines to have been bribed, and could himself see no other
explanation of his conduct, need not be doubted; and although the
speech contains some of those misrepresentations of fact and passages
of irrelevant personal abuse which deface some of his best work, it
also contains some of his finest pieces of oratory and narrative.
The second part of the speech is more broken up into short sections and
less clearly arranged than the first; earlier arguments are repeated,
and a few passages may be due (at least in their present shape) to
revision after the trial: but the latter part even as it stands is
successful in leaving the points of greatest importance strongly
impressed upon the mind.
The following analysis of the speech may enable the reader to find his
way through it without serious difficulty:--