{1} Very different reflections suggest themselves to my mind, I men of
Athens, when I turn my eyes to our real situation, and when I think of
the speeches that I hear. For I observe that the speeches are all
concerned with the taking of vengeance upon Philip; whereas in reality
matters have gone so far, that we have to take care that we are not
ourselves the first to suffer: so that those who speak of vengeance are
actually, as it seems to me, suggesting to you a false conception of
the situation which you are discussing. {2} That there was a time when
the city could both keep her own possessions in safety, and punish
Philip, I am very well aware. For it was not long ago, but within my
own lifetime, that both these things were so. But I am convinced that
it is now quite enough for us as a first step to make sure of the
preservation of our allies. If this is safely secured, we shall then be
able to consider upon whom vengeance is to fall, and in what way. But
until the first step is properly conceived, I consider it idle to say
anything whatever about the last.
{3} If ever the most anxious deliberation was required, it is required
in the present crisis; and my greatest difficulty is not to know what
is the proper advice to give you in regard to the situation: I am at a
loss rather to know, men of Athens, in what manner I should address you
in giving it. For I am convinced by what I have heard with my own ears
in this place that, for the most part, the objects of our policy have
slipped from our grasp, not because we do not understand what our duty
is, but because we will not do it; and I ask you to suffer me, if I
speak without reserve, and to consider only whether I speak truly, and
with this object in view--that the future may be better than the past.
For you see that it is because certain speakers make your gratification
the aim of their addresses, that things have gone on getting worse,
till at last the extremity has been reached.
{4} I think it necessary, first, to remind you of a few of the events
which have taken place. You remember, men of Athens, that two or three
years ago[n] the news came that Philip was in Thrace, besieging Heraeon
Teichos. That was in the month of November. Amidst all the discussion
and commotion which took place in this Assembly, you passed a
resolution that forty warships should be launched, that men under
forty-five years of age should embark in person, and that we should pay
a war-tax of 60 talents. {5} That year came to an end, and there
followed July, August, September. In the latter month, after the
Mysteries,[n] and with reluctance, you dispatched Charidemus[n] with
ten ships, carrying no soldiers, and 5 talents of silver. For so soon
as news had come that Philip was sick or dead--both reports were
brought--you dismissed the armament, men of Athens, thinking that there
was no longer any occasion for the expedition. But it was the very
occasion; for had we then gone to the scene of action with the same
enthusiasm which marked our resolution to do so, Philip would not have
been preserved to trouble us to-day. {6} What was done then cannot be
altered. But now a critical moment in another campaign has arrived; and
it is in view of this, and to prevent you from falling into the same
error, that I have recalled these facts. How then shall we use this
opportunity, men of Athens? For unless you will go to the rescue 'with
might and main to the utmost of your power',[n] mark how in every
respect you will have served Philip's interest by your conduct of the
war. {7} At the outset the Olynthians possessed considerable strength,
and such was the position of affairs, that neither did Philip feel safe
against them, nor they against Philip. We made peace with them, and
they with us. It was as it were a stumbling-block in Philip's path, and
an annoyance to him, that a great city which had made a compact with us
should sit watching for any opportunity he might offer. We thought that
we ought to excite them to war with him by every means; and now this
much-talked-of event has come to pass--by what means, I need not
relate. {8} What course then is open to us, men of Athens, but to go to
their aid resolutely and eagerly? I can see none. Apart from the shame
in which we should be involved, if we let anything be lost through our
negligence, I can see, men of Athens, that the subsequent prospect
would be alarming in no small degree, when the attitude of the Thebans
towards us is what it is, when the funds of the Phocians are
exhausted,[n] and when there is no one to prevent Philip, so soon as he
has made himself master of all that at present occupies him, from
bringing his energies to bear upon the situation further south. {9} But
if any of you is putting off until then his determination to do his
duty, he must be desirous of seeing the terrors of war close at hand,
when he need only hear of them at a distance, and of seeking helpers
for himself, when now he can give help to others. For that this is what
it must come to, if we sacrifice the present opportunity, we must all,
I think, be fairly well aware.
{10} 'But,' some one may say, 'we have all made up our minds that we
must go to their aid, and we will go. Only tell us how we are to do
it.' Now do not be surprised, men of Athens, if I give an answer which
will be astonishing to most of you. You must appoint a Legislative
Commission.[n] But when the commissioners meet, you must not enact a
single law--you have laws enough--you must cancel the laws which, in
view of present circumstances, are injurious to you. {11} I mean the
laws which deal with the Festival Fund--to put it quite plainly--and
some of those which deal with military service: for the former
distribute your funds as festival-money to those who remain at home;
while the latter give immunity to malingerers,[n] and thereby also take
the heart out of those who want to do their duty. When you have
cancelled these laws, and made the path safe for one who would give the
best advice, then you can look for some one to propose what you all
know to be expedient. {12} But until you have done this, you must not
expect to find a man who will be glad to advise you for the best, and
be ruined by you for his pains; for you will find no one, particularly
when the only result will be that some unjust punishment will be
inflicted on the proposer or mover of such measures, and that instead
of helping matters at all, he will only have made it even more
dangerous in future than it is at present to give you the best advice.
Aye, and you should require the repeal of these laws, men of Athens,
from the very persons who proposed them.[n] {13} It is not fair that
those who originally proposed them should enjoy the popularity which
was fraught with such mischief to the whole State, and that the
unpopularity, which would lead to an improvement in the condition of us
all, should be visited to his cost upon one who now advises you for the
best. Until you have thus prepared the way, men of Athens, you must
entertain no expectation whatever that any one will be influential
enough here to transgress these laws with impunity, or senseless enough
to fling himself to certain ruin.
{14} At the same time, men of Athens, you must not fail to realize this
further point. No resolution is worth anything, without the willingness
to perform at least what you have resolved, and that heartily. For if
decrees by themselves could either compel you to do what you ought, or
could realize their several objects unaided, you would not be decreeing
many things and performing few--nay, none--of the things that you
decree, nor would Philip have insulted you so long. {15} If decrees
could have done it, he would have paid the penalty long ago. But it is
not so. Actions come later than speeches and voting in order of
procedure, but in effectiveness they are before either and stronger
than either. It is action that is still needed; all else you already
have. For you have those among you, men of Athens, who can tell you
what your duty is; and no one is quicker than you are to understand the
speaker's bidding. Aye, and you will be able to carry it out even now,
if you act aright. {16} What time, what opportunity, do you look for,
better than the present? When, if not now, will you do your duty? Has
not the man seized every position from us already? If he becomes master
of this country too, will not our fate be the most shameful in the
world? And the men whom we promised to be ready to save, if they went
to war--are they not now at war? {17} Is he not our enemy? Are not our
possessions in his hands? Is he not a barbarian? Is he not anything
that you choose to call him? In God's name, when we have let everything
go, when we have all but put everything into his hands, shall we then
inquire at large who is responsible for it all? That we shall never
admit our own responsibility, I am perfectly sure. Just so amid the
perils of war, none of those who have run away accuses himself; he
accuses his general, his neighbour--any one but himself; and yet, I
suppose, all who have run away have helped to cause the defeat. He who
now blames the rest might have stood fast; and if every one had done
so, the victory would have been theirs. {18} And so now, if a
particular speaker's advice is not the best, let another rise and make
a proposal, instead of blaming him; and if some other has better advice
to give, carry it out, and good fortune be with you. What? Is the
advice disagreeable? That is no longer the speaker's fault--unless, of
course, he leaves out the prayer that you expect of him. There is no
difficulty in the prayer, men of Athens; a man need only compress all
his desires into a short sentence. But to make his choice, when the
question for discussion is one of practical policy, is by no means
equally easy. _Then_ a man is bound to choose what is best, instead of
what is pleasant, if both are not possible at once. {19} But suppose
that some one is able, without touching the Festival Fund, to suggest
other sources of supply for military purposes--is not he the better
adviser? Certainly, men of Athens--if such a thing _is_ possible. But I
should be surprised if it ever has happened or ever should happen to
any one to find, after spending what he has upon wrong objects, that
what he has _not_ is wealth enough to enable him to effect right ones.
Such arguments as these find, I think, their great support in each
man's personal desire, and, for that reason, nothing is easier than to
deceive oneself; what a man desires, he actually fancies to be true.
{20} But the reality often follows no such principle. Consider the
matter, therefore, men of Athens, after this fashion; consider in what
way our objects can be realized under the circumstances, and in what
way you will be able to make the expedition and to receive your pay.
Surely it is not like sober or high-minded men to submit
light-heartedly to the reproach which must follow upon any shortcomings
in the operations of the war through want of funds--to seize your
weapons and march against Corinthians and Megareans,[n] and then to
allow Philip to enslave Hellenic cities, because you cannot find
rations for your troops.
{21} These words do not spring from a wanton determination to court the
ill-will of any party among you. I am neither so foolish nor so
unfortunate as to desire unpopularity when I do not believe that I am
doing any good. But a loyal citizen ought, in my judgement, to care
more for the safety of his country's fortunes than for the popularity
of his utterances. Such, I have heard, and perhaps you have heard it
also, was the principle which the orators of our forefather's time
habitually followed in public life--those orators who are praised by
all who rise to address you, though they are far from imitating
them--the great Aristides, and Nicias, and my own namesake, and
Pericles. {22} But ever since these speakers have appeared who are
always asking you, 'what would you like?' 'what may I propose for you?'
'what can I do to please you?' the interests of the city have been
wantonly given away for the sake of the pleasure and gratification of
the moment; and we see the consequences--the fortunes of the speakers
prosper, while your own are in a shameful plight. {23} And yet
consider, men of Athens, the main characteristics of the achievements
of your forefathers' time, and those of your own. The description will
be brief and familiar to you; for you need not have recourse to the
history of others, when your own will furnish examples, by following
which you may achieve prosperity. {24} Our forefathers, who were not
courted and caressed by their politicians as you are by these persons
to-day, were leaders of the Hellenes, with their goodwill, for
forty-five years;[n] they brought up into the Acropolis more than
10,000 talents; the king[n] who then ruled Macedonia obeyed them as a
foreigner ought to obey a Hellenic people; serving in person, they set
up many glorious trophies for victories by land and sea; and alone of
all mankind they left behind them, as the crown of their exploits, a
fame that is beyond the reach of envy. {25} Such was the part they
played in the Hellenic world: and now contemplate the manner of men
they were in the city, both in public and in private life. As public
men, they gave us buildings and objects of such beauty and grandeur, in
the temples which they built and the offerings which they dedicated in
them, that no room has been left for any of those that come after to
surpass them: while in private life they were so modest, {26} so
intensely loyal to the spirit of the constitution, that if any one
actually knows what the house of Aristides, or Miltiades, or any other
of the glorious men of that day, is like, he can see that it is no more
imposing than those of their neighbours. For it was not to win a
fortune that they undertook affairs of State; but each thought it his
duty to add to the common weal. And thus, acting in a spirit of good
faith towards the Hellenes, of piety towards the gods, and of equality
towards one another, they naturally attained great prosperity. {27}
Such was the national life of those times, when those whom I have
mentioned were the foremost men in the State. How do matters stand
to-day, thanks to these worthy persons? Is there any likeness, any
resemblance, to old times? Thanks to them (and though I might say much,
I pass over all but this), when we had the field, as you see,
completely open to us--when the Spartans had been ruined,[n] and the
Thebans had their hands full,[n] and no other power could seriously
dispute the supremacy with us on the field of battle--when we could
have retained our own possessions in safety, and have stood as umpires
of the rights of others--we have been deprived of our own territory;
{28} we have spent more than 1,500 talents to no good purpose; the
allies whom we had gained in the war,[n] these persons have lost in
time of peace; and we have trained Philip to be the powerful enemy to
us that he is. Let any one rise and tell me how Philip has grown so
strong, if we ourselves are not the source of his strength. {29} 'But,
my good Sir,' you say, 'if we are badly off in these respects, we are
at any rate better off at home.' And where is the proof of this? Is it
in the whitewashing of the battlements, the mending of the roads, the
fountains, and all such trumperies? Look then at the men whose policy
gives you these things. Some of them who were poor have become rich;
others, who were unknown to fame, have risen to honour; some of them
have provided themselves with private houses more imposing than our
public buildings; and the lower the fortunes of the city have fallen,
the higher theirs have risen.
{30} What is the cause of all these things? Why is it that all was well
then, and all is amiss to-day? It is because then the people itself
dared to act and to serve in the army; and so the people was master of
its politicians; all patronage was in its own hands; any separate
individual was content to receive from the people his share of honour
or office or other emolument. The reverse is now the case. {31} All
patronage is in the hands of the politicians, while you, the people,
emasculated, stripped of money and allies, have been reduced to the
position of servile supernumeraries, content if they give you
distributions of festival-money, or organize a procession at the
Boedromia;[n] and to crown all this bravery, you are expected also to
thank them for giving you what is your own. They pen you up closely in
the city; they entice you to these delights; they tame you till you
come to their hand. {32} But a high and generous spirit can never, I
believe, be acquired by men whose actions are mean and poor; for such
as a man's practice is, such must his spirit be. And in all solemnity I
should not be surprised if I suffered greater harm at your hands for
telling you the things that I have told you, than the men who have
brought them to pass. Even freedom of speech is not possible on all
subjects in this place, and I wonder that it has been granted me to-day.
{33} If, even now, you will rid yourselves of these habits, if you will
resolve to join the forces and to act worthily of yourselves,
converting the superfluities which you enjoy at home into resources to
secure our advantage abroad, then it may be, men of Athens, it may be,
that you will gain some great and final good, and will be rid of these
your perquisites, which are like the diet that a physician gives a sick
man--diet which neither puts strength into him nor lets him die. For
these sums which you now share among yourselves are neither large
enough to give you any adequate assistance, nor small enough to let you
renounce them and go about your business; but these it is that[2]
increase the indolence of every individual among you. {34} 'Is it,
then, paid service that you suggest?'[n] some one will ask. I do, men
of Athens; and a system for immediate enforcement which will embrace
all alike; so that each, while receiving his share of the public funds
may supply whatever service the State requires of him.[3] If we can
remain at peace, then he will do better to stay at home, free from the
necessity of doing anything discreditable through poverty. But if a
situation like the present occurs, then supported by these same sums,
he will serve loyally in person, in defence of his country. If a man is
outside the military age, then let him take, in his place among the
rest, that which he now receives irregularly and without doing any
service, and let him act as an overseer and manager of business that
must be done. {35} In short, without adding or subtracting anything,[n]
beyond a small sum, and only removing the want of system, my plan
reduces the State to order, making your receipt of payment, your
service in the army or the courts, and your performance of any duty
which the age of each of you allows, and the occasion requires, all
part of one and the same system. But it has been no part of my proposal
that we should assign the due of those who act to those who do nothing;
that we should be idle ourselves and enjoy our leisure helplessly,
listening to tales of victories won by somebody's mercenaries;[n] for
this is what happens now. {36} Not that I blame one who is doing some
part of your duty for you; but I require you to do for yourselves the
things for which you honour others, and not to abandon the position
which your fathers won through many a glorious peril, and bequeathed to
you.
I think I have told you all that, in my belief, your interest demands.
May you choose the course which will be for the good of the city and of
you all!