The same author also wrote an account of what took place after
Alexander’s death, in ten books.[492] He describes the sedition in
the army, the proclamation of Arrhidaeus (the son of Alexander’s
father, Philip, by a Thracian woman named Philinna) on condition
that Roxana’s child, when born, if it were a son, should share the
throne with him. Arrhidaeus was then again proclaimed under the
name of Philip. A quarrel broke out between the infantry and the
cavalry. The chief and most influential commanders of the latter were
Perdiccas the son of Orontes, Leonnatus the son of Anthes, Ptolemy
the son of Lagus, Lysimachus the son of Agathocles, Aristonus the
son of Pisaeus, Pithon the son of Crateuas, Seleucus the son of
Antiochus, and Eumenes of Cardia. Meleager was in command of the
infantry. Communications passed between them, and at length it was
agreed between the infantry, who had already chosen a king, and the
cavalry, that Antipater should be general of the forces in Europe;
that Craterus should look after the kingdom of Arrhidaeus; that
Perdiccas should be chiliarch[493] of the troops which had been
under the command of Hephaestion, which amounted to entrusting him
with the care of the whole empire; and that Meleager should be his
lieutenant. Perdiccas, under the pretence of reviewing the army,
seized the ringleaders of the disturbance, and put them to death in
the presence of Arrhidaeus, as if he had ordered it. This struck
terror into the rest, and Meleager was soon afterwards murdered.
After this Perdiccas became the object of general suspicion and
himself suspected everybody. Nevertheless, he made appointments
to the governorships of the different provinces, as if Arrhidaeus
had ordered him. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, was appointed governor of
Egypt and Libya, and of that part of Arabia that borders upon Egypt,
with Cleomenes, formerly governor of Egypt under Alexander, as his
deputy. The part of Syria adjacent was given to Laomedon; Cilicia to
Philotas; Media to Pithon; Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and the country
on the shore of the Euxine as far as Trapezus (a Greek colony from
Sinope), to Eumenes of Cardia; Pamphylia, Lycia, and greater Phrygia
to Antigonus; Caria to Cassander; Lydia to Menander; Phrygia on
the Hellespont to Leonnatus. This Phrygia had formerly been given
by Alexander to a certain Calas and subsequently handed over to
Demarchus. Such was the distribution of Asia.
In Europe, Thrace and the Chersonese, together with the countries
bordering on Thrace as far as Salmydessus on the Euxine, were given
to Lysimachus; the country beyond Thrace, as far as the Illyrians,
Triballians, and Agrianians, Macedonia itself, and Epirus as far
as the Ceraunian mountains, together with the whole of Greece, to
Craterus and Antipater. Such was the division of Europe. At the same
time several provinces remained under their native rulers, according
to the arrangement made by Alexander, and were not affected by the
distribution.
Meanwhile, Roxana bore a son, who was immediately acclaimed king
by the soldiers. After the death of Alexander there were numerous
disturbances. Antipater carried on war against the Athenians and
the rest of the Greeks commanded by Leosthenes. He was at first
defeated and in great straits, but was subsequently victorious.
Leonnatus, however, who came to his assistance, fell in battle.
Lysimachus also, recklessly fighting against Seuthes the Thracian
with an inferior force, was defeated, although his troops greatly
distinguished themselves. Perdiccas also made war upon Ariarathes,
king of Cappadocia, because he refused to give up his kingdom to
Eumenes, upon whom it had been bestowed. Having defeated him in
two battles and taken him prisoner, he hanged him and reinstated
Eumenes. Craterus, by the assistance he rendered to Antipater against
the Greeks, chiefly contributed to their defeat, after which they
unhesitatingly obeyed Craterus and Antipater. This is the contents of
the first five books.
The sixth book relates how Demosthenes and Hyperides, Aristonicus
of Marathon and Himeraeus, the brother of Demetrius of Phalerum,
fled to Aegina, and, while there, were condemned to death by the
Athenians on the motion of Demades, and how Antipater carried out
the sentence. How Archias the Thurian, who put them to death, died
in the utmost poverty and disgrace. How Demades was soon afterwards
sent to Macedonia, where he was put to death by Cassander, after his
son had been murdered in his arms. Cassander alleged in excuse that
Demades had once insulted his father, Antipater, in a letter which he
wrote to Perdiccas, begging him to rescue the Greeks, who were only
held together by an old and rotten thread, as he abusively called
Antipater. Dinarchus of Corinth was the accuser of Demades, who paid
the just penalty for his venality, treachery, and unfaithfulness.
The author also relates how Harpalus, who during the lifetime of
Alexander had stolen money belonging to him and fled to Athens, was
slain by Thibron the Lacedaemonian. Thibron seized all the money that
remained, and set out for Cydonia in Crete, whence he crossed over to
Cyrene with a body of 6000 men, at the request of some exiles from
Cyrene and Barca. After many engagements and mutual intrigues, in
which he was sometimes successful and sometimes unsuccessful, he was
finally captured during his flight by some Libyan drivers, and taken
to Epicydes the Olynthian at Teuchira, which had been entrusted to
him by Ophellas a Macedonian, whom Ptolemy the son of Lagus had sent
to help the Cyrenians. The inhabitants, by permission of Ophellas,
first tortured Thibron and then sent him to the port of Cyrene to be
hanged. But since the Cyrenaeans still persisted in their revolt,
Ptolemy in person visited the place, and after having restored order,
sailed home again.
Perdiccas, intriguing against Antigonus, called him to judgment, but
Antigonus, aware of the plot, refused to appear. This led to enmity
between them. At the same time Iollas and Archias came to Perdiccas
from Macedonia, accompanied by Nicaea, the daughter of Antipater,
with a proposal of marriage. Olympias, the mother of Alexander the
Great, also sent to him, offering him the hand of her daughter
Cleopatra. Eumenes of Cardia favoured Cleopatra, but his brother
Alcetas persuaded him to accept Nicaea. Soon afterwards Cynane was
put to death by Perdiccas and his brother Alcetas. This Cynane was
the daughter of Philip, the father of Alexander, her mother being
Eurydice, the wife of Amyntas, whom Alexander put to death just
before he set out for Asia. This Amyntas was the son of Perdiccas the
brother of Philip, so that he was the cousin of Alexander. Cynane
brought her daughter Adea (afterwards called Eurydice) to Asia and
offered her hand to Arrhidaeus. The marriage subsequently took
place, with the approval of Perdiccas, to appease the increasing
indignation of the soldiery, which had been aroused by the death of
Cynane. Antigonus, in the meantime, took refuge with Antipater and
Craterus in Macedonia, informed them of the intrigues of Perdiccas
against him, declaring that they were directed against all alike. He
also described the death of Cynane in such exaggerated terms that he
persuaded them to make war on Perdiccas. Arrhidaeus, who kept the
body of Alexander with him, contrary to the wish of Perdiccas, took
it from Babylon by way of Damascus to Ptolemy the son of Lagus in
Egypt; and though often hindered on his journey by Polemon, a friend
of Perdiccas, nevertheless succeeded in carrying out his intention.
Meanwhile, Eumenes conveyed gifts from Perdiccas to Cleopatra at
Sardes, since Perdiccas had decided to repudiate Nicaea and to marry
Cleopatra. When this became known to Antigonus through Menander the
governor of Lydia, he informed Antipater and Craterus, who were
more than ever determined to make war on Perdiccas. Antipater and
Craterus, starting from the Chersonese, crossed the Hellespont,
having previously sent messengers to deceive those who guarded the
passage. They also sent ambassadors to Eumenes and Neoptolemus, who
supported Perdiccas; Neoptolemus went over to them, but Eumenes
refused.
Neoptolemus being suspected by Eumenes, war broke out between them,
in which Eumenes was victorious. Neoptolemus fled with a few men to
Antipater and Craterus, and succeeded in persuading the latter to
join him; so both made war against Eumenes. Eumenes did his best to
prevent his own men from knowing that Craterus was fighting against
him, being afraid that, influenced by his great reputation, they
might either desert to him, or, if they remained faithful to him,
might lose heart. Successful in scheming, he was also successful
in battle. Neoptolemus fell by the hand of Eumenes “the secretary”
himself, after having proved himself a brave soldier and commander.
Craterus, who fought boldly against all who opposed him and showed
himself openly in order to be known, was slain by some Paphlagonians
before he was recognized, although he had thrown off his hat.[494]
However, the infantry escaped and returned to Antipater, which
considerably reassured him.
Perdiccas, setting out from Damascus to make war upon Ptolemy the son
of Lagus, reached Egypt with the kings[495] and a large force. He
made many charges against Ptolemy, who publicly cleared himself, so
that the accusations appeared ill-founded. Perdiccas, notwithstanding
the opposition of his troops, decided to carry on the war. He was
twice defeated, and, having treated those who were inclined to go
over to Ptolemy with great severity, and in other respects behaved
in camp more arrogantly than became a general, he was slain by his
own cavalry during an engagement. After his death Ptolemy crossed
the Nile to visit the kings, upon whom he bestowed gifts and treated
them with the utmost kindness and attention, as well as the other
Macedonians of rank. At the same time he openly showed sympathy
with the friends of Perdiccas, and did all he could to allay the
apprehensions of those Macedonians who imagined they were in peril,
so that at once and ever afterwards he was held in great esteem.
At a full council of war, Pithon and Arrhidaeus having been appointed
commanders-in-chief of all the forces for the time being, about fifty
of the supporters of Eumenes and Alcetas were condemned, chiefly
because Craterus had met his death in civil strife. Antigonus was
summoned from Cyprus, and Antipater ordered to repair with all
speed to the kings. Before they arrived, Eurydice refused to allow
Pithon and Arrhidaeus to do anything without her permission. At
first they did not demur, but afterwards told her that she had
nothing to do with public affairs, and that they themselves would
look after everything until the arrival of Antigonus and Antipater.
When they arrived, Antigonus was placed in chief command. When the
army demanded the pay that had been promised them for the campaign,
Antipater replied straightforwardly that he had no money, but that,
to avoid incurring their censure, he would thoroughly search the
treasury and other places where money might be hidden. These words
aroused the displeasure of the army. When Eurydice joined in the
accusations against Antipater, the people were indignant, and a
disturbance took place. Eurydice then delivered a speech against him,
in which she was assisted by Asclepiodorus the scribe and supported
by Attalus. Antipater barely escaped with his life, after Antigonus
and Seleucus, at his earnest request, had addressed the people on his
behalf and nearly lost their lives in consequence. Antipater, having
thus escaped death, withdrew to his own army, where he summoned the
cavalry commanders, and after the disturbance had been put down with
difficulty, he was again reinstated in his command.
He then made a division of Asia, partly confirming the earlier one
and partly altering it as circumstances necessitated. Egypt, Libya,
the large tract of country beyond it, and all the territory that
had been conquered towards the west, was given to Ptolemy; Syria
to Laomedon the Mytilenean; Cilicia to Philoxenus, who had held
it before. Of the upper provinces, Mesopotamia and Arbelitis were
given to Amphimachus, the king’s brother; Babylonia to Seleucus.
To Antigenes, commander of the Macedonian _argyraspidae_,[496] who
had first attacked Perdiccas, was given the whole of Susiana; to
Peucestes Persia; to Tlepolemus Carmania; to Pithon Media as far as
the Caspian gates; to Philip Parthia; to Strasander the territory of
the Arei and Drangeni; to Stasanor of Soli, Bactria, and Sogdiana; to
Siburtius Arachosia; to Oxyartes the father of Roxana Parapamisus; to
Pithon the son of Agenor the part of India bordering on Parapamisus.
Of the adjacent provinces, that on the river Indus, together with
Patala, the largest city of India in those parts, to king Porus, and
that on the river Hydaspes to Taxilus the Indian, for it would have
been no easy matter to displace them, since they had been confirmed
in their government by Alexander, and their strength had greatly
increased. Of the countries to the north of Mount Taurus, Cappadocia
was assigned to Nicanor; Greater Phrygia, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, and
Lycia, to Antigonus as before; Caria to Asander; Lydia to Clitus;
Phrygia on the Hellespont to Arrhidaeus. Antigenes was appointed to
collect the revenues in the district of Susa, 3000 of the Macedonians
who were mutinously inclined being sent with him. As the king’s
bodyguard Antipater appointed Autolycus the son of Agathocles,
Amyntas the son of Alexander and brother of Peucestes, Ptolemy the
son of Ptolemy, and Alexander the son of Polysperchon.[497] He made
his own son Cassander chiliarch of the cavalry, while Antigonus
received command of the forces which had formerly been under
Perdiccas, together with the care and custody of the kings’ persons
and, at his own request, the task of finishing the war against
Eumenes. Antipater, having secured the general approval of all that
he had done, returned home. With this the ninth book concludes.
The tenth book relates how Eumenes, having heard what had befallen
Perdiccas, and that he himself had been declared an enemy by the
Macedonians, made all preparations for war; how Alcetas, the brother
of Perdiccas, took refuge with him on that account; how Attalus,
who had been one of the ringleaders in the insurrection against
Antipater, also joined the exiles with a force of 10,000 foot and
800 horse; how Attalus and his troops attacked Cnidus, Caunus, and
Rhodes. The Rhodians, under their admiral, Demaratus, completely
repulsed them. How Eumenes nearly came to blows with Antipater on
his arrival at Sardes, but Cleopatra, Alexander’s sister, to prevent
the Macedonian people accusing her of being the cause of the war,
persuaded Eumenes to leave Sardes. Notwithstanding, Antipater reviled
her for her friendship with Eumenes and Perdiccas. She defended
herself more vigorously than a woman could have been expected to
do, brought countercharges against him, and in the end they parted
amicably. Eumenes, having unexpectedly attacked those who did not
acknowledge his authority, collected much booty and money, which
he distributed amongst his soldiers. He also sent messages to
Alcetas and his friends, begging them to assemble all their forces
in one place so that they might unitedly attack the common enemy.
But differences of opinion arose amongst them, and they finally
refused. Antipater, not yet daring to engage Eumenes, sent Asander
against Attalus and Alcetas; after the battle had long remained
undecided, Asander was defeated. Cassander was at variance with
Antigonus, but by command of his father, Antipater, he abandoned
his opposition. Nevertheless, Cassander, when he met his father in
Phrygia, advised him not to get too far from the kings, and to keep
watch on Antigonus; but the latter, by his quiet behaviour, courtesy,
and good qualities, did all he could to remove suspicion. Antipater,
being appeased, appointed him to the command of the forces which had
crossed over with him to Asia--8500 Macedonian infantry, and the same
number of foreign cavalry, together with half the elephants (that
is, seventy)--to assist him in ending the war against Eumenes. Thus
Antigonus began the war. Antipater, with the kings and the rest of
his forces, pretended to be going to cross over into Macedonia, but
the army again mutinied and demanded their pay. Antipater promised
that he would pay them when he reached Abydos, or let them have,
if not the whole, at least the greater part of it. Having thus
encouraged their hopes, he reached Abydos without disturbance, but
having deceived the soldiers, he crossed the Hellespont by night,
with the kings, to Lysimachus. On the following day the soldiers also
crossed, and for the moment made no further demand for their pay.
With this the tenth book ends.
This author is second to none of the best historical writers. He is
very strong in concise narrative, and never impairs the continuity
of the story by ill-timed digressions or parentheses; he is novel
rather in arrangement than in diction, which he employs in such a
manner that it would be impossible for the narrative to be set forth
more clearly and perspicuously. His style is distinct, euphonious,
and terse,[498] characterized by a combination of smoothness and
loftiness. His novelties of language are not merely far-fetched
innovations, but are obvious and emphatic, figures of speech in
reality, and not simply a change of ordinary words. The result is
that not only in this respect is clearness secured, but also in the
equipment, order, and nature of the narrative, which is the artistic
essence of perspicuity. For straightforward periods are used even by
those who are not specialists, and if this is done without anything
to relieve them, the style degenerates into flatness and meanness, of
which, in spite of his clearness, there are no traces in our author.
He makes use of ellipsis, not of periods but of words, so that the
ellipsis is not even noticed; any attempt to supply what is omitted
would seem to indicate a tendency to unessential additions, and would
not really fill up the gap. The variety of his rhetorical figures is
admirable; they do not deviate at once altogether from simple form
and usage, but are gradually interwoven from the beginning, so that
they neither offend by satiety nor create confusion by sudden change.
In a word, any one who compares him with other historians, will find
that many classical writers are his inferior in composition.