General St. Clair appointed Commander-in-chief.... The
President makes a tour through the southern states....
Meeting of congress.... President's speech.... Debate on the
bill for apportioning representatives.... Militia law....
Defeat of St. Clair.... Opposition to the increase of the
army.... Report of the Secretary of the Treasury for raising
additional supplies.... Congress adjourns.... Strictures on
the conduct of administration, with a view of parties....
Disagreement between the Secretaries of State and
Treasury.... Letters from General Washington.... Opposition
to the excise law.... President's proclamation....
Insurrection and massacre in the island of St. Domingo....
General Wayne appointed to the command of the army....
Meeting of Congress.... President's speech.... Resolutions
implicating the Secretary of the Treasury rejected....
Congress adjourns.... Progress of the French revolution, and
its effects on parties in the United States.
{1791}
More ample means for the protection of the frontiers having been
placed in the hands of the executive, the immediate attention of the
President was directed to this interesting object.
[Sidenote: General St. Clair appointed commander-in-chief of the
army.]
Major General Arthur St. Clair, governor of the territory north-west
of the Ohio, was appointed Commander-in-chief of the forces to be
employed in the meditated expedition. This gentleman had served
through the war of the revolution with reputation, though it had never
been his fortune to distinguish himself. The evacuation of Ticonderoga
had indeed, at one time, subjected him to much public censure; but it
was found, upon inquiry, to be unmerited. Other motives, in addition
to the persuasion of his fitness for the service, conduced to his
appointment. With the sword, the olive branch was still to be
tendered; and it was thought adviseable to place them in the same
hands. The governor, having been made officially the negotiator with
the tribes inhabiting the territories over which he presided, being a
military man, acquainted with the country into which the war was to be
carried, possessing considerable influence with the inhabitants of the
frontiers, and being so placed as to superintend the preparations for
the expedition advantageously, seemed to have claims to the station
which were not to be overlooked. It was also a consideration of some
importance, that the high rank he had held in the American army, would
obviate those difficulties in filling the inferior grades with men of
experience, which might certainly be expected, should a person who had
acted in a less elevated station, be selected for the chief command.
[Illustration: Tomb of Mary, Mother of Washington
_This is the original monument as it appeared before the present
granite obelisk was erected over the grave of George Washington's
mother in Fredericksburg, Virginia. It was in Fredericksburg that she
made her home during her declining years, and it was on the Kenmore
estate of her daughter, Elizabeth, and son-in-law, Fielding Lewis,
that she was buried, September, 1789, having survived her husband,
Augustine Washington, forty-six years._]
[Sidenote: The president makes a tour through the southern states.]
After making the necessary arrangements for recruiting the army, the
President prepared to make his long contemplated tour through the
southern states.[53] In passing through them, he was received
universally with the same marks of affectionate attachment, which he
had experienced in the northern and central parts of the union. To the
sensibilities which these demonstrations of the regard and esteem of
good men could not fail to inspire, was added the high gratification
produced by observing the rapid improvements of the country, and the
advances made by the government, in acquiring the confidence of the
people. The numerous letters written by him after his return to
Philadelphia, attest the agreeable impressions made by these causes.
"In my late tour through the southern states," said he, in a letter of
the 28th of July, to Mr. Gouverneur Morris, "I experienced great
satisfaction in seeing the good effects of the general government in
that part of the union. The people at large have felt the security
which it gives, and the equal justice which it administers to them.
The farmer, the merchant, and the mechanic, have seen their several
interests attended to, and from thence they unite in placing a
confidence in their representatives, as well as in those in whose
hands the execution of the laws is placed. Industry has there taken
place of idleness, and economy of dissipation. Two or three years of
good crops, and a ready market for the produce of their lands, have
put every one in good humour; and, in some instances, they even impute
to the government what is due only to the goodness of Providence.
[Footnote 53: He stopped several days on the Potomac, where
he executed finally the powers vested in him by the
legislature for fixing on a place which should become the
residence of congress, and the metropolis of the United
States.]
"The establishment of public credit is an immense point gained in our
national concerns. This, I believe, exceeds the expectation of the
most sanguine among us; and a late instance, unparalleled in this
country, has been given of the confidence reposed in our measures, by
the rapidity with which the subscriptions to the bank of the United
States were filled. In two hours after the books were opened by the
commissioners, the whole number of shares was taken up, and four
thousand more applied for than were allowed by the institution. This
circumstance was not only pleasing as it related to the confidence in
government, but also as it exhibited an unexpected proof of the
resources of our citizens."
This visit had undoubtedly some tendency to produce the good
disposition which the President observed with so much pleasure. The
affections are perhaps more intimately connected with the judgment
than we are disposed to admit; and the appearance of the chief
magistrate of the union, who was the object of general love and
reverence, could not be without its influence in conciliating the
minds of many to the government he administered, and to its measures.
But this progress towards conciliation was, perhaps, less considerable
than was indicated by appearances. The hostility to the government,
which was coeval with its existence, though diminished, was far from
being subdued; and under this smooth exterior was concealed a mass of
discontent, which, though it did not obtrude itself on the view of the
man who united almost all hearts, was active in its exertions to
effect its objects.
The difficulties which must impede the recruiting service in a country
where coercion is not employed, and where the common wages of labour
greatly exceed the pay of a soldier, protracted the completion of the
regiments to a late season of the year; but the summer was not
permitted to waste in total inaction.
The act passed at the last session for the defence of the frontiers,
in addition to its other provisions, had given to the President an
unlimited power to call mounted militia into the field. Under this
authority, two expeditions had been conducted against the villages on
the Wabash, in which a few of the Indian warriors were killed, some of
their old men, women, and children, were made prisoners, and several
of their towns and fields of corn were destroyed. The first was led by
General Scott, in May, and the second by General Wilkinson, in
September. These desultory incursions had not much influence on the
war.
It was believed in the United States, that the hostility of the
Indians was kept up by the traders living in their villages. These
persons had, generally, resided in the United States; and, having been
compelled to leave the country in consequence of the part they had
taken during the war of the revolution, felt the resentments which
banishment and confiscation seldom fail to inspire. Their enmities
were ascribed by many, perhaps unjustly, to the temper of the
government in Canada; but some countenance seemed to be given to this
opinion by intelligence that, about the commencement of the preceding
campaign, large supplies of ammunition had been delivered from the
British posts on the lakes, to the Indians at war with the United
States. While the President was on his southern tour, he addressed a
letter to the secretary of state, to be communicated to Colonel
Beckwith, who still remained in Philadelphia as the informal
representative of his nation, in which he expressed his surprise and
disappointment at this interference, by the servants or subjects of a
foreign state, in a war prosecuted by the United States for the sole
purpose of procuring peace and safety for the inhabitants of their
frontiers.
On receiving this communication, Colonel Beckwith expressed his
disbelief that the supplies mentioned had been delivered; but on being
assured of the fact, he avowed the opinion that the transaction was
without the knowledge of Lord Dorchester, to whom he said he should
communicate, without delay, the ideas of the American government on
the subject.
[Sidenote: Meeting of congress.]
[Sidenote: President's speech.]
On the 24th of October the second congress assembled in Philadelphia.
In his speech at the opening of the session, the President expressed
his great satisfaction at the prosperous situation of the country, and
particularly mentioned the rapidity with which the shares in the bank
of the United States were subscribed, as "among the striking and
pleasing evidences which presented themselves, not only of confidence
in the government, but of resources in the community."
Adverting to the measures which had been taken in execution of the
laws and resolutions of the last session, "the most important of
which," he observed, "respected the defence and security of the
western frontiers," he had, he said, "negotiated provisional treaties,
and used other proper means to attach the wavering, and to confirm in
their friendship the well disposed tribes of Indians. The means which
he had adopted for a pacification with those of a hostile description
having proved unsuccessful, offensive operations had been directed,
some of which had proved completely successful, and others were still
pending. Overtures of peace were still continued to the deluded
tribes; and it was sincerely to be desired that all need of coercion
might cease, and that an intimate intercourse might succeed,
calculated to advance the happiness of the Indians, and to attach them
firmly to the United States."
In marking the line of conduct which ought to be maintained for the
promotion of this object, he strongly recommended "justice to the
savages, and such rational experiments for imparting to them the
blessings of civilization, as might from time to time suit their
condition;" and then concluded this subject with saying--"A system
corresponding with the mild principles of religion and philanthropy
towards an unenlightened race of men whose happiness materially
depends on the conduct of the United States, would be as honourable to
the national character, as conformable to the dictates of sound
policy."
After stating that measures had been taken for carrying into execution
the act laying duties on distilled spirits, he added--"The impressions
with which this law has been received by the community have been, upon
the whole, such as were to have been expected among enlightened and
well disposed citizens, from the propriety and necessity of the
measure. The novelty, however, of the tax, in a considerable part of
the United States, and a misconception of some of its provisions, have
given occasion, in particular places, to some degree of discontent.
But it is satisfactory to know that this disposition yields to proper
explanations, and more just apprehensions of the true nature of the
law. And I entertain a full confidence that it will, in all, give way
to motives which arise out of a just sense of duty, and a virtuous
regard to the public welfare.
"If there are any circumstances in the law, which, consistently with
its main design may be so varied as to remove any well intentioned
objections that may happen to exist, it will comport with a wise
moderation to make the proper variations. It is desirable on all
occasions, to unite with a steady and firm adherence to constitutional
and necessary acts of government, the fullest evidence of a
disposition, as far as may be practicable, to consult the wishes of
every part of the community, and to lay the foundations of the public
administration in the affections of the people."
The answers of the two houses noticed, briefly and generally, the
various topics of the speech; and, though perhaps less warm than those
of the preceding congress, manifested great respect for the executive
magistrate, and an undiminished confidence in his patriotic exertions
to promote the public interests.
[Sidenote: Debate on the bill "for apportioning representatives among
the people of the states according to the first enumeration."]
Among the first subjects of importance which engaged the attention of
the legislature, was a bill "for apportioning representatives among
the people of the several states according to the first enumeration."
The constitution, in its original form, had affixed no other limits to
the power of congress over the numbers of which the house of
representatives might consist, than that there should not be more than
one member for every thirty thousand persons; but that each state
should be entitled to at least one. Independent of the general
considerations in favour of a more or less numerous representation in
the popular branch of the legislature, there was one of a local
nature, whose operation, though secret, was extensive, which gave to
this question a peculiar interest. To whatever number of persons a
representative might be allotted, there would still remain a fraction,
which would be greater or less in each state, according to the ratio
which congress should adopt between representation and population. The
relative power of states, in one branch of the legislature, would
consequently be affected by this ratio; and to questions of that
description, few members can permit themselves to be inattentive.
This bill, as originally introduced into the house of representatives,
gave to each state one member for every thirty thousand persons. On a
motion to strike out the number thirty thousand, the debate turned
chiefly on the policy and advantage of a more or less numerous house
of representatives; but with the general arguments suggested by the
subject, strong and pointed allusions to the measures of the preceding
congress were interspersed, which indicated much more serious
hostility to the administration than had hitherto been expressed.
Speaking of the corruption which he supposed to exist in the British
house of commons, Mr. Giles said that causes essentially different
from their numbers, had produced this effect. "Among these, were the
frequent mortgages of the funds, and the immense appropriations at the
disposal of the executive."
"An inequality of circumstances," he observed, "produces revolutions
in governments, from democracy, to aristocracy, and monarchy. Great
wealth produces a desire of distinctions, rank, and titles. The
revolutions of property, in this country, have created a prodigious
inequality of circumstances. Government has contributed to this
inequality. The bank of the United States is a most important machine
in promoting the objects of this monied interest. This bank will be
the most powerful engine to corrupt this house. Some of the members
are directors of this institution; and it will only be by increasing
the representation, that an adequate barrier can be opposed to this
monied interest." He next adverted to certain ideas, which, he said,
had been disseminated through the United States. "The legislature," he
took occasion to observe, "ought to express some disapprobation of
these opinions. The strong executive of this government," he added,
"ought to be balanced by a full representation in this house."
Similar sentiments were advanced by Mr. Findley.
After a long and animated discussion, the amendment was lost, and the
bill passed in its original form.
In the senate, it was amended by changing the ratio, so as to give one
representative for every thirty-three thousand persons in each state;
but this amendment was disagreed to by the house of representatives;
and each house adhering to its opinion, the bill fell; but was again
introduced into the house of representatives, under a different title,
and in a new form, though without any change in its substantial
provisions. After a debate in which the injustice of the fractions
produced by the ratio it adopted was strongly pressed, it passed that
house. In the senate, it was again amended, not by reducing, but by
enlarging the number of representatives.
The constitution of the United States declares that "representatives
and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which
may be included within this union according to their respective
numbers;" and that "the number of representatives shall not exceed one
for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one
representative." Construing the constitution to authorize a process by
which the whole number of representatives should be ascertained on the
whole population of the United States, and afterwards "apportioned
among the several states according to their respective numbers," the
senate applied the number thirty thousand as a _divisor_ to the total
population, and taking the _quotient_, which was one hundred and
twenty, as the number of representatives given by the ratio which had
been adopted in the house where the bill had originated, they
apportioned that number among the several states by that ratio, until
as many representatives as it would give were allotted to each. The
residuary members were then distributed among the states having the
highest fractions. Without professing the principle on which this
apportionment was made, the amendment of the senate merely allotted to
the states respectively, the number of members which the process just
mentioned would give. The result was a more equitable apportionment of
representatives to population, and had the rule of construing that
instrument been correct, the amendment removed objections which were
certainly well founded. But the rule was novel, and overturned
opinions which had been generally assumed, and were supposed to be
settled. In one branch of the legislature it had already been
rejected; and in the other, the majority in its favour was only one.
In the house of representatives, the amendment was supported with
considerable ingenuity.
After an earnest debate, however, it was disagreed to, and a
conference took place without producing an accommodation among the
members composing the committee. But finally, the house of
representatives receded from their disagreement; and, by a majority of
two voices, the bill passed as amended in the senate.
On the President, the solemn duty of deciding, whether an act of the
legislature consisted with the constitution; for the bill, if
constitutional, was unexceptionable.
In his cabinet, also, a difference of opinion is understood to have
existed; the secretary of state and the attorney general were of
opinion that the act was at variance with the constitution; the
secretary of war was rather undecided; and the secretary of the
treasury, thinking that, from the vagueness of expression in the
clause relating to the subject, neither construction could be
absolutely rejected, was in favour of acceding to the interpretation
given by the legislature.
After weighing the arguments which were urged on each side of the
question, the President was confirmed in the opinion that the
population of each state, and not the total population of the United
States, must give the numbers to which alone the process by which the
number of representatives was to be ascertained could be applied.
Having formed this opinion, to a correct and independent mind the
course to be pursued was a plain one. Duty required the exercise of a
power which a President of the United States will always find much
difficulty in employing; and he returned the bill to the house in
which it originated, accompanied with his objections[54] to it. In
observance of the forms prescribed in the constitution, the question
was then taken on its passage by ayes and noes, and it was rejected. A
third bill was soon afterwards introduced, apportioning the
representatives on the several states at a ratio of one for every
thirty-three thousand persons in each state, which passed into a law.
Thus was this interesting part of the American constitution finally
settled.
[Footnote 54: The following is the message which he
delivered on this occasion.
_Gentlemen of the house of representatives--_
I have maturely considered the act passed by the two houses,
entitled "an act for the apportionment of representatives
among the several states according to the first
enumeration," and I return it to your house, wherein it
originated, with the following objections.
First. The constitution has prescribed that representatives
shall be apportioned among the several states according to
their respective numbers, and there is no proportion or
divisor which, applied to the respective numbers of the
states, will yield the number and allotment of
representatives proposed by the bill.
Secondly. The constitution has also provided, that the
number of representatives shall not exceed one for thirty
thousand, which restriction is by the context, and by fair
and obvious construction, to be applied to the separate and
respective numbers of the states, and the bill has allotted
to eight of the states more than one for thirty thousand.]
[Sidenote: Militia law.]
During this session of congress, an act passed for establishing a
uniform militia.
The President had manifested, from the commencement of his
administration, a peculiar degree of solicitude on this subject, and
had repeatedly urged it on congress.
In his speech at the opening of the present session, he again called
the attention of the legislature to it; and, at length, a law was
enacted which, though less efficacious than the plan reported by the
secretary of war, will probably, not soon, be carried into complete
execution.
[Sidenote: Defeat of St. Clair.]
In December, intelligence was received by the President, and
immediately communicated to congress, that the American army had been
totally defeated on the fourth of the preceding month.
Although the most prompt and judicious measures had been taken to
raise the troops, and to march them to the frontiers, they could not
be assembled in the neighbourhood of fort Washington until the month
of September, nor was the establishment even then completed.
The immediate objects of the expedition were, to destroy the Indian
villages on the Miamis, to expel the savages from that country, and to
connect it with the Ohio by a chain of posts which would prevent their
return during the war.
On the seventh of September, the regulars moved from their camp in the
vicinity of fort Washington, and marching directly north, towards the
object of their destination, established two intermediate posts[55] at
the distance of rather more than forty miles from each other, as
places of deposite, and of security either for convoys of provision
which might follow the army, or for the army itself should any
disaster befall it. The last of these works, fort Jefferson, was not
completed until the 24th of October, before which time reinforcements
were received of about three hundred and sixty militia. After placing
garrisons in the forts, the effective number of the army, including
militia, amounted to rather less than two thousand men. With this
force, the general continued his march, which was rendered both slow
and laborious by the necessity of opening a road. Small parties of
Indians were frequently seen hovering about them, and some unimportant
skirmishes took place. As the army approached the country in which
they might expect to meet an enemy, about sixty of the militia
deserted in a body. This diminution of force was not, in itself, an
object of much concern. But there was reason to fear that the example,
should those who set it be permitted to escape with impunity, would be
extensively followed; and it was reported to be the intention of the
deserters, to plunder convoys of provisions which were advancing at
some distance in the rear. To prevent mischiefs of so serious a
nature, the general detached Major Hamtranck with the first regiment
in pursuit of the deserters, and directed him to secure the provisions
under a strong guard.
[Footnote 55: Forts Hamilton and Jefferson.]
The army, consisting of about fourteen hundred effective rank and
file, continued its march; and, on the third of November, encamped
about fifteen miles south of the Miamis villages. The right wing under
the command of General Butler formed the first line, and lay with a
creek, about twelve yards wide, immediately in its front. The left
wing commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Darke, formed the second; and
between the two lines, was an interval of about seventy yards.[56] The
right flank was supposed to be secured by the creek, by a steep bank,
and by a small body of troops; the left was covered by a party of
cavalry, and by piquets. The militia crossed the creek, and advanced
about a quarter of a mile in front, where they also encamped in two
lines. On their approach, a few Indians who had shown themselves on
the opposite side of the creek, fled with precipitation.
[Footnote 56: In his official letter, General St. Clair says
that the ground would not admit a larger interval.]
At this place, the general intended to throw up a slight work for the
security of the baggage; and, after being joined by Major Hamtranck,
to march as unincumbered, and as expeditiously as possible, to the
villages he purposed to destroy.
In both these designs he was anticipated. About half an hour before
sun rise the next morning, just after the troops had been dismissed
from the parade, an unexpected attack was made upon the militia, who
fled in the utmost confusion, and rushing into camp through the first
line of continental troops, which had been formed the instant the
first gun was discharged, threw them too into disorder. The exertions
of the officers to restore order were not entirely successful. The
Indians pressed close upon the heels of the flying militia, and
engaged General Butler with great intrepidity. The action instantly
became extremely warm; and the fire of the assailants, passing round
both flanks of the first line, was, in a few minutes, poured with
equal fury on the rear division. Its greatest weight was directed
against the centre of each wing, where the artillery was posted; and
the artillerists were mowed down in great numbers. Firing from the
ground, and from the shelter which the woods afforded, the assailants
were scarcely seen but when springing from one cover to another, in
which manner they advanced close up to the American lines, and to the
very mouths of the field pieces. They fought with the daring courage
of men whose trade is war, and who are stimulated by all those
passions which can impel the savage mind to vigorous exertions.
Under circumstances thus arduous, raw troops may be expected to
exhibit that inequality which is found in human nature. While some of
the American soldiers performed their duty with the utmost resolution,
others seemed dismayed and terrified. Of this conduct the officers
were, as usual, the victims. With a fearlessness which the occasion
required, they exposed themselves to the most imminent dangers; and,
in their efforts to change the face of affairs, fell in great numbers.
For several days, the Commander-in-chief had been afflicted with a
severe disease, under which he still laboured, and which must have
greatly affected him; but, though unable to display that activity
which would have been useful in this severe conflict, neither the
feebleness of his body, nor the peril of his situation, could prevent
his delivering his orders with judgment and with self possession.[57]
[Footnote 57: The following extract from the official letter
of the Commander-in-chief is inserted, as showing both his
own situation and his opinion of the behaviour of his
troops. "I have nothing, sir, to lay to the charge of the
troops but their want of discipline, which, from the short
time they had been in service, it was impossible they should
have acquired; and which rendered it very difficult when
they were thrown into confusion, to reduce them again to
order; and is one reason why the loss has fallen so heavily
upon the officers who did every thing in their power to
effect it. Neither were my own exertions wanting; but worn
down with illness, and suffering under a painful disease,
unable either to mount, or dismount a horse without
assistance, they were not so great as they otherwise would,
or perhaps ought to have been."]
It was soon perceived that the American fire could produce, on a
concealed enemy, no considerable effect; and that the only hope of
victory was placed in the bayonet. At the head of the second regiment,
which formed the left of the left wing, Lieutenant Colonel Darke made
an impetuous charge upon the enemy, forced them from their ground with
some loss, and drove them about four hundred yards. He was followed by
that whole wing; but the want of a sufficient number of riflemen to
press this advantage, deprived him of the benefit which ought to have
been derived from this effort; and, as soon as he gave over the
pursuit, the Indians renewed their attack. In the mean time General
Butler was mortally wounded, the left of the right wing was broken,
the artillerists almost to a man killed, the guns seized, and the camp
penetrated by the enemy. With his own regiment, and with the
battalions commanded by Majors Butler[58] and Clarke, Darke was
ordered again to charge with the bayonet. These orders were executed
with intrepidity and momentary success. The Indians were driven out of
the camp, and the artillery recovered. But while they were pressed in
one point by the bravest of the American troops, their fire was kept
up from every other with fatal effect. Several times particular corps
charged them, always with partial success, but no universal effort
could be made, and in every charge a great loss of officers was
sustained, the consequences of which were severely felt. Instead of
keeping their ranks, and executing the orders which were given, a
great proportion of the soldiers flocked together in crowds, and were
shot down without resistance. To save the remnant of his army was all
that remained to be done; and, about half past nine in the morning,
General St. Clair ordered Lieutenant Colonel Darke with the second
regiment, to charge a body of Indians who had intercepted their
retreat, and to gain the road. Major Clarke with his battalion was
directed to cover the rear. These orders were executed, and a
disorderly flight commenced. The pursuit was kept up about four miles,
when, fortunately for the surviving Americans, that avidity for
plunder which is a ruling passion among savages, called back the
victorious Indians to the ramp, where the spoils of their vanquished
foes were to be divided. The routed troops continued their flight to
fort Jefferson, a distance of about thirty miles, throwing away their
arms on the road. At this place they met Major Hamtranck with the
first regiment; and a council of war was called to deliberate on the
course to be pursued. As this regiment was far from restoring the
strength of the morning, it was determined not to attempt to retrieve
the fortune of the day: and, leaving the wounded at fort Jefferson,
the army continued its retreat to fort Washington.
[Footnote 58: Although his leg had been broken by a ball,
Major Butler, mounted on horseback, led his battalion to the
charge.]
In this disastrous battle, the loss on the part of the Americans was
very great when compared with the numbers engaged. Thirty-eight
commissioned officers were killed upon the field, and five hundred and
ninety-three non-commissioned officers and privates were slain and
missing. Twenty-one commissioned officers, several of whom afterwards
died of their wounds, and two hundred and forty-two non-commissioned
officers and privates were wounded. Among the dead was the brave and
much lamented General Butler. This gallant officer had served through
the war of the revolution; and had, on more than one occasion,
distinguished himself in a remarkable manner. In the list of those who
shared his fate, were the names of many other excellent officers who
had participated in all the toils, the dangers, and the glory, of that
long conflict which terminated in the independence of their country.
At the head of the list of wounded were Lieutenant Colonels Gibson and
Darke, Major Butler, and Adjutant General Sargent, all of whom were
veteran officers of great merit, who displayed their accustomed
bravery on this unfortunate day. General St. Clair, in his official
letter, observed: "the loss the public has sustained by the fall of so
many officers, particularly of General Butler and Major Ferguson, can
not be too much regretted; but it is a circumstance that will
alleviate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them fell most
gallantly doing their duty."
From the weight of the fire, and the circumstance of his being
attacked nearly at the same time in front and rear, General St. Clair
was of opinion that he was overpowered by numbers. The intelligence
afterwards collected would make the Indian force to consist of from
one thousand to fifteen hundred warriors. Of their loss, no estimate
could be made; the probability is, that it bore no proportion to that
sustained by the American army.
Nothing could be more unexpected than this severe disaster. The public
had confidently anticipated a successful campaign, and could not
believe, that the general who had been unfortunate, had not been
culpable.
{1792}
The Commander-in-chief requested with earnestness that a court martial
should sit on his conduct; but this request could not be granted,
because the army did not furnish a sufficient number of officers of a
grade to form a court for his trial on military principles. Late in
the session, a committee of the house of representatives was appointed
to inquire into the cause of the failure of the expedition, whose
report, in explicit terms, exculpated the Commander-in-chief. This
inquiry, however, was instituted rather for the purpose of
investigating the conduct of civil than of military officers; and was
not conducted by military men. More satisfactory testimony in favour
of St. Clair is furnished by the circumstance, that he still retained
the undiminished esteem and good opinion of the President.
The Indian war now assumed a still more serious aspect. There was
reason to fear that the hostile tribes would derive a great accession
of strength from the impression which their success would make upon
their neighbours; and the reputation of the government was deeply
concerned in retrieving the fortune of its arms, and affording
protection to its citizens. The President, therefore, lost no time in
causing the estimates for a competent force to be prepared and laid
before congress. In conformity with a report made by the secretary of
war, a bill was brought into the house of representatives, directing
three additional regiments of infantry, and a squadron of cavalry to
be raised, to serve for three years, if not sooner discharged. The
whole military establishment, if completed, would amount to about five
thousand men. The additional regiments, however, were to be disbanded
as soon as peace should be concluded with the Indians; and the
President was authorized to discharge, or to forbear to raise, any
part of them, "in case events should, in his judgment, render his so
doing consistent with the public safety."
[Sidenote: Opposition to the increase of the army.]
This bill met with great opposition. A motion was made to strike out
the section which authorized an augmentation of force. By those who
argued in favour of the motion, the justice of the war was arraigned,
and the practicability of obtaining peace at a much less expense than
would be incurred in its further prosecution, was urged with
vehemence. An extension of the present frontier was said not to be
desirable, and if the citizens of the United States were recalled
within their proper boundaries, hostilities would cease. At any rate,
it was an idle waste of blood and treasure, to carry the war beyond
the line of forts already established. It was only exposing their arms
to disgrace, betraying their own weakness, and lessening the public
confidence in the government, to send forth armies to be butchered in
the forests, while the British were suffered to keep possession of
posts within the territory of the United States. To this cause was to
be ascribed any disposition which might exist on the part of the
Indians to continue hostilities, and to its removal the efforts of the
government ought to be directed.
But, admitting the war to have been just in its commencement, and its
continuance to be required by the honour and interest of the nation,
yet as an invasion of the Indian country ought not to be attempted,
this augmentation of the military establishment could not be
necessary. Regular troops could only be useful as garrisons for posts
to which the militia might resort for protection or supplies.
Experience had proved that the sudden desultory attacks of the
frontier militia and rangers were productive of more valuable
consequences, than the methodical operations of a regular force. But,
should it even be conceded that invasion and conquest were to be
contemplated, the existing establishment, if completed, would be
sufficiently great; and it was still insisted that, even for the
purposes of conquest, the frontier militia were superior to any
regulars whatever.
The expense of such an army as the bill contemplated was said to be an
object worthy of serious attention; and members were requested to
observe the progress of this business, and to say where it would stop.
At first, only a single regiment had been raised, and the expense was
about one hundred thousand dollars; a second was afterwards added,
which swelled the expense to three hundred thousand; and now a
standing force of five thousand one hundred and sixty-eight men is
contemplated, at an annual expense of above a million and a quarter.
They were preparing to squander away money by millions; and no one,
except those who were in the secrets of the cabinet, knew why the war
had been thus carried on for three years.
Against the motion for striking out, it was urged that the justice of
the war could not be questioned by any man who would allow that self
preservation, and indispensable necessity, could furnish sufficient
motives for taking up arms. It was proved by unquestionable documents,
that from the year 1783 to 1790, there had been not less than fifteen
hundred persons, either the inhabitants of Kentucky, or emigrants on
their way to that country, who had been massacred by the savages, or
dragged into captivity; and there was reason to believe that on the
frontiers of Virginia, and of Pennsylvania, the murdered and the
prisoners would furnish a list almost equally numerous.
The conciliatory disposition of the government was stated, and its
repeated efforts to obtain a peace were enumerated. It was
particularly observed that in 1790, when a treaty was proposed at the
Miamis villages, the Indians at first refused to treat;--they next
required thirty days to deliberate;--this request was acceded to; and,
in the interim, offensive operations were expressly prohibited by the
President. Yet, notwithstanding this forbearance on the part of the
whites, not less than one hundred and twenty persons were killed and
captured by the savages, and several prisoners were roasted alive,
during that short period; at the expiration of which, the Indians
refused to give any answer to the proposition which had been made to
them.
But it was now too late to inquire into the justice of the principles
on which the war was originally undertaken. The nation was involved in
it, and could not recede without exposing many innocent persons to be
butchered by the enemy. Should the government determine to discontinue
the war, would the Indians also consent to a cessation of hostilities?
The government could not, without impeachment, both of its justice and
humanity, abandon the inhabitants of the frontiers to the rage of
their savage enemies; and although the excise might be unpopular,
although money might still be wanted, what was the excise, what was
money, when put in competition with the lives of their friends and
brethren? A sufficient force must be raised for their defence, and the
only question was what that force should be.
The calculations of the best informed men were in favour of employing
an army not inferior to that proposed in the bill. When the known
attachment of Indians to war and plunder was adverted to, and the
excitements to that attachment which were furnished by the trophies
acquired in the last two campaigns were considered, no man would
venture to pronounce with confidence how extensive the combination
against the United States might become, or what numbers they would
have to encounter. It certainly behoved them to prepare in time for a
much more vigorous effort than had hitherto been made. The objections
drawn from the increased expense which such an effort would require,
must entirely vanish before the eyes of any man, who looks forward to
the consequences of another unsuccessful campaign. Such a disaster
would eventually involve the nation in much greater expense than that
which is now made the ground of opposition. Better therefore is it, to
make at once a vigorous and effectual exertion to bring the contest to
a close, than to continue gradually draining the treasury, by dragging
on the war, and renewing hostility from year to year.
The supporters of the bill also appealed to experience for the
superiority of regular troops over militia, in accomplishing all the
purposes, even of Indian war; and those arguments were urged in favour
of this theory, which the subject readily suggests.
The motion for striking out the section was lost; and the bill was
carried for the augmentation of force required by the executive.
The treasury was not in a condition to meet the demands upon it, which
the increased expenses of the war would unavoidably occasion; and
sources of additional revenue were to be explored. A select committee
to whom this subject was referred, brought in a resolution directing
the secretary of the treasury to report his opinion to the house on
the best mode of raising those additional supplies which the public
service might require for the current year.
This proposition gave rise to a very animated debate.
It will be recollected that when the act for establishing the treasury
department was under consideration, the clause which rendered it the
duty of the secretary to digest and report plans for the improvement
and management of the revenue, and for the support of public credit,
was earnestly opposed. A large majority, however, was in favour of the
principle; and, after being so modified, as only to admit a report if
required by the house, it was retained in the bill. In complying with
the various resolutions of congress, calling for reports on subjects
connected with his department, the secretary had submitted plans
which, having been profoundly considered, were well digested, and
accompanied by arguments, the force of which it was difficult to
resist. His measures were generally supported by a majority of
congress; and, while the high credit of the United States was believed
to attest their wisdom, the masterly manner in which his reports were
drawn contributed to raise still higher, that reputation for great
talents which he had long possessed. To the further admission of these
reports, it was determined, on this occasion, to make a vigorous
resistance.
But the opposition was not successful. On taking the question, the
resolution was carried; thirty-one members voting in its favour, and
twenty-seven against it.
[Sidenote: Report of the secretary of the treasury for raising
additional supplies.]
The report[59] made by the secretary in pursuance of this resolution,
recommended certain augmentations of the duties on imports; and was
immediately referred to the consideration of a committee of the whole
house. Resolutions were then passed which were to form the basis of a
bill; and which adopted, not only the principles, but, with the
exception of a few unimportant alterations, the minute details of the
report.
[Footnote 59: See note, No. VI. at the end of the volume.]
Before the question was taken on the bill, a motion was made to limit
its duration, the vote upon which strongly marked the progress of
opinion in the house respecting those systems of finance which were
believed to have established the credit of the United States.
The secretary of the treasury had deemed it indispensable to the
creation of public credit, that the appropriations of funds for the
payment of the interest, and the gradual redemption of the principal
of the national debt, should be not only sufficient, but permanent
also. A party was found in the first congress who opposed this
principle; and were in favour of retaining a full power over the
subject in each branch of the legislature, by making annual
appropriations. The arguments which had failed in congress appear to
have been more successfully employed with the people. Among the
multiplied vices which were ascribed to the funding system, it was
charged with introducing a permanent and extensive mortgage of funds,
which was alleged to strengthen unduly the hands of the executive
magistrate, and to be one of the many evidences which existed, of
monarchical propensities in those who administered the government.
The report lately made by the secretary of the treasury, and the bill
founded on that report, contemplated a permanent increase of the
duties on certain specified articles; and a permanent appropriation of
the revenue arising from them, to the purposes of the national debt.
Thirty-one members were in favour of the motion for limiting the
duration of the bill, and only thirty against it. By the rules of the
house, the speaker has a right first to vote as a member; and, if the
numbers should then be equally divided, to decide as speaker. Being
opposed to the limitation, the motion was lost by his voice.
On the eighth of May, after an active and interesting session,
congress adjourned to the first Monday in November.
The asperity which, on more than one occasion, discovered itself in
debate, was a certain index of the growing exasperation of parties;
and the strength of the opposition on those questions which brought
into review the points on which the administration was to be attacked,
denoted the impression which the specific charges brought against
those who conducted public affairs, had made on the minds of the
people, in an extensive division of the continent. It may conduce to a
more perfect understanding of subsequent transactions, to present, in
this place, a sketch of those charges.
[Sidenote: Strictures on the conduct of administration, with a view of
parties.]
It was alleged that the public debt was too great to be paid before
other causes of adding to it would occur. This accumulation of debt
had been artificially produced by the assumption of what was due from
the states. Its immediate effect was to deprive the government of its
power over those easy sources of revenue, which, applied to its
ordinary necessities and exigencies, would have answered them
habitually, and thereby have avoided those burdens on the people which
occasioned such murmurs against taxes, and tax gatherers. As a
consequence of it, although the calls for money had not been greater
than must be expected for the same or equivalent exigencies, yet
congress had been already obliged, not only to strain the impost until
it produced clamour, and would produce evasion, and war on their own
citizens to collect it, but even to resort to an _excise_ law, of
odious character with the people, partial in its operation,
unproductive unless enforced by arbitrary and vexatious means, and
committing the authority of the government in parts where resistance
was most probable, and coercion least practicable.
That the United States, if left free to act at their discretion, might
borrow at two-thirds of the interest contracted to be paid to the
public creditors, and thus discharge themselves from the principal in
two-thirds of the time: but from this they were precluded by the
irredeemable quality of the debt; a quality given for the avowed
purpose of inviting its transfer to foreign countries. This transfer
of the principal when completed would occasion an exportation of three
millions of dollars annually for the interest, a drain of coin without
example, and of the consequences of which no calculation could be
made.
The banishment of coin would be completed by ten millions of paper
money in the form of bank bills, which were then issuing into
circulation. Nor would this be the only mischief resulting from the
institution of the bank. The ten or twelve per cent, annual profit
paid to the lenders of this paper medium would take out of the pockets
of the people, who would have had, without interest, the coin it was
banishing. That all the capital employed in paper speculation is
barren and useless, producing like that on a gaming table no accession
to itself, and is withdrawn from commerce and agriculture, where it
would have produced addition to the common mass. The wealth therefore
heaped upon individuals by the funding and banking systems, would be
productive of general poverty and distress. That in addition to the
encouragement these measures gave to vice and idleness, they had
furnished effectual means of corrupting such a portion of the
legislature as turned the balance between the honest voters. This
corrupt squad, deciding the voice of the legislature, had manifested
their dispositions to get rid of the limitations imposed by the
constitution; limitations on the faith of which the states acceded to
that instrument. They were proceeding rapidly in their plan of
absorbing all power, invading the rights of the states, and converting
the federal into a consolidated government.
That the ultimate object of all this was to prepare the way for a
change from the present republican form of government to that of a
monarchy, of which the English constitution was to be the model. So
many of the friends of monarchy were in the legislature, that aided by
the corrupt squad of paper dealers who were at their devotion, they
made a majority in both houses. The republican party, even when united
with the anti-federalists, continued a minority.
That of all the mischiefs resulting from the system of measures which
was so much reprobated, none was so afflicting, so fatal to every
honest hope, as the corruption of the legislature. As it was the
earliest of these measures, it became the instrument for producing the
rest, and would be the instrument for producing in future, a king,
lords, and commons; or whatever else those who directed it might
choose. Withdrawn such a distance from the eye of their constituents,
they would form the most corrupt government on earth, if the means of
their corruption were not prevented.
These strictures on the conduct of administration were principally
directed against measures which had originated with the secretary of
the treasury, and had afterwards received the sanction of the
legislature. In the southern division of the continent, that officer
was unknown, except to a few military friends, and to those who had
engaged in the legislative or executive departments of the former or
present government. His systems of revenue having been generally
opposed by the southern members, and the original opposition to the
constitution having been particularly great in Virginia and North
Carolina, the aspersions on his views, and on the views of the eastern
members by whom his plans had been generally supported, were seldom
controverted. The remote tendency of particular systems, and the
motives for their adoption, are so often subjects of conjecture, that
the judgment, when exercised upon them, is peculiarly exposed to the
influence of the passions; and where measures are in themselves
burdensome, and the necessity for their adoption has not been
appreciated, suspicions of their unknown advocates, can seldom be
unsuccessfully urged by persons, in whom the people have placed their
confidence. It is not therefore cause of astonishment, that the dark
motives ascribed to the authors of tax laws, should be extensively
believed.
Throughout the United States, the party opposed to the constitution
had charged its supporters with a desire to establish a monarchy on
the ruins of republican government; and the constitution itself was
alleged to contain principles which would prove the truth of this
charge. The leaders of that party had, therefore, been ready from the
instant the government came into operation, to discover, in all its
measures, those monarchical tendencies which they had perceived in the
instrument they opposed.
The salaries allowed to public officers, though so low[60] as not to
afford a decent maintenance to those who resided at the seat of
government, were declared to be so enormously high, as clearly to
manifest a total disregard of that simplicity and economy which were
the characteristics of republics.
[Footnote 60: The salary of the secretary of state, which
was the highest, was three thousand five hundred dollars.]
The levees of the President, and the evening parties of Mrs.
Washington, were said to be imitations of regal institutions, designed
to accustom the American people to the pomp and manners of European
courts. The Vice President too was said to keep up the state and
dignity of a monarch, and to illustrate, by his conduct, the
principles which were inculcated in his political works.
The Indian war they alleged was misconducted, and unnecessarily
prolonged for the purposes of expending the public money, and of
affording a pretext for augmenting the military establishment, and
increasing the revenue.
All this prodigal waste of the money of the people was designed to
keep up the national debt, and the influence it gave the government,
which, united with standing armies, and immense revenues, would enable
their rulers to rivet the chains which they were secretly forging.
Every prediction which had been uttered respecting the anti-republican
principles of the government, was said to be rapidly verifying, and
that which was disbelieved as prophecy, was daily becoming history. If
a remedy for these ills was not found in the increased representation
of the people which would take place at the ensuing elections, they
would become too monstrous to be borne; and when it was recollected
that the division of opinion was marked by a geographical line, there
was reason to fear that the union would be broken into one or more
confederacies.
These irritable symptoms had assumed appearances of increased
malignity during the session of congress which had just terminated;
and, to the President, who firmly believed that the union and the
liberty of the states depended on the preservation of the government,
they were the more unpleasant and the more alarming, because they were
displayed in full force in his cabinet.
[Sidenote: Disagreement between the secretaries of state and
treasury.]
Between the secretaries of the state and treasury departments, a
disagreement existed, which seems to have originated in an early stage
of the administration, and to have acquired a regular accession of
strength from circumstances which were perpetually occurring, until it
grew into open and irreconcileable hostility.
Without tracing this disagreement to those motives, which, in elective
governments especially, often produce enmities between distinguished
personages, neither of whom acknowledges the superiority of the other,
such radical differences of opinion, on points which would essentially
influence the course of the government, were supposed to exist between
the secretaries, as, in a great measure, to account for this
unextinguishable enmity. These differences of opinion were, perhaps,
to be ascribed, in some measure, to a difference in the original
structure of their minds, and, in some measure, to the difference of
the situations in which they had been placed.
Until near the close of the war, Mr. Hamilton had served his country
in the field; and, just before its termination, had passed from the
camp into congress, where he remained for some time after peace had
been established. In the former station, the danger to which the
independence of his country was exposed from the imbecility of the
government was perpetually before his eyes; and, in the latter, his
attention was forcibly directed towards the loss of its reputation,
and the sacrifice of its best interests, which were to be ascribed to
the same cause. Mr. Hamilton, therefore, was the friend of a
government which should possess, in itself, sufficient powers and
resources to maintain the character, and defend the integrity of the
nation. Having long felt and witnessed the mischiefs produced by the
absolute sovereignty of the states, and by the control which they were
enabled and disposed separately to exercise over every measure of
general concern, he was particularly apprehensive of danger from that
quarter; which he, probably, believed was to be the more dreaded,
because the habits and feelings of the American people were calculated
to inspire state, rather than national prepossessions. Under the
influence of these impressions, he is understood to have avowed
opinions in the convention favourable to a system in which the
executive and senate, though elective, were to be rather more
permanent, than they were rendered in that which was actually
proposed. He afterwards supported the constitution, as framed, with
great ability, and contributed essentially to its adoption. But he
still retained, and openly avowed, the opinion, that the greatest
hazards to which it was exposed arose from its weakness, and that
American liberty and happiness had much more to fear from the
encroachments of the great states, than from those of the general
government.
Mr. Jefferson had retired from congress before the depreciation of the
currency had produced an entire dependence of the general on the local
governments; after which he filled the highest offices in the state of
which he was a citizen. About the close of the war he was re-elected
to congress; but, being soon afterwards employed on a mission to the
court of Versailles, where he remained, while the people of France
were taking the first steps of that immense revolution which has
astonished and agitated two quarters of the world. In common with all
his countrymen, he felt a strong interest in favour of the reformers;
and it is not unreasonable to suppose, that while residing at that
court, and associating with those who meditated some of the great
events which have since taken place, his mind might be warmed with the
abuses of the monarchy which were perpetually in his view, and he
might be led to the opinion that liberty could sustain no danger but
from the executive power. Mr. Jefferson, therefore, seems to have
entertained no apprehensions from the debility of the government; no
jealousy of the state sovereignties; and no suspicion of their
encroachments. His fears took a different direction, and all his
precautions were used to check and limit the exercise of the powers
vested in the government of the United States. Neither could he
perceive danger to liberty except from that government, and especially
from the executive department.
He did not feel so sensibly, as those who had continued in the United
States, the necessity of adopting the constitution; and had, at one
time, avowed a wish that it might be rejected by such a number of
states as would secure certain alterations which he thought essential.
His principal objections seem to have been, the want of a bill of
rights, and the re-eligibility of the President. From this opinion,
however, in favour of a partial rejection, he is understood to have
receded, after seeing the plan pursued by the convention of
Massachusetts, and followed by other states; which was to adopt
unconditionally, and to annex a recommendation of the amendments which
were desired.[61]
[Footnote 61: See Mr. Jefferson's correspondence.]
To these causes of division, another was superadded, the influence of
which was soon felt in all the political transactions of the
government.
The war which was terminated in 1783, had left in the bosoms of the
American people, a strong attachment to France, and enmity to Great
Britain. These feelings, in a greater or less degree, were perhaps
universal; and had been prevented from subsiding by circumstances to
which allusions have already been made. They had evinced themselves,
in the state legislatures, by commercial regulations; and were
demonstrated by all those means by which the public sentiment is
usually displayed. They found their way also into the national
councils, where they manifested themselves in the motions respecting
the favours which ought to be shown to nations having commercial
treaties with the United States.
Although affection for France, and jealousy of Britain, were
sentiments common to the people of America, the same unanimity did not
exist respecting the influence which ought to be allowed to those
sentiments, over the political conduct of the nation. While many
favoured such discriminations as might eventually turn the commerce of
the United States into new channels, others maintained that, on this
subject, equality ought to be observed; that trade ought to be guided
by the judgment of individuals, and that no sufficient motives existed
for that sacrifice of general and particular interests, which was
involved in the discriminations proposed;--discriminations which, in
their view, amounted to a tax on American agriculture, and a bounty on
the navigation and manufactures of a favoured foreign nation.
The former opinion was taken up with warmth by the secretary of state;
and the latter was adopted with equal sincerity by the secretary of
the treasury. This contrariety of sentiment respecting commercial
regulations was only a part of a general system. It extended itself to
all the relations which might subsist between America and those two
great powers.
In all popular governments, the press is the most ready channel by
which the opinions and the passions of the few are communicated to the
many; and of the press, the two great parties forming in the United
States, sought to avail themselves. The Gazette of the United States
supported the systems of the treasury department, while other papers
enlisted themselves under the banners of the opposition. Conspicuous
among these, was the National Gazette, a paper edited by a clerk in
the department of state. The avowed purpose for which the secretary
patronized this paper, was to present to the eye of the American
people, European intelligence derived from the Leyden gazette, instead
of English papers; but it soon became the vehicle of calumny against
the funding and banking systems, against the duty on home-made
spirits, which was denominated an excise, and against the men who had
proposed and supported those measures. With perhaps equal asperity,
the papers attached to the party which had defended these systems,
assailed the motives of the leaders of the opposition.
[Sidenote: Letters from Washington on this subject.]
This schism in his cabinet was a subject of extreme mortification to
the President. Entertaining a high respect for the talents, and a real
esteem for the characters, of both gentlemen, he was unwilling to part
with either; and exerted all the influence he possessed to effect a
reconciliation between them. In a letter of the 23d of August,
addressed to the secretary of state, after reviewing the critical
situation of the United States with respect to its external relations,
he thus expressed himself on this delicate subject. "How unfortunate
and how much is it to be regretted then, that, while we are
encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies, and insidious friends,
internal dissensions should be harassing and tearing our vitals. The
last, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most
afflicting of the two; and, without more charity for the opinions of
one another in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion
by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone
the test of experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to
the lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if not
impracticable, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts
of it together: for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the
machine, after measures are decided on, one pulls this way, and
another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must
inevitably be torn asunder; and, in my opinion, the fairest prospect
of happiness and prosperity that ever was presented to man will be
lost, perhaps, for ever.
"My earnest wish and my fondest hope therefore is, that instead of
wounding suspicions, and irritating charges, there may be liberal
allowances, mutual forbearances, and temporizing yielding on all
sides. Under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly; and
if possible, more prosperously. Without them, every thing must rub;
the wheels of government will clog; our enemies will triumph; and, by
throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the
ruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting."
"I do not mean to apply this advice, or these observations, to any
particular person or character. I have given them in the same general
terms to other officers[62] of the government, because the
disagreements which have arisen from difference of opinions, and the
attacks which have been made upon almost all the measures of
government, and most of its executive officers, have for a long time
past filled me with painful sensations, and can not fail, I think, of
producing unhappy consequences, at home and abroad."
[Footnote 62: See note, No. VII. at the end of the volume.]
In a subsequent letter to the same gentleman, in answer to one which
enclosed some documents designed to prove that, though desirous of
amending the constitution, he had favoured its adoption, the President
said--"I did not require the evidence of the extracts which you
enclosed me, to convince me of your attachment to the constitution of
the United States, or of your disposition to promote the general
welfare of this country; but I regret, deeply regret, the difference
of opinion which has arisen, and divided you and another principal
officer of the government--and wish devoutly there could be an
accommodation of them by mutual yieldings.
"A measure of this sort would produce harmony and consequent good in
our public councils; and the contrary will inevitably produce
confusion and serious mischiefs--and for what? because mankind can not
think alike, but would adopt different means to attain the same end.
For I will frankly and solemnly declare that I believe the views of
both to be pure and well meant, and that experience only will decide
with respect to the salubrity of the measures which are the subjects
of this dispute.
"Why then, when some of the best citizens of the United States--men of
discernment--uniform and tried patriots--who have no sinister views to
promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to
be found some on one side, and some on the other of the questions
which have caused these agitations--why should either of you be so
tenacious of your opinions as to make no allowance for those of the
other?
"I could, and indeed was about to add more on this interesting
subject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing
a wish that the cup which has been presented to us may not be snatched
from our lips by a discordance of action, when I am persuaded there is
no discordance in your views. I have a great, a sincere esteem and
regard for you both; and ardently wish that some line could be marked
out by which both of you could walk."
These earnest endeavours to sooth the angry passions, and to
conciliate the jarring discords of the cabinet, were unsuccessful. The
hostility which was so much and so sincerely lamented sustained no
diminution, and its consequences became every day more diffusive.
Among the immediate effects of these internal dissensions, was the
encouragement they afforded to a daring and criminal resistance which
was made to the execution of the laws imposing a duty on spirits
distilled within the United States.
To the inhabitants of that part of Pennsylvania which lies west of the
Alleghany mountains, this duty was, from local considerations,
peculiarly odious; nor was their hostility to the measure diminished
by any affection for the source in which it originated. The
constitution itself had encountered the most decided opposition from
that part of the state; and that early enmity to the government which
exerted every faculty to prevent its adoption, had sustained no
abatement. Its measures generally, and the whole system of finance
particularly, had been reprobated with peculiar bitterness by many of
the most popular men of that district. With these dispositions, a tax
law, the operation of which was extended to them, could not be
favourably received, however generally it might be supported in other
parts of the union. But when, to this pre-existing temper, were
superadded the motives which arose from perceiving that the measure
was censured on the floor of congress as unnecessary and tyrannical;
that resistance to its execution was treated as probable; that a
powerful and active party, pervading the union, arraigned with extreme
acrimony the whole system of finance as being hostile to liberty; and,
with all the passionate vehemence of conviction, charged its advocates
with designing to subvert the republican institutions of America; we
ought not to be surprised that the awful impressions, which usually
restrain combinations to resist the laws, were lessened; and that the
malcontents were emboldened to hope that those combinations might be
successful.
[Sidenote: Opposition to the excise law.]
Some discontents had been manifested in several parts of the union on
the first introduction of the act; but the prudence and firmness of
the government and its officers had dissipated them; and the law had
been carried into general operation. But in the western district of
Pennsylvania, the resistance wore the appearance of system, and was
regularly progressive. In its commencement, it manifested itself by
the circulation of opinions calculated to increase the odium in which
the duty was held, and by endeavours to defeat its collection by
directing the public resentments against those who were inclined
either to comply with the law, or to accept the offices through which
it was to be executed. These indications of ill temper were succeeded
by neighbourhood meetings, in which resolutions of extreme violence
were adopted, and by acts of outrage against the persons of revenue
officers. At length, in September, 1791, a meeting of delegates from
the malcontent counties was held at Pittsburg, in which resolutions
were adopted breathing the same spirit with those which had previously
been agreed to in county assemblies. Unfortunately, the deputy
marshal, who was entrusted with the process against those who had
committed acts of violence on the persons of revenue officers, was so
intimidated by the turbulent spirit which was generally displayed,
that he returned without performing his duty; and thus added to the
confidence felt by the disaffected in their strength. Appearances were
such as to justify apprehensions, that the judiciary would be found
unable to punish the violators of the laws; and the means of obtaining
aid from the executive had not been furnished by the legislature. This
state of things was the more embarrassing, because the prejudices
which had been widely disseminated, and the misconceptions of the act
which had been extensively diffused, authorized some fears respecting
the support which the law, while yet in the infancy of its operation,
would receive from the people. These considerations, added to that
repugnance which was felt by the government to the employment of harsh
means, induced a forbearance to notice further these riotous
proceedings, until the measure, by being carried into full effect in
other parts of the union, should be better understood; and until
congress should assemble, and modify the system in such a manner as to
remove any real objections to it, the existence of which might be
suggested by experience. Accordingly, in the legislature which
convened in October, 1791, this subject was taken up in pursuance of
the recommendation of the President, and an amendatory act was passed
in May, 1792, in which the whole system was revised, and great pains
were taken to alter such parts of it as could be deemed exceptionable.
This conciliatory measure did not produce the desired effect. No
abatement took place in the violence and outrage with which the
resistance to the law was conducted. To carry it into execution,
officers of inspection were necessary in every county. The
malcontents, for a considerable time, deterred every person from
consenting to permit an office to be held at his house; and when at
length this difficulty was supposed to be overcome, those who had been
prevailed on to accede to the propositions of the supervisor in this
respect, were compelled, by personal violence, and by threats of the
destruction of property, and even of death, to retract the consent
they had given.
A meeting was again convened at Pittsburg, in which, among other very
exceptionable resolutions, committees were established to correspond
with any committees of a similar nature that might be appointed in
other parts of the United States. By this meeting it was declared,
that they would persist in every legal measure to obstruct the
execution of the law, and would consider those who held offices for
the collection of the duty as unworthy of their friendship; that they
would have no intercourse or dealings with them; would withdraw from
them every assistance, and withhold all the comforts of life which
depend upon those duties which, as men and fellow citizens, they owed
to each other; and would, upon all occasions, treat them with
contempt. It was at the same time earnestly recommended to the people
at large to adopt the same line of conduct.
[Sidenote: President's proclamation.]
No man could be more sensible than the President of the dangerous
tendency of these measures, nor more indignant at the outrage thus
offered to the government of the United States. But his prudence, and
his high respect for the laws restrained him within the narrow limits
which the legislature had prescribed. A proclamation[63] was issued
exhorting and admonishing all persons to desist from any combinations
or proceedings whatsoever, tending to obstruct the execution of the
laws, and requiring the interference of the civil magistrate; and
prosecutions against the offenders were directed to be instituted in
every case in which they could be supported.
[Footnote 63: In his letter enclosing the proclamation to
the secretary of the treasury, the President observed, "I
have no doubt but that the proclamation will undergo many
strictures; and, as the effect proposed may not be answered
by it, it will be necessary to look forward in time to
ulterior arrangements. And here, not only the constitution
and laws must strictly govern, but the employment of the
regular troops avoided, if it be possible to effect order
without their aid; yet if no other means will effectually
answer, and the constitution and laws will authorize these,
they must be used as the dernier ressort."]
This proclamation produced no salutary effect. Many of the civil
magistrates were themselves concerned in stimulating the excesses they
were required to suppress; and those who had not embarked in the
criminal enterprise, found themselves totally unable to maintain the
sovereignty of the laws.
With a laudable solicitude to avoid extremities, the government still
sought for means to recall these misguided people to a sense of duty,
without the employment of a military force. To obtain this desirable
object, the following system was digested and pursued:
Prosecutions were instituted against delinquents in those cases in
which it was believed that they could be maintained. The spirits
distilled in the non-complying counties were intercepted on their way
to market, and seized by the officers of the revenue; and the agents
for the army were directed to purchase only those spirits on which the
duty had been paid. By thus acting on the interests of the distillers,
the hope was indulged that they might be induced to comply with the
law. Could they have obeyed their wishes, these measures would have
produced the desired effect; but they were no longer masters of their
own conduct. Impelled by a furious multitude, they found it much more
dangerous to obey the laws than to resist them. The efficacy of this
system too was diminished by a circumstance, which induced the
necessity of a second application to the legislature. The act had not
been extended to the territory north-west of the Ohio, in which great
part of the army lay; and the distillers eluded the vigilance of the
government by introducing their spirits into that territory.
While from causes which were incessant and active in their operation,
some of which seem too strongly fixed in the human mind ever to be
removed, a broad foundation was thus laid for those party struggles
whose fury is generally proportioned to the magnitude of the objects
to be attained, and to the means which may be employed in attaining
them, the external affairs of the United States sustained no material
change.
Of the good understanding which was preserved with France, a fresh
proof had been recently given by the employment of Mr. Ternan, a
person peculiarly acceptable to the American government, to succeed
the Count de Moustiers, as minister plenipotentiary of his Most
Christian Majesty; and in turn, Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who was
understood to have rendered himself agreeable to the French
government, was appointed to represent the United States at the court
of Versailles.
In addition to these interchanges of civility, a melancholy occasion
had presented itself for giving much more substantial evidence of the
alacrity with which the American administration would embrace any
proper opportunity of manifesting its disposition to promote the
interests of France.
[Sidenote: Insurrection and massacre in the island of St. Domingo.]