CHAPTER V.

The election of General Washington officially announced to

him.... His departure for the seat of government.... Marks

of affection shown him on his journey.... His inauguration

and speech to Congress.... His system of intercourse with

the world.... Letters on this and other subjects.... Answer

of both houses of Congress to the speech.... Domestic and

foreign relations of the United States.... Debates on the

impost and tonnage bills.... On the power of removal from

office.... On the policy of the secretary of the treasury

reporting plans of revenue.... On the style of the

President.... Amendments to the constitution.... Appointment

of executive officers, and of the judges.... Adjournment of

the first session of Congress.... The President visits New

England.... His reception.... North Carolina accedes to the

union.

{1789}

[Sidenote: The election of General Washington officially announced to

him.]

The election of General Washington to the office of chief magistrate

of the United States, was announced to him at Mount Vernon on the 14th

of April, 1789. Accustomed to respect the wishes of his fellow

citizens, he did not think himself at liberty to decline an

appointment conferred upon him by the suffrage of an entire people.

His acceptance of it, and his expressions of gratitude for this fresh

proof of the esteem and confidence of his country, were connected with

declarations of diffidence in himself. "I wish," he said, "that there

may not be reason for regretting the choice,--for indeed, all I can

promise, is to accomplish that which can be done by an honest zeal."

[Sidenote: His departure for the seat of government.]

As the public business required the immediate attendance of the

president at the seat of government, he hastened his departure; and,

on the second day after receiving notice of his appointment, took

leave of Mount Vernon.

In an entry made by himself in his diary, the feelings inspired by an

occasion so affecting to his mind are thus described, "About ten

o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to domestic

felicity; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful

sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York in

company with Mr. Thompson, and Colonel Humphries, with the best

dispositions to render service to my country in obedience to its call,

but with less hope of answering its expectations."

[Sidenote: Marks of respect and affection shown him on his journey.]

He was met by a number of gentlemen residing in Alexandria, and

escorted to their city, where a public dinner had been prepared to

which he was invited. The sentiments of veneration and affection which

were felt by all classes of his fellow citizens for their patriot

chief, were manifested by the most flattering marks of heartfelt

respect; and by addresses which evinced the unlimited confidence

reposed in his virtues and his talents. A place can not be given to

these addresses: but that from the citizens of Alexandria derives such

pretensions to particular notice from the recollection that it is to

be considered as an effusion from the hearts of his neighbours and

private friends, that its insertion may be pardoned. It is in the

following words:

"Again your country commands your care. Obedient to its wishes,

unmindful of your ease, we see you again relinquishing the bliss of

retirement; and this too at a period of life, when nature itself seems

to authorize a preference of repose!

"Not to extol your glory as a soldier; not to pour forth our gratitude

for past services; not to acknowledge the justice of the unexampled

honour which has been conferred upon you by the spontaneous and

unanimous suffrages of three millions of freemen, in your election to

the supreme magistracy; nor to admire the patriotism which directs

your conduct, do your neighbours and friends now address you. Themes

less splendid but more endearing, impress our minds. The first and

best of citizens must leave us: our aged must lose their ornament; our

youth their model; our agriculture its improver; our commerce its

friend; our infant academy its protector; our poor their benefactor;

and the interior navigation of the Potomac (an event replete with the

most extensive utility, already, by your unremitted exertions, brought

into partial use) its institutor and promoter.

"Farewell!--go! and make a grateful people happy, a people, who will

be doubly grateful when they contemplate this recent sacrifice for

their interest.

"To that Being who maketh and unmaketh at his will, we commend you;

and after the accomplishment of the arduous business to which you are

called, may he restore to us again, the best of men, and the most

beloved fellow citizen!"

To this affectionate address General Washington returned the following

answer:

"Gentlemen,

"Although I ought not to conceal, yet I can not describe the painful

emotions which I felt in being called upon to determine whether I

would accept or refuse the presidency of the United States. The

unanimity in the choice, the opinion of my friends communicated from

different parts of Europe, as well as from America, the apparent wish

of those who were not entirely satisfied with the constitution in its

present form; and an ardent desire on my own part to be instrumental

in connecting the good will of my countrymen towards each other, have

induced an acceptance. Those who know me best (and you my fellow

citizens are, from your situation, in that number) know better than

any others, my love of retirement is so great, that no earthly

consideration, short of a conviction of duty, could have prevailed

upon me to depart from my resolution, 'never more to take any share in

transactions of a public nature.' For, at my age, and in my

circumstances, what prospects or advantages could I propose to myself,

from embarking again on the tempestuous and uncertain ocean of public

life?

"I do not feel myself under the necessity of making public

declarations, in order to convince you, gentlemen, of my attachment to

yourselves, and regard for your interests. The whole tenor of my life

has been open to your inspection; and my past actions, rather than my

present declarations, must be the pledge of my future conduct.

"In the mean time, I thank you most sincerely for the expressions of

kindness contained in your valedictory address. It is true, just after

having bade adieu to my domestic connexions, this tender proof of your

friendships is but too well calculated still further to awaken my

sensibility, and increase my regret at parting from the enjoyments of

private life.

"All that now remains for me is to commit myself and you to the

protection of that beneficent Being who, on a former occasion, hath

happily brought us together, after a long and distressing separation.

Perhaps, the same gracious Providence will again indulge me.

Unutterable sensations must then be left to more expressive silence;

while from an aching heart, I bid you all, my affectionate friends,

and kind neighbours, farewell!"

In the afternoon of the same day, he left Alexandria, and was attended

by his neighbours to Georgetown, where a number of citizens from the

state of Maryland had assembled to receive him.

Throughout his journey the people continued to manifest the same

feeling. Crowds flocked around him wherever he stopped; and corps of

militia, and companies of the most respectable citizens, escorted him

through their respective streets. At Philadelphia, he was received

with peculiar splendour. Gray's bridge, over the Schuylkill, was

highly decorated. In imitation of the triumphal exhibitions of ancient

Rome, an arch, composed of laurel, in which was displayed the simple

elegance of true taste, was erected at each end of it, and on each

side was a laurel shrubbery. As the object of universal admiration

passed under the arch, a civic crown was, unperceived by him, let down

upon his head by a youth ornamented with sprigs of laurel, who was

assisted by machinery. The fields and avenues leading from the

Schuylkill to Philadelphia, were crowded with people, through whom

General Washington was conducted into the city by a numerous and

respectable body of citizens; and at night the town was illuminated.

The next day, at Trenton, he was welcomed in a manner as new as it was

pleasing. In addition to the usual demonstrations of respect and

attachment which were given by the discharge of cannon, by military

corps, and by private persons of distinction, the gentler sex prepared

in their own taste, a tribute of applause indicative of the grateful

recollection in which they held their deliverance twelve years before

from a formidable enemy. On the bridge over the creek which passes

through the town, was erected a triumphal arch highly ornamented with

laurels and flowers: and supported by thirteen pillars, each entwined

with wreaths of evergreen. On the front arch was inscribed in large

gilt letters,

THE DEFENDER OF THE MOTHERS

WILL BE THE

PROTECTOR OF THE DAUGHTERS.

On the centre of the arch above the inscription, was a dome or cupola

of flowers and evergreens, encircling the dates of two memorable

events which were peculiarly interesting to New Jersey. The first was

the battle of Trenton, and the second the bold and judicious stand

made by the American troops at the same creek, by which the progress

of the British army was arrested on the evening preceding the battle

of Princeton.

At this place, he was met by a party of matrons leading their

daughters dressed in white, who carried baskets of flowers in their

hands, and sang, with exquisite sweetness, an ode of two stanzas

composed for the occasion.

At Brunswick, he was joined by the governor of New Jersey, who

accompanied him to Elizabethtown Point. A committee of congress

received him on the road, and conducted him with military parade to

the Point, where he took leave of the governor and other gentlemen of

Jersey, and embarked for New York in an elegant barge of thirteen

oars, manned by thirteen branch pilots prepared for the purpose by the

citizens of New York.

"The display of boats," says the general, in his private journal,

"which attended and joined on this occasion, some with vocal, and

others with instrumental music on board, the decorations of the ships,

the roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people, which

rent the sky as I passed along the wharves, filled my mind with

sensations as painful (contemplating the reverse of this scene, which

may be the case after all my labours to do good) as they were

pleasing."

At the stairs on Murray's wharf, which had been prepared and

ornamented for the purpose, he was received by the governor of New

York, and conducted with military honours, through an immense

concourse of people, to the apartments provided for him. These were

attended by all who were in office, and by many private citizens of

distinction, who pressed around him to offer their congratulations,

and to express the joy which glowed in their bosoms at seeing the man

in whom all confided, at the head of the American empire. This day of

extravagant joy was succeeded by a splendid illumination.

It is no equivocal mark of the worth of Washington, and of the

soundness of his judgment, that it could neither be corrupted nor

misguided by these flattering testimonials of attachment.

Two days before the arrival of the President, the Vice President took

his seat in the senate, and addressed that body in a dignified speech

adapted to the occasion, in which, after manifesting the high opinion

that statesman always entertained of his countrymen, he thus expressed

his sentiments of the executive magistrate.

"It is with satisfaction that I congratulate the people of America on

the formation of a national constitution, and the fair prospect of a

consistent administration of a government of laws: on the acquisition

of a house of representatives, chosen by themselves; of a senate thus

composed by their own state legislatures; and on the prospect of an

executive authority, in the hands of one whose portrait I shall not

presume to draw.--Were I blessed with powers to do justice to his

character, it would be impossible to increase the confidence or

affection of his country, or make the smallest addition to his glory.

This can only be effected by a discharge of the present exalted trust

on the same principles, with the same abilities and virtues which have

uniformly appeared in all his former conduct, public or private. May I

nevertheless be indulged to inquire, if we look over the catalogue of

the first magistrates of nations, whether they have been denominated

presidents or consuls, kings, or princes, where shall we find one,

whose commanding talents and virtues, whose overruling good fortune,

have so completely united all hearts and voices in his favour? who

enjoyed the esteem and admiration of foreign nations, and fellow

citizens, with equal unanimity? qualities so uncommon, are no common

blessings to the country that possesses them. By these great

qualities, and their benign effects, has Providence marked out the

head of this nation, with a hand so distinctly visible, as to have

been seen by all men, and mistaken by none."

[Illustration: Washington Taking the Oath of Office

_From the painting by Alonzo Chappell_

_On the balcony of the old City Hall, Broad and Wall Streets, New

York, Washington was sworn in as first President of the United States,

April 30, 1789. The artist here accurately depicts him wearing a suit

of dark brown, at his side a dress sword, and his hair powdered in the

fashion of the period. White silk stockings and shoes with simple

silver buckles completed his attire. On one side of him stood

Chancellor Livingstone, who administered the oath. On the other side

was Vice-President John Adams. Washington solemnly repeated the words

of the oath, clearly enunciating, "I swear": adding in a whisper, with

closed eyes, "So help me, God"._]

[Sidenote: He forms a system of conduct to be observed in his

intercourse with the world.]

A President of the United States being a new political personage, to a

great portion of whose time the public was entitled, it became proper

to digest a system of conduct to be observed in his intercourse with

the world, which would keep in view the duties of his station, without

entirely disregarding his personal accommodation, or the course of

public opinion. In the interval between his arrival in New York, and

entering on the duties of his office, those most capable of advising

on the subject were consulted; and some rules were framed by General

Washington for his government in these respects. As one of them, the

allotment of a particular hour for receiving visits not on business,

became the subject of much animadversion; and, being considered merely

as an imitation of the levee days established by crowned heads, has

constituted not the least important of the charges which have been

made against this gentleman. The motives assigned by himself for the

rule may not be unworthy of attention.

[Sidenote: Letters from him on this and other subjects.]

Not long after the government came into operation, Doctor Stuart, a

gentleman nearly connected with the President in friendship and by

marriage, addressed to him a letter stating the accusations which were

commonly circulating in Virginia on various subjects, and especially

against the regal manners of those who administered the affairs of the

nation. In answer to this letter the President observed, "while the

eyes of America, perhaps of the world, are turned to this government,

and many are watching the movements of all those who are concerned in

its administration, I should like to be informed, through so good a

medium, of the public opinion of both men and measures, and of none

more than myself;--not so much of what may be thought commendable

parts, if any, of my conduct, as of those which are conceived to be of

a different complexion. The man who means to commit no wrong will

never be guilty of enormities, consequently can never be unwilling to

learn what are ascribed to him as foibles.--If they are really such,

the knowledge of them in a well disposed mind will go half way towards

a reform.--If they are not errors, he can explain and justify the

motives of his actions.

"At a distance from the theatre of action, truth is not always related

without embellishment, and sometimes is entirely perverted from a

misconception of the causes which produced the effects that are the

subject of censure.

"This leads me to think that a system which I found it indispensably

necessary to adopt upon my first coming to this city, might have

undergone severe strictures, and have had motives very foreign from

those that governed me, assigned as causes thereof.--I mean first,

returning _no_ visits: second, appointing certain days to receive them

generally (not to the exclusion however of visits on any other days

under particular circumstances;) and third, at first entertaining no

company, and afterwards (until I was unable to entertain any at all)

confining it to official characters. A few days evinced the necessity

of the two first in so clear a point of view, that had I not adopted

it, I should have been unable to have attended to any sort of

business, unless I had applied the hours allotted to rest and

refreshment to this purpose; for by the time I had done breakfast, and

thence until dinner--and afterwards until bed-time, I could not get

relieved from the ceremony of one visit before I had to attend to

another. In a word, I had no leisure to read or to answer the

despatches that were pouring in upon me from all quarters."

In a subsequent letter written to the same gentleman, after his levees

had been openly-censured by the enemies of his administration, he thus

expressed himself:

"Before the custom was established, which now accommodates foreign

characters, strangers, and others who from motives of curiosity,

respect to the chief magistrate, or any other cause, are induced to

call upon me, I was unable to attend to any business whatsoever. For

gentlemen, consulting their own convenience rather than mine, were

calling from the time I rose from breakfast--often before--until I sat

down to dinner. This, as I resolved not to neglect my public duties,

reduced me to the choice of one of these alternatives; either to

refuse them _altogether_, or to appropriate a time for the reception

of them. The first would, I well knew, be disgusting to many;--the

latter I expected, would undergo animadversion from those who would

find fault with or without cause. To please every body was impossible.

I therefore adopted that line of conduct which combined public

advantage with private convenience, and which, in my judgment, was

unexceptionable in itself.

"These visits are optional. They are made without invitation. Between

the hours of three and four every Tuesday, I am prepared to receive

them. Gentlemen, often in great numbers, come and go;--chat with each

other;--and act as they please. A porter shows them into the room; and

they retire from it when they choose, and without ceremony. At their

first entrance, they salute me, and I them, and as many as I can talk

to, I do. What pomp there is in all this I am unable to discover.

Perhaps it consists in not sitting. To this two reasons are opposed:

first, it is unusual; secondly, (which is a more substantial one)

because I have no room large enough to contain a third of the chairs

which would be sufficient to admit it. If it is supposed that

ostentation, or the fashions of courts (which by the by I believe

originate oftener in convenience, not to say necessity, than is

generally imagined) gave rise to this custom, I will boldly affirm

that _no_ supposition was ever more erroneous; for were I to indulge

my inclinations, every moment that I could withdraw from the fatigues

of my station should be spent in retirement. That they are not,

proceeds from the sense I entertain of the propriety of giving to

every one as free access as consists with that respect which is due to

the chair of government;--and that respect, I conceive, is neither to

be acquired nor preserved, but by maintaining a just medium between

too much state, and too great familiarity.

"Similar to the above, but of a more familiar and sociable kind, are

the visits every Friday afternoon to Mrs. Washington, where I always

am. These public meetings, and a dinner once a week to as many as my

table will hold, with the references to and from the different

departments of state, and other communications with all parts of the

union, is as much if not more than I am able to undergo; for I have

already had within less than a year, two severe attacks;--the last

worse than the first,--a third, it is more than probable will put me

to sleep with my fathers--at what distance this may be, I know not."

[Sidenote: His inauguration and speech to congress.]

The ceremonies of the inauguration having been adjusted by congress,

the President attended in the senate chamber, on the 30th of April, in

order to take, in the presence of both houses, the oath prescribed by

the constitution.

To gratify the public curiosity, an open gallery adjoining the senate

chamber had been selected by congress, as the place in which the oath

should be administered. Having taken it in the view of an immense

concourse of people, whose loud and repeated acclamations attested the

joy with which his being proclaimed President of the United States

inspired them, he returned to the senate chamber, where he delivered

the following address:

"_Fellow citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:_

"Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled

me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was

transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present

month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I

can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I

had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes,

with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years: a

retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more

dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent

interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by

time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to

which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in

the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny

into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence,

one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpractised

in the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly

conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I

dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty

from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be

effected. All I dare hope is, that, if in accepting this task, I have

been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or

by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the

confidence of my fellow citizens: and have thence too little consulted

my incapacity, as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried

cares before me; my ERROR will be palliated by the motives which

misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country, with some

share of the partiality in which they originated.

"Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the

public summons, repaired to the present station, it will be peculiarly

improper to omit in this first official act, my fervent supplications

to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe--who presides in

the councils of nations--and whose providential aids can supply every

human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and

happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted

by themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable every

instrument employed in its administration, to execute with success,

the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the

great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it

expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow

citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to

acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of

men, more than the people of the United States. Every step by which

they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to

have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in

the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their

united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of

so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, can

not be compared with the means by which most governments have been

established, without some return of pious gratitude along with an

humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to

presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have

forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will

join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the

influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can

more auspiciously commence.

"By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the

duty of the President 'to recommend to your consideration, such

measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.' The circumstances

under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that

subject, farther than to refer to the great constitutional charter

under which you are assembled, and which in defining your powers,

designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will

be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial

with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute in place of a

recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the

talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters

selected to devise and adopt them. In these honourable qualifications,

I behold the surest pledges that, as on one side, no local prejudices

or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will

misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over

this great assemblage of communities and interests: so, on another,

that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure

and immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence of

free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the

affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. I

dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love

for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly

established than that there exists, in the economy and course of

nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness--between

duty and advantage--between the genuine maxims of an honest and

magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and

felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious

smiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the

eternal rules of order and right which heaven itself has ordained: and

since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny

of the republican model of government, are justly considered as

DEEPLY, perhaps as FINALLY staked, on the experiment entrusted to the

hands of the American people.

"Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain

with your judgment to decide, how far an exercise of the occasional

power delegated by the fifth article of the constitution is rendered

expedient, at the present juncture, by the nature of objections which

have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude

which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular

recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no

lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to

my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public

good: for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every

alteration which might endanger the benefits of a united and effective

government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience,

a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for

the public harmony, will sufficiently influence your deliberations on

the question how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or

the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.

"To the preceding observations I have one to add, which will be most

properly addressed to the house of representatives. It concerns

myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first

honoured with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve

of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I

contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary

compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed. And

being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline,

as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments which

may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the

executive department; and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary

estimates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my

continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the

public good may be thought to require.

"Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened

by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present

leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the

human race, in humble supplication, that since he has been pleased to

favour the American people with opportunities for deliberating in

perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled

unanimity on a form of government, for the security of their union,

and the advancement of their happiness, so his divine blessing may be

equally _conspicuous_ in the enlarged views, the temperate

consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this

government must depend."

[Sidenote: Answer of both houses of congress to the speech.]

In their answer to this speech, the senate say: "The unanimous

suffrage of the elective body in your favour, is peculiarly expressive

of the gratitude, confidence, and affection of the citizens of

America, and is the highest testimonial at once of your merit, and

their esteem. We are sensible, sir, that nothing but the voice of your

fellow citizens could have called you from a retreat, chosen with the

fondest predilection, endeared by habit, and consecrated to the repose

of declining years. We rejoice, and with us all America, that, in

obedience to the call of our common country, you have returned once

more to public life. In you all parties confide; in you all interests

unite; and we have no doubt that your past services, great as they

have been, will be equalled by your future exertions; and that your

prudence and sagacity, as a statesman, will tend to avert the dangers

to which we were exposed, to give stability to the present government,

and dignity and splendour to that country, which your skill and valour

as a soldier, so eminently contributed to raise to independence and to

empire."

The affection for the person and character of the President with which

the answer of the house of representatives glowed, promised that

between this branch of the legislature also and the executive, the

most harmonious co-operation in the public service might be expected.

"The representatives of the people of the United States," says this

address, "present their congratulations on the event by which your

fellow citizens have attested the pre-eminence of your merit. You have

long held the first place in their esteem. You have often received

tokens of their affection. You now possess the only proof that

remained of their gratitude for your services, of their reverence for

your wisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues. You enjoy the

highest, because the truest honour, of being the first magistrate, by

the unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of the earth."

After noticing the several communications made in the speech, intense

of deep felt respect and affection, the answer concludes thus:

"Such are the sentiments with which we have thought fit to address

you. They flow from our own hearts, and we verily believe that among

the millions we represent, there is not a virtuous citizen whose heart

will disown them.

"All that remains is, that we join in your fervent supplications for

the blessing of heaven on our country; and that we add our own for the

choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of her citizens."

[Sidenote: Situation of the United States at this period in their

domestic and foreign relations.]

A perfect knowledge of the antecedent state of things being essential

to a due administration of the executive department, its attainment

engaged the immediate attention of the President; and he required the

temporary heads of departments to prepare and lay before him such

statements and documents as would give this information.

But in the full view which it was useful to take of the interior, many

objects were to be contemplated, the documents respecting which were

not to be found in official records. The progress which had been made

in assuaging the bitter animosities engendered in the sharp contest

respecting the adoption of the constitution, and the means which might

be used for conciliating the affections of all good men to the new

government, without enfeebling its essential principles, were subjects

of the most interesting inquiry.

The agitation had been too great to be suddenly calmed; and for the

active opponents of the system to become suddenly its friends, or even

indifferent to its fate, would have been a victory of reason over

passion, or a surrender of individual judgment to the decision of a

majority, examples of which are rarely given in the progress of human

affairs.

In some of the states, a disposition to acquiesce in the decision

which had been made, and to await the issue of a fair experiment of

the constitution, was avowed by the minority. In others, the chagrin

of defeat seemed to increase the original hostility to the instrument;

and serious fears were entertained by its friends, that a second

general convention might pluck from it the most essential of its

powers, before their value, and the safety with which they might be

confided where they were placed, could be ascertained by experience.

From the same cause, exerting itself in a different direction, the

friends of the new system had been still more alarmed. In all those

states where the opposition was sufficiently formidable to inspire a

hope of success, the effort was made to fill the legislature with the

declared enemies of the government, and thus to commit it, in its

infancy, to the custody of its foes. Their fears were quieted for the

present. In both branches of the legislature, the federalists, an

appellation at that time distinguishing those who had supported the

constitution, formed the majority; and it soon appeared that a new

convention was too bold an experiment to be applied for by the

requisite number of states. The condition of individuals too, was

visibly becoming more generally eligible. Industry, notwithstanding

the causes which had diminished its profits, was gradually improving

their affairs; and the new course of thinking, inspired by the

adoption of a constitution prohibiting all laws impairing the

obligation of contracts, had, in a great measure, restored that

confidence which is essential to the internal prosperity of nations.

From these, or from other causes, the crisis of the pressure on

individuals seemed to be passing away, and brighter prospects to be

opening on them.

But, two states still remained out of the pale of the union; and a

mass of ill humour existed among those who were included within it,

which increased the necessity of circumspection in those who

administered the government.

To the western parts of the continent, the attention of the executive

was attracted by discontents which were displayed with some violence,

and which originated in circumstances, and in interests, peculiar to

that country.

Spain, in possession of the mouth of the Mississippi, had refused to

permit the citizens of the United States to follow its waters into the

ocean; and had occasionally tolerated or interdicted their commerce to

New Orleans, as had been suggested by the supposed interest or caprice

of the Spanish government, or of its representatives in America. The

eyes of the inhabitants adjacent to the waters which emptied into that

river, were turned down it, as the only channel through which the

surplus produce of their luxuriant soil could be conveyed to the

markets of the world. Believing that the future wealth and prosperity

of their country depended on the use of that river, they gave some

evidence of a disposition to drop from the confederacy, if this

valuable acquisition could not otherwise be made. This temper could

not fail to be viewed with interest by the neighbouring powers, who

had been encouraged by it, and by the imbecility of the government, to

enter into intrigues of an alarming nature.

Previous to his departure from Mount Vernon, the President had

received intelligence, too authentic to be disregarded, of private

machinations by real or pretended agents both of Spain and Great

Britain, which were extremely hostile to the peace, and to the

integrity of the union.

Spain had intimated that the navigation of the Mississippi could never

be conceded, while the inhabitants of the western country remained

connected with the Atlantic states, but might be freely granted to

them, if they should form an independent empire.

On the other hand, a gentleman from Canada, whose ostensible business

was to repossess himself of some lands on the Ohio which had been

formerly granted to him, frequently discussed the vital importance of

the navigation of the Mississippi, and privately assured several

individuals of great influence, that if they were disposed to assert

their rights, he was authorized by Lord Dorchester, the governor of

Canada, to say, that they might rely confidently on his assistance.

With the aid it was in his power to give, they might seize New

Orleans, fortify the Balise at the mouth of the Mississippi, and

maintain themselves in that place against the utmost efforts of Spain.

The probability of failing in any attempt to hold the mouth of the

Mississippi by force, and the resentments against Great Britain which

prevailed generally throughout the western country, diminished the

danger to be apprehended from any machinations of that power; but

against those of Spain, the same security did not exist.

In contemplating the situation of the United States in their relations

not purely domestic, the object demanding most immediate consideration

was the hostility of several tribes of Indians. The military strength

of the nations who inhabited the country between the lakes, the

Mississippi, and the Ohio, was computed at five thousand men, of whom

about fifteen hundred were at open war with the United States.

Treaties had been concluded with the residue; but the attachment

of young savages to war, and the provocation given by the

undistinguishing vengeance which had been taken by the whites in their

expeditions into the Indian country, furnished reasons for

apprehending that these treaties would soon be broken.

In the south, the Creeks, who could bring into the field six thousand

fighting men, were at war with Georgia. In the mind of their leader,

the son of a white man, some irritation had been produced by the

confiscation of the lands of his father, who had resided in that

state; and several other refugees whose property had also been

confiscated, contributed still further to exasperate the nation. But

the immediate point in contest between them was a tract of land on the

Oconee, which the state of Georgia claimed under a purchase, the

validity of which was denied by the Indians.

The regular force of the United States was less than six hundred men.

Not only the policy of accommodating differences by negotiation which

the government was in no condition to terminate by the sword; but a

real respect for the rights of the natives, and a regard for the

claims of justice and humanity, disposed the President to endeavour,

in the first instance, to remove every cause of quarrel by a treaty;

and his message to congress on this subject evidenced his preference

of pacific measures.

Possessing many valuable articles of commerce for which the best

market was often found on the coast of the Mediterranean, struggling

to export them in their own bottoms, and unable to afford a single gun

for their protection, the Americans could not view with unconcern the

dispositions which were manifested towards them by the Barbary powers.

A treaty had been formed with the emperor of Morocco; but from

Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, peace had not been purchased; and those

regencies consider all as enemies to whom they have not sold their

friendship. The unprotected vessels of America presented a tempting

object to their rapacity; and their hostility was the more terrible,

because by their public law, prisoners became slaves.

The United States were at peace with all the powers of Europe; but

controversies of a delicate nature existed with some of them, the

adjustment of which required a degree of moderation and firmness,

which there was reason to fear, might not, in every instance, be

exhibited.

The early apprehensions with which Spain had contemplated the future

strength of the United States, and the consequent disposition of the

house of Bourbon to restrict them to narrow limits, have been already

noticed. After the conclusion of the war, the attempt to form a treaty

with that power had been repeated; but no advance towards an agreement

on the points of difference between the two governments had been made.

A long and intricate negotiation between the secretary of foreign

affairs, and Don Guardoqui, the minister of his Catholic majesty, had

terminated with the old government; and the result was an inflexible

adherence on the part of Mr. Guardoqui to the exclusion of the

citizens of the United States from navigating the Mississippi below

their southern boundary. On this point there was much reason to fear

that the cabinet of Madrid would remain immoveable. The violence with

which the discontents of the western people were expressed, furnished

Spain with additional motives for perpetuating the evil of which they

complained. Aware of the embarrassments which this display of

restlessness must occasion, and sensible of the increased difficulty

and delay with which a removal of its primary cause must be attended,

the executive perceived in this critical state of things, abundant

cause for the exercise of its watchfulness, and of its prudence. With

Spain, there was also a contest respecting boundaries. The treaty of

peace had extended the limits of the United States to the thirty-first

degree of north latitude, but the pretensions of the Catholic King

were carried north of that line, to an undefined extent. He claimed as

far as he had conquered from Britain, but the precise limits of his

conquest were not ascertained.

The circumstances attending the points of difference with Great

Britain, were still more serious; because, in their progress, a temper

unfavourable to accommodation had been uniformly displayed.

The resentments produced by the various calamities war had occasioned,

were not terminated with their cause. The idea that Great Britain was

the natural enemy of America had become habitual. Believing it

impossible for that nation to have relinquished its views of conquest,

many found it difficult to bury their animosities, and to act upon the

sentiment contained in the declaration of independence, "to hold them

as the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends." In addition

to the complaints respecting the violation of the treaty of peace,

events were continually supplying this temper with fresh aliment. The

disinclination which the cabinet of London had discovered to a

commercial treaty with the United States was not attributed

exclusively to the cause which had been assigned for it. It was in

part ascribed to that jealousy with which Britain was supposed to view

the growing trade of America.

The general restrictions on commerce by which every maritime power

sought to promote its own navigation, and that part of the European

system in particular, by which each aimed at a monopoly of the trade

of its colonies, were felt with peculiar keenness when enforced by

England. The people of America were perhaps the more sensible to the

British resolutions on this subject, because, having composed a part

of that empire, they had grown up in the habit of a free intercourse

with all its ports; and, without accurately appreciating the cause to

which a change of this usage was to be ascribed, they attributed it to

a jealousy of their prosperity, and to an inclination to diminish the

value of their independence. In this suspicious temper, almost every

unfavourable event which occurred was traced up to British hostility.

That an attempt to form a commercial treaty with Portugal had failed,

was attributed to the influence of the cabinet of London; and to the

machinations of the same power were also ascribed the danger from the

corsairs of Barbary, and the bloody incursions of the Indians. The

resentment excited by these causes was felt by a large proportion of

the American people; and the expression of it was common and public.

That correspondent dispositions existed in England is by no means

improbable, and the necessary effect of this temper was to increase

the difficulty of adjusting the differences between the two nations.

With France, the most perfect harmony subsisted. Those attachments

which originated in the signal services received from his most

Christian Majesty during the war of the revolution, had sustained no

diminution. Yet, from causes which it was found difficult to

counteract, the commercial intercourse between the two nations was not

so extensive as had been expected. It was the interest, and of

consequence the policy of France, to avail herself of the

misunderstandings between the United States and Great Britain, in

order to obtain such regulations as might gradually divert the

increasing trade of the American continent from those channels in

which it had been accustomed to flow; and a disposition was felt

throughout the United States to co-operate with her, in enabling her

merchants, by legislative encouragements, to rival those of Britain in

the American market.

A great revolution had commenced in that country, the first stage of

which was completed by limiting the powers of the monarch, and by the

establishment of a popular assembly. In no part of the globe was this

revolution hailed with more joy than in America. The influence it

would have on the affairs of the world was not then distinctly

foreseen: and the philanthropist, without becoming a political

partisan, rejoiced in the event. On this subject, therefore, but one

sentiment existed.

The relations of the United States with the other powers of Europe,

did not require particular attention. Their dispositions were rather

friendly than otherwise; and an inclination was generally manifested

to participate in the advantages, which the erection of an independent

empire on the western shores of the Atlantic, held forth to the

commercial world.

By the ministers of foreign powers in America, it would readily be

supposed, that the first steps taken by the new government would, not

only be indicative of its present system, but would probably affect

its foreign relations permanently, and that the influence of the

President would be felt in the legislature. Scarcely was the exercise

of his executive functions commenced, when the President received an

application from the Count de Moustiers, the minister of France,

requesting a private conference. On being told that the department of

foreign affairs was the channel through which all official business

should pass, the Count replied that the interview he requested was,

not for the purpose of actual business, but rather as preparatory to

its future transaction.

The next day, at one in the afternoon, was named for the interview.

The Count commenced the conversation with declarations of his personal

regard for America, the manifestations of which, he said, had been

early and uniform. His nation too was well disposed to be upon terms

of amity with the United States: but at his public reception, there

were occurrences which he thought indicative of coolness in the

secretary of foreign affairs, who had, he feared, while in Europe,

imbibed prejudices not only against Spain, but against France also. If

this conjecture should be right, the present head of that department

could not be an agreeable organ of intercourse with the President. He

then took a view of the modern usages of European courts, which, he

said, favoured the practice he recommended of permitting foreign

ministers to make their communications directly to the chief of the

executive. "He then presented a letter," says the President in his

private journal, "which he termed confidential, and to be considered

as addressed to me in my private character, which was too strongly

marked with an intention, as well as a wish, to have no person between

the Minister and President, in the transaction of business between the

two nations."

In reply to these observations, the President gave the most explicit

assurances that, judging from his own feelings, and from the public

sentiment, there existed in America a reciprocal disposition to be on

the best terms with France. That whatever former difficulties might

have occurred, he was persuaded the secretary of foreign affairs had

offered no intentional disrespect, either to the minister, or to his

nation. Without undertaking to know the private opinions of Mr. Jay,

he would declare that he had never heard that officer express,

directly or indirectly, any sentiment unfavourable to either.

Reason and usage, he added, must direct the mode of treating national

and official business. If rules had been established, they must be

conformed to. If they were yet to be framed, it was hoped that they

would be convenient and proper. So far as ease could be made to

comport with regularity, and with necessary forms, it ought to be

consulted; but custom, and the dignity of office, were not to be

disregarded. The conversation continued upwards of an hour, but no

change was made in the resolution of the President.

The subjects which pressed for immediate attention on the first

legislature assembled under the new government, were numerous and

important. Much was to be created, and much to be reformed.

The subject of revenue, as constituting the vital spring without which

the action of government could not long be continued, was taken up in

the house of representatives, as soon as it could be introduced. The

qualification of the members was succeeded by a motion for the house

to resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the

union; and in that committee, a resolution was moved by Mr. Madison,

declaring the opinion that certain duties ought to be levied on goods,

wares, and merchandise, imported into the United States; and on the

tonnage of vessels.

As it was deemed important to complete a temporary system in time to

embrace the spring importations, Mr. Madison presented the scheme of

impost which had been recommended by the former congress, and had

already received the approbation of a majority of the states; to which

he added a general proposition for a duty on tonnage. By this scheme

specific duties were imposed on certain enumerated articles; and an

ad-valorem duty on those not enumerated. Mr. Fitzsimmons, of

Pennsylvania, moved an amendment, enlarging the catalogue of

enumerated articles.

[Sidenote: Debates on the impost and tonnage bills.]

Mr. Madison having consented to subjoin the amendment proposed by Mr.

Fitzsimmons to the original resolution, it was received by the

committee; but in proceeding to fill up the blanks with the sum

taxable on each article, it was soon perceived that gentlemen had

viewed the subject in very different lights. The tax on many articles

was believed to press more heavily on some states than on others; and

apprehensions were expressed that, in the form of protecting duties,

the industry of one part of the union would be encouraged by premiums

charged on the labour of another part. On the discrimination between

the duty on the tonnage of foreign and American bottoms, a great

degree of sensibility was discovered. The citizens of the United

States not owning a sufficient number of vessels to export all the

produce of the country, it was said that the increased tonnage on

foreign bottoms operated as a tax on agriculture, and a premium to

navigation. This discrimination, it was therefore contended, ought to

be very small.

In answer to these arguments, Mr. Madison said, "If it is expedient

for America to have vessels employed in commerce at all, it will be

proper that she have enough to answer all the purposes intended; to

form a school for seamen; to lay the foundation of a navy: and to be

able to support itself against the interference of foreigners. I do

not think there is much weight in the observations that the duty we

are about to lay in favour of American vessels is a burden on the

community, and particularly oppressive to some parts. But if there

were, it may be a burden of that kind which will ultimately save us

from one that is greater.

"I consider an acquisition of maritime strength essential to this

country; should we ever be so unfortunate as to be engaged in war,

what but this can defend our towns and cities upon the sea coast? Or

what but this can enable us to repel an invading enemy? Those parts

which are said to bear an undue proportion of the burden of the

additional duty on foreign shipping, are those which will be most

exposed to the operations of a predatory war, and will require the

greatest exertions of the union in their defence. If therefore some

little sacrifice be made by them to obtain this important object, they

will be peculiarly rewarded for it in the hour of danger. Granting a

preference to our own navigation will insensibly bring it forward to

that perfection so essential to American safety; and though it may

produce some little inequality at first, it will soon ascertain its

level, and become uniform throughout the union."

But no part of the system was discussed with more animation than that

which proposed to make discriminations in favour of those nations with

whom the United States had formed commercial treaties. In the debate

on this subject, opinions and feelings with respect to foreign powers

were disclosed, which, strengthening with circumstances, afterwards

agitated the whole American continent.

While the resolutions on which the bills were to be framed were under

debate, Mr. Benson rose to inquire on what principle the proposed

discriminations between foreign nations was founded? "It was certainly

proper," he said, "to comply with existing treaties. But those

treaties stipulated no such preference. Congress then was at liberty

to consult the interests of the United States. If those interests

would be promoted by the measure, he should be willing to adopt it,

but he wished its policy to be shown."

The resolutions, as reported, were supported by Mr. Madison, Mr.

Baldwin, Mr. Fitzsimmons, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Page, and Mr. Jackson.

They relied much upon the public sentiment which had, they said, been

unequivocally expressed through the several state legislatures and

otherwise, against placing foreign nations generally, on a footing

with the allies of the United States. So strong was this sentiment,

that to its operation the existing constitution was principally to be

ascribed. They thought it important to prove to those nations who had

declined forming commercial treaties with them, that the United States

possessed and would exercise the power of retaliating any regulations

unfavourable to their trade, and they insisted strongly on the

advantages of America in a war of commercial regulation, should this

measure produce one.

The disposition France had lately shown to relax with regard to the

United States, the rigid policy by which her counsels had generally

been guided, ought to be cultivated. The evidence of this disposition

was an edict by which American built ships purchased by French

subjects became naturalized. There was reason to believe that the

person charged with the affairs of the United States at that court,

had made some favourable impressions, which the conduct of the

American government ought not to efface.

With great earnestness it was urged, that from artificial or

adventitious causes, the commerce between the United States and Great

Britain had exceeded its natural boundary. It was wise to give such

political advantages to other nations as would enable them to acquire

their due share of the direct trade. It was also wise to impart some

benefits to nations that had formed commercial treaties with the

United States, and thereby to impress on those powers which had

hitherto neglected to form such treaties, the idea that some

advantages were to be gained by a reciprocity of friendship.

That France had claims on the gratitude of the American people which

ought not to be overlooked, was an additional argument in favour of

the principle for which they contended.

The discrimination was opposed by Mr. Benson, Mr. Lawrence, Mr.

Wadsworth, and Mr. Sherman.

They did not admit that the public sentiment had been unequivocally

expressed; nor did they admit that such benefits had flowed from

commercial treaties as to justify a sacrifice of interest to obtain

them. There was a commercial treaty with France; but neither that

treaty, nor the favours shown to that nation, had produced any

correspondent advantages. The license to sell ships could not be of

this description, since it was well known that the merchants of the

United States did not own vessels enough for the transportation of the

produce of the country, and only two, as was believed, had been sold

since the license had been granted. The trade with Great Britain,

viewed in all its parts, was upon a footing as beneficial to the

United States as that with France.

That the latter power had claims upon the gratitude of America was

admitted, but that these claims would justify premiums for the

encouragement of French commerce and navigation, to be drawn from the

pockets of the American people, was not conceded. The state of the

revenue, it was said, would not admit of these experiments.

The observation founded on the extensiveness of the trade between the

United States and Great Britain was answered by saying, that this was

not a subject proper for legislative interposition. It was one of

which the merchants were the best judges. They would consult their

interest as individuals; and this was a case in which the interest of

the nation and of individuals was the same.

At length, the bills passed the house of representatives, and were

carried to the senate, where they were amended by expunging the

discrimination made in favour of the tonnage and distilled spirits of

those nations which had formed commercial treaties with the United

States.

These amendments were disagreed to; and each house insisting on its

opinion, a conference took place, after which the point was

reluctantly yielded by the house of representatives. The proceedings

of the senate being at that time conducted with closed doors, the

course of reasoning on which this important principle was rejected can

not be stated.

This debate on the impost and tonnage bills was succeeded by one on a

subject which was believed to involve principles of still greater

interest.

[Sidenote: On the President's power of removal from office.]

In organizing the departments of the executive, the question in what

manner the high officers who filled them should be removeable, came on

to be discussed. Believing that the decision of this question would

materially influence the character of the new government, the members

supported their respective opinions with a degree of earnestness

proportioned to the importance they attributed to the measure. In a

committee of the whole house on the bill "to establish an executive

department to be denominated the[42] department of foreign affairs,"

Mr. White moved to strike out the clause which declared the secretary

to be removeable by the President. The power of removal, where no

express provision existed, was, he said, in the nature of things,

incidental to that of appointment. And as the senate was, by the

constitution, associated with the President in making appointments,

that body must, in the same degree, participate in the power of

removing from office.

[Footnote 42: This has since been denominated the department

of state.]

Mr. White was supported by Mr. Smith of South Carolina, Mr. Page, Mr.

Stone, and Mr. Jackson.

Those gentlemen contended that the clause was either unnecessary or

improper. If the constitution gave the power to the President, a

repetition of the grant in an act of congress was nugatory: if the

constitution did not give it, the attempt to confer it by law was

improper. If it belonged conjointly to the President and senate, the

house of representatives should not attempt to abridge the

constitutional prerogative of the other branch of the legislature.

However this might be, they were clearly of opinion that it was not

placed in the President alone. In the power over all the executive

officers which the bill proposed to confer upon the President, the

most alarming dangers to liberty were perceived. It was in the nature

of monarchical prerogative, and would convert them into the mere tools

and creatures of his will. A dependence so servile on one individual,

would deter men of high and honourable minds from engaging in the

public service; and if, contrary to expectation, such men should be

brought into office, they would be reduced to the necessity of

sacrificing every principle of independence to the will of the chief

magistrate, or of exposing themselves to the disgrace of being removed

from office, and that too at a time when it might be no longer in

their power to engage in other pursuits.

Gentlemen they feared were too much dazzled with the splendour of the

virtues which adorned the actual President, to be able to look into

futurity. But the framers of the constitution had not confined their

views to the person who would most probably first fill the

presidential chair. The house of representatives ought to follow their

example, and to contemplate this power in the hands of an ambitious

man, who might apply it to dangerous purposes; who might from caprice

remove the most worthy men from office.

[Illustration: View of the Old City or Federal Hall, New York, in 1789

_On the balcony of this building, the site of which is now occupied by

the United States Sub-Treasury, at the corner of Broad and Wall

Streets, George Washington took the oath of office as First President

of the United States, April 30, 1789. In the near distance, at the

intersection of Wall and Broadway, may be seen the original Trinity

Church structure which was completed in 1697. It was replaced by the

present edifice in 1846. President Washington, who was an

Episcopalian, did not attend Trinity, but maintained a pew in St.

Paul's Chapel, Broadway and Vesey Street, which remains as it was when

he worshipped there._]

By the friends of the original bill, the amendment was opposed with

arguments of great force drawn from the constitution and from general

convenience. On several parts of the constitution, and especially on

that which vests the executive power in the President, they relied

confidently to support the position, that, in conformity with that

instrument, the power in question could reside only with the chief

magistrate: no power, it was said, could be more completely executive

in its nature than that of removal from office.

But if it was a case on which the constitution was silent, the

clearest principles of political expediency required that neither

branch of the legislature should participate in it.

The danger that a President could ever be found who would remove good

men from office, was treated as imaginary. It was not by the splendour

attached to the character of the present chief magistrate alone that

this opinion was to be defended. It was founded on the structure of

the office. The man in whose favour a majority of the people of this

continent would unite, had probability at least in favour of his

principles; in addition to which, the public odium that would

inevitably attach to such conduct, would be an effectual security

against it.

After an ardent discussion which consumed several days, the committee

divided: and the amendment was negatived by a majority of thirty-four

to twenty. The opinion thus expressed by the house of representatives

did not explicitly convey their sense of the constitution. Indeed the

express grant of the power to the President, rather implied a right in

the legislature to give or withhold it at their discretion. To obviate

any misunderstanding of the principle on which the question had been

'decided, Mr. Benson moved in the house, when the report of the

committee of the whole was taken up, to amend the second clause in the

bill so as clearly to imply the power of removal to be solely in the

President. He gave notice that if he should succeed in this, he would

move to strike out the words which had been the subject of debate. If

those words continued, he said the power of removal by the President

might hereafter appear to be exercised by virtue of a legislative

grant only, and consequently be subjected to legislative instability;

when he was well satisfied in his own mind, that it was by fair

construction, fixed in the constitution. The motion was seconded by

Mr. Madison, and both amendments were adopted. As the bill passed into

a law, it has ever been considered as a full expression of the sense

of the legislature on this important part of the American

constitution.

[Sidenote: On the policy of the secretary of the treasury reporting

plans for the management of the revenue.]

The bill to establish the treasury department, contained a clause

making it the duty of the secretary "to digest and report plans for

the improvement and management of the revenue, and for the support of

public credit."

Mr. Page moved to strike out these words, observing, that to permit

the secretary to go further than to prepare estimates would be a

dangerous innovation on the constitutional privilege of that house. It

would create an undue influence within those walls, because members

might be led by the deference commonly paid to men of abilities, who

gave an opinion in a case they have thoroughly considered, to support

the plan of the minister even against their own judgment. Nor would

the mischief stop there. A precedent would be established which might

be extended until ministers of the government should be admitted on

that floor, to explain and support the plans they had digested and

reported, thereby laying a foundation for an aristocracy, or a

detestable monarchy.

Mr. Tucker seconded the motion of Mr. Page, and observed, that the

authority contained in the bill to prepare and report plans would

create an interference of the executive with the legislative powers,

and would abridge the particular privilege of that house to originate

all bills for raising a revenue. How could the business originate in

that house, if it was reported to them by the minister of finance? All

the information that could be required might be called for without

adopting a clause that might undermine the authority of the house, and

the security of the people. The constitution has pointed out the

proper method of communication between the executive and legislative

departments. It is made the duty of the President to give from time to

time information to congress of the state of the union, and to

recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge

necessary and expedient. If revenue plans are to be prepared and

reported to congress, he is the proper person to perform this service.

He is responsible to the people for what he recommends, and will be

more cautious than any other person to whom a less degree of

responsibility was attached.

He hoped the house was not already weary of executing and sustaining

the powers vested in them by the constitution; and yet the adoption of

this clause would argue that they thought themselves less adequate

than an individual, to determine what burdens their constituents were

able to bear. This was not answering the high expectation that had

been formed of their exertions for the general good, or of their

vigilance in guarding their own and the people's rights.

The arguments of Mr. Page and Mr. Tucker were enforced and enlarged by

Mr. Livermore and Mr. Gerry. The latter gentleman said, "that he had

no objection to obtaining information, but he could not help observing

the great degree of importance gentlemen were giving to this and the

other executive officers. If the doctrine of having prime and great

ministers of state was once well established, he did not doubt but he

should soon see them distinguished by a green or red ribbon, insignia

of court favour and patronage."

It was contended that the plans of the secretary, being digested,

would be received entire. Members would be informed that each part was

necessary to the whole, and that nothing could be touched without

injuring the system. Establish this doctrine, and congress would

become a useless burden.

The amendment was opposed by Mr. Benson, Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Ames, Mr.

Sedgewick, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Madison, Mr. Stone, Mr.

Sherman, and Mr. Baldwin. It was insisted that to prepare and report

plans for the improvement of the revenue, and support of public

credit, constituted the most important service which could be rendered

by the officer who should be placed at the head of the department of

finance. When the circumstances under which the members of that house

were assembled, and the various objects for which they were convened

were considered, it was no imputation upon them to suppose that they

might receive useful information from a person whose peculiar duty it

was to direct his attention to systems of finance, and who would be in

some measure selected on account of his fitness for that object. It

was denied that the privileges of the house would be infringed by the

measure. The plans of the secretary could not be termed bills, nor

would they even be reported in that form. They would only constitute

information which would be valuable, and which could not be received

in a more eligible mode. "Certainly," said Mr. Goodhue, "we carry our

dignity to the extreme, when we refuse to receive information from any

but ourselves."

"If we consider the present situation of our finances," said Mr. Ames,

"owing to a variety of causes, we shall no doubt perceive a great

though unavoidable confusion throughout the whole scene. It presents

to the imagination a deep, dark, and dreary chaos, impossible to be

reduced to order, unless the mind of the architect be clear and

capacious, and his power commensurate to the object. He must not be

the flitting creature of the day; he must have time given him

competent to the successful exercise of his authority. It is with the

intention of letting a little sunshine into the business, that the

present arrangement is proposed."

It was not admitted that the plans of the secretary would possess an

influence to which their intrinsic value would not give them a just

claim. There would always be sufficient intelligence in that house to

detect, and independence to expose any oppressive or injurious scheme

which might be prepared for them. Nor would a plan openly and

officially reported possess more influence on the mind of any member,

than if given privately at the secretary's office.

Mr. Madison said, the words of the bill were precisely those used by

the former congress on two occasions. The same power had been annexed

to the office of superintendent of the finances; and he had never

heard that any inconvenience had been experienced from the regulation.

Perhaps if the power had been more fully and more frequently

exercised, it might have contributed more to the public good. "There

is," continued this gentleman, "a small probability, though it is but

small, that an officer may derive weight from this circumstance, and

have some degree of influence upon the deliberations of the

legislature. But compare the danger likely to result from this cause,

with the danger and inconvenience of not having well formed and

digested plans, and we shall find infinitely more to apprehend from

the latter. Inconsistent, unproductive, and expensive schemes, will

produce greater injury to our constituents, than is to be apprehended

from any undue influence which the well digested plans of a well

informed officer can have. From a bad administration of the

government, more detriment will arise than from any other source. Want

of information has occasioned much inconvenience, and many unnecessary

burdens in some of the state governments. Let it be our care to avoid

those rocks and shoals in our political voyage which have injured, and

nearly proved fatal to many of our contemporary navigators."

The amendment was rejected.

[Sidenote: On the style by which the president should be addressed.]

Among the interesting points which were settled in the first congress,

was the question by what style the President and Vice President should

be addressed. Mr. Benson, from the committee appointed to confer with

a committee of the senate on this subject reported, "that it is not

proper to annex any style or title to the respective styles or titles

of office expressed in the constitution;" and this report was, without

opposition, agreed to in the house of representatives. In the senate,

the report was disapproved, and a resolution passed requesting the

house of representatives to appoint another committee, again to confer

with one from the senate, on the same subject. This message being

taken up in the house of representatives, a resolution was moved by

Mr. Parker, seconded by Mr. Page, declaring that it would be improper

to accede to the request of the senate. Several members were in favour

of this motion; but others who were opposed to receding from the

ground already taken, seemed inclined to appoint a committee as a

measure properly respectful to the other branch of the legislature.

After a warm debate, the resolution proposed by Mr. Parker was set

aside by the previous question, and a committee of conference was

appointed. They could not agree upon a report, in consequence of which

the subject was permitted to rest; and the senate, conforming to the

precedent given by the house of representatives, addressed the

President in their answer to his speech by the terms used in the

constitution.

While the representatives were preparing bills for organizing the

great executive departments, the senate was occupied with digesting

the system of a national judiciary. This complex and extensive subject

was taken up in the commencement of the session, and was completed

towards its close.

[Sidenote: Amendment to the constitution proposed by congress and

ratified by the states.]

In the course of this session Mr. Madison brought forward a

proposition for recommending to the consideration and adoption of the

states, several new articles to be added to the constitution.

Many of those objections to it which had been urged with all the

vehemence of conviction, and which, in the opinion of some of its

advocates, were entitled to serious consideration, were believed by

the most intelligent to derive their sole support from erroneous

construction of the instrument. Others were upon points on which the

objectors might be gratified without injury to the system. To

conciliate the affections of their brethren to the government, was an

object greatly desired by its friends. Disposed to respect, what they

deemed, the errors of their opponents, where that respect could be

manifested without a sacrifice of essential principles, they were

anxious to annex to the constitution those explanations and barriers

against the possible encroachments of rulers on the liberties of the

people, which had been loudly demanded, however unfounded, in their

judgments, might be the fears by which those demands were suggested.

These dispositions were perhaps, in some measure, stimulated to

exertion by motives of the soundest policy. The formidable minorities

in several of the conventions, which in the legislatures of some

powerful states had become majorities, and the refusal of two states

to complete the union, were admonitions not to be disregarded, of the

necessity of removing jealousies, however misplaced, which operated on

so large a portion of society. Among the most zealous friends of the

constitution therefore, were found some of the first and warmest

advocates for amendments.

To meet the various ideas expressed by the several conventions; to

select from the mass of alterations which they had proposed those

which might be adopted without stripping the government of its

necessary powers; to condense them into a form and compass which would

be acceptable to persons disposed to indulge the caprice, and to adopt

the language of their particular states; were labours not easily to be

accomplished. But the greatest difficulty to be surmounted was, the

disposition to make those alterations which would enfeeble, and

materially injure, the future operations of the government. At length,

ten articles in addition to and amendment of the constitution, were

assented to by two-thirds of both houses of congress, and proposed to

the legislatures of the several states. Although the necessity of

these amendments had been urged by the enemies of the constitution,

and denied by its friends, they encountered scarcely any other

opposition in the state legislatures, than was given by the leaders of

the anti-federal party. Admitting the articles to be good and

necessary, it was contended that they were not sufficient for the

security of liberty; and the apprehension was avowed that their

adoption would quiet the fears of the people, and check the pursuit of

those radical alterations which would afford a safe and adequate

protection to their rights. They were at length ratified by the

legislatures of three-fourths of the states, and probably contributed,

in some degree, to diminish the jealousies which had been imbibed

against the constitution.

[Sidenote: Appointment of the officers of the cabinet, council and of

the judges.]

The government being completely organized, and a system of revenue

established, the important duty of filling the offices which had been

created, remained to be performed. In the execution of this delicate

trust, the purest virtue and the most impartial judgment were

exercised in selecting the best talents, and the greatest weight of

character, which the United States could furnish. The unmingled

patriotism of the motives by which the President was actuated, would

receive its clearest demonstration from a view of all his private

letters on this subject: and the success of his endeavours is attested

by the abilities and reputation which he drew into the public service.

At the head of the department of foreign affairs, since denominated

the department of state, he placed Mr. Jefferson.

This gentleman had been bred to the bar, and at an early period of

life, had acquired considerable reputation for extensive attainments

in the science of politics. He had been a distinguished member of the

second congress, and had been offered a diplomatic appointment, which

he had declined. Withdrawing from the administration of continental

affairs, he had been elected governor of Virginia, which office he

filled for two years. He afterwards again represented his native state

in the councils of the union, and in the year 1784, was appointed to

succeed Dr. Franklin at the court of Versailles. In that station, he

had acquitted himself much to the public satisfaction. His Notes on

Virginia, which were read with applause, were believed to evince the

soundness of his political opinions; and the Declaration of

Independence was universally ascribed to his pen. He had long been

placed by America amongst the most eminent of her citizens, and had

long been classed by the President with those who were most capable of

serving the nation. Having lately obtained permission to return for a

short time to the United States, he was, while on his passage,

nominated to this important office; and, on his arrival in Virginia,

found a letter from the President, giving him the option of becoming

the secretary of foreign affairs, or of retaining his station at the

court of Versailles. He appears rather to have inclined to continue in

his foreign appointment; and, in changing his situation, to have

consulted the wishes of the first magistrate more than the preference

of his own mind.

The task of restoring public credit, of drawing order and arrangement

from the chaotic confusion in which the finances of America were

involved, and of devising means which should render the revenue

productive, and commensurate with the demand, in a manner least

burdensome to the people, was justly classed among the most arduous of

the duties which devolved on the new government. In discharging it,

much aid was expected from the head of the treasury. This important,

and, at that time, intricate department, was assigned to Colonel

Hamilton.

This gentleman was a native of the island of St. Croix, and, at a very

early period of life, had been placed by his friends, in New York.

Possessing an ardent temper, he caught fire from the concussions of

the moment, and, with all the enthusiasm of youth, engaged first his

pen, and afterwards his sword, in the stern contest between the

American colonies and their parent state. Among the first troops

raised by New York was a corps of artillery, in which he was appointed

a captain. Soon after the war was transferred to the Hudson, his

superior endowments recommended him to the attention of the

Commander-in-chief, into whose family, before completing his

twenty-first year, he was invited to enter. Equally brave and

intelligent, he continued, in this situation, to display a degree of

firmness and capacity which commanded the confidence and esteem of his

general, and of the principal officers in the army.

After the capitulation at Yorktown, the war languished throughout the

American continent, and the probability that its termination was

approaching daily increased.

The critical circumstances of the existing government rendered the

events of the civil, more interesting than those of the military

department; and Colonel Hamilton accepted a seat in the congress of

the United States. In all the important acts of the day, he performed

a conspicuous part; and was greatly distinguished among those

distinguished men whom the crisis had attracted to the councils of

their country. He had afterwards been active in promoting those

measures which led to the convention at Philadelphia, of which he was

a member, and had greatly contributed to the adoption of the

constitution by the state of New York. In the pre-eminent part he had

performed, both in the military and civil transactions of his country,

he had acquired a great degree of well merited fame; and the frankness

of his manners, the openness of his temper, the warmth of his

feelings, and the sincerity of his heart, had secured him many

valuable friends.

To talents equally splendid and useful, he united a patient industry,

not always the companion of genius, which fitted him, in a peculiar

manner, for subduing the difficulties to be encountered by the man who

should be placed at the head of the American finances.

The department of war was already filled by General Knox, and he was

again nominated to it.

Throughout the contest of the revolution, this officer had continued

at the head of the American artillery, and from being the colonel of a

regiment, had been promoted to the rank of a major general. In this

important station, he had preserved a high military character; and, on

the resignation of General Lincoln, had been appointed secretary of

war. To his past services, and to unquestionable integrity, he was

admitted to unite a sound understanding; and the public judgment, as

well as that of the chief magistrate, pronounced him in all respects

competent to the station he filled.

The office of attorney general was filled by Mr. Edmund Randolph. To a

distinguished reputation in the line of his profession, this gentleman

added a considerable degree of political eminence. After having been

for several years the attorney general of Virginia, he had been

elected its governor. While in this office, he was chosen a member of

the convention which framed the constitution, and was also elected to

that which was called by the state for its adoption or rejection.

After having served at the head of the executive the term permitted by

the constitution of the state, he entered into its legislature, where

he preserved a great share of influence.

Such was the first cabinet council of the President. In its

composition, public opinion as well as intrinsic worth had been

consulted, and a high degree of character had been combined with real

talent.

In the selection of persons for high judicial offices, the President

was guided by the same principles. At the head of this department he

placed Mr. John Jay.

From the commencement of the revolution, this gentleman had filled a

large space in the public mind. Remaining, without intermission, in

the service of his country, he had passed through a succession of high

offices, and, in all of them, had merited the approbation of his

fellow citizens. To his pen, while in congress, America was indebted

for some of those masterly addresses which reflected most honour upon

the government; and to his firmness and penetration, was to be

ascribed, in no inconsiderable degree, the happy issue of those

intricate negotiations, which were conducted, towards the close of the

war, at Madrid, and at Paris. On returning to the United States, he

had been appointed secretary of foreign affairs, in which station he

had conducted himself with his accustomed ability. A sound judgment

improved by extensive reading and great knowledge of public affairs,

unyielding firmness, and inflexible integrity, were qualities of which

Mr. Jay had given frequent and signal proofs. Although for some years

withdrawn from that profession to which he was bred, the acquisitions

of his early life had not been lost; and the subjects on which his

mind had been exercised, were not entirely foreign from those which

would, in the first instance, employ the courts in which he was to

preside.

John Rutledge of South Carolina, James Wilson of Pennsylvania, William

Cushing of Massachusetts, Robert Harrison of Maryland, and John Blair

of Virginia were nominated as associate justices. Some of these

gentlemen had filled the highest law offices in their respective

states; and all of them had received distinguished marks of the public

confidence.

In the systems which had been adopted by the several states, offices

corresponding to those created by the revenue laws of congress, had

been already established. Uninfluenced by considerations of personal

regard, the President could not be induced to change men whom he found

in place, if worthy of being employed; and where the man who had

filled such office in the former state of things was unexceptionable

in his conduct and character, he was uniformly re-appointed. In

deciding between competitors for vacant offices, the law he prescribed

for his government was to regard the fitness of candidates for the

duties they would be required to discharge; and, where an equality in

this respect existed, former merits and sufferings in the public

service, gave claims to preference which could not be overlooked.

In the legislative, as well as in the executive and judicial

departments, great respectability of character was also associated

with an eminent degree of talents. The constitutional prohibition to

appoint any member of the legislature to an office created during the

time for which he had been elected, did not exclude men of the most

distinguished abilities from the first congress. Impelled by an

anxious solicitude respecting the first measures of the government,

its zealous friends had pressed into its service: and, in both

branches of the legislature, men were found who possessed the fairest

claims to the public confidence.

From the duties attached to his office, the Vice President of the

United States, and President of the senate, though not a member of the

legislature, was classed, in the public mind, with that department not

less than with the executive. Elected by the whole people of America

in common with the President, he could not fail to be taken from the

most distinguished citizens, and to add to the dignity of the body

over which he presided.

Mr. John Adams was one of the earliest and most ardent patriots of the

revolution. Bred to the bar, he had necessarily studied the

constitution of his country, and was among the most determined

asserters of its rights. Active in guiding that high spirit which

animated all New England, he became a member of the congress of 1774,

and was among the first who dared to avow sentiments in favour of

independence. In that body he soon attained considerable eminence;

and, at an early stage of the war, was chosen one of the commissioners

to whom the interests of the United States in Europe were confided. In

his diplomatic character, he had contributed greatly to those measures

which drew Holland into the war; had negotiated the treaty between the

United States and the Dutch republic: and had, at critical points of

time, obtained loans of money which were of great advantage to his

country. In the negotiations which terminated the war, he had also

rendered important services; and, after the ratification of the

definitive articles of peace, had been deputed to Great Britain for

the purpose of effecting a commercial treaty with that nation. The

political situation of America having rendered this object

unattainable, he solicited leave to return, and arrived in the United

States soon after the adoption of the constitution.

As a statesman, this gentleman had, at all times, ranked high in the

estimation of his countrymen. He had improved a sound understanding by

extensive political and historical reading; and perhaps no American

had reflected more profoundly on the subject of government. The

exalted opinion he entertained of his own country was flattering to

his fellow citizens; and the purity of his mind, the unblemished

integrity of a life spent in the public service, had gained him their

confidence.

A government, supported in all its departments by so much character

and talent, at the head of which was placed a man whose capacity was

undoubted, whose life had been one great and continued lesson of

disinterested patriotism, and for whom almost every bosom glowed with

an attachment bordering on enthusiasm, could not fail to make a rapid

progress in conciliating the affection of the people. That all

hostility to the constitution should subside, that public measures

should receive universal approbation; that no particular disgusts and

individual irritations should be excited; were expectations which

could not reasonably be indulged. Exaggerated accounts were indeed

occasionally circulated of the pomp and splendour which were affected

by certain high officers, of the monarchical tendencies of particular

institutions, and of the dispositions which prevailed to increase the

powers of the executive. That the doors of the senate were closed, and

that a disposition had been manifested by that body to distinguish the

President of the United States by a title,[43] gave considerable

umbrage, and were represented as evincing inclinations in that branch

of the legislature, unfriendly to republicanism. The exorbitance of

salaries was also a subject of some declamation, and the equality of

commercial privileges with which foreign bottoms entered American

ports, was not free from objection. But the apprehensions of danger to

liberty from the new system, which had been impressed on the minds of

well meaning men, were visibly wearing off; the popularity of the

administration was communicating itself to the government; and the

materials with which the discontented were furnished, could not yet be

efficaciously employed.

[Footnote 43: The following extract from a letter written

July 1789, to Doctor Stuart, who had communicated to him

this among other private insinuations, shows the ideas

entertained by the President on this subject. "It is to be

lamented that a question has been stirred which has given

rise to so much animadversion, and which I confess has given

me much uneasiness, lest it should be supposed by some

unacquainted with facts that the object in view was not

displeasing to me. The truth is, the question was moved

before I arrived, without any privity or knowledge of it on

my part, and urged after I was apprised of it contrary to my

opinion;--for I foresaw and predicted the reception it has

met with, and the use that would be made of it by the

enemies of the government. Happily the matter is now done

with, I hope never to be revived."]

Towards the close of the session, a report on a petition which had

been presented at an early period by the creditors of the public

residing in the state of Pennsylvania, was taken up in the house of

representatives. Though many considerations rendered a postponement of

this interesting subject necessary, two resolutions were passed; the

one, "declaring that the house considered an adequate provision for

the support of the public credit, as a matter of high importance to

the national honour and prosperity;" and the other directing, "the

secretary of the treasury to prepare a plan for that purpose, and to

report the same to the house at its next meeting."

[Sidenote: Adjournment of the first session of congress.]

On the 29th of September, congress adjourned to the first Monday in

the succeeding January.

Throughout the whole of this laborious and important session, perfect

harmony subsisted between the executive and the legislature; and no

circumstance occurred which threatened to impair it. The modes of

communication between the departments of government were adjusted in a

satisfactory manner, and arrangements were made on some of those

delicate points in which the senate participate of executive power.

[Sidenote: The president visits the New England states.]

Anxious to visit New England, to observe in person the condition of

the country and the dispositions of the people towards the government

and its measures, the President was disposed to avail himself of the

short respite from official cares afforded by the recess of congress,

to make a tour through the eastern states. His resolution being taken,

and the executive business which required his immediate personal

attendance being despatched,[44] he commenced his tour on the 15th of

October; and, passing through Connecticut and Massachusetts, as far as

Portsmouth in New Hampshire, returned by a different route to New

York, where he arrived on the 13th of November.

[Footnote 44: Just before his departure from New York the

President received from the Count de Moustiers, the minister

of France, official notice that he was permitted by his

court to return to Europe. By the orders of his sovereign he

added, "that His Majesty was pleased at the alteration which

had taken place in the government, and congratulated America

on the choice they had made of a President." As from

himself, he observed that the government of this country had

been hitherto of so fluctuating a nature, that no dependence

could be placed on its proceedings; in consequence of which

foreign nations had been cautious of entering into treaties,

or engagements of any kind with the United States: but that

in the present government there was a head to look up to,

and power being placed in the hands of its officers,

stability in its measures might be expected. The disposition

of his Christian Majesty to cultivate the good will of the

new government was also manifested by his conduct in the

choice of a minister to replace the Count de Moustiers.

Colonel Ternan was named as a person who would be

particularly acceptable to America, and his appointment was

preceded by the compliment of ascertaining the sense of the

President respecting him.]

With this visit, the President had much reason to be satisfied. To

contemplate the theatre on which many interesting military scenes had

been exhibited, and to review the ground on which his first campaign

as Commander-in-chief of the American army had been made, were sources

of rational delight. To observe the progress of society, the

improvements in agriculture, commerce, and manufactures; and the

temper, circumstances, and dispositions of the people, could not fail

to be grateful to an intelligent mind, and an employment in all

respects, worthy of the chief magistrate of the nation. The

reappearance of their general, in the high station he now filled,

brought back to recollection the perilous transactions of the war; and

the reception universally given to him, attested the unabated love

which was felt for his person and character, and indicated

unequivocally the growing popularity, at least in that part of the

union, of the government he administered.

[Sidenote: His reception.]

The sincerity and warmth with which he reciprocated the affection

expressed for his person in the addresses presented to him, was well

calculated to preserve the sentiments which were generally diffused.

"I rejoice with you my fellow citizens," said he in answer to an

address from the inhabitants of Boston, "in every circumstance that

declares your prosperity;--and I do so most cordially because you have

well deserved to be happy.

"Your love of liberty--your respect for the laws--your habits of

industry--and your practice of the moral and religious obligations,

are the strongest claims to national and individual happiness. And

they will, I trust, be firmly and lastingly established."

But the interchange of sentiments with the companions of his military

toils and glory, will excite most interest, because on both sides, the

expressions were dictated by the purest and most delicious feelings of

the human heart. From the Cincinnati of Massachusetts he received the

following address:

"Amidst the various gratulations which your arrival in this metropolis

has occasioned, permit us, the members of the society of the

Cincinnati in this commonwealth, most respectfully to assure you of

the ardour of esteem and affection you have so indelibly fixed in our

hearts, as our glorious leader in war, and illustrious example in

peace.

"After the solemn and endearing farewell on the banks of the Hudson,

which our anxiety presaged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is the

present unexpected meeting. On this occasion we can not avoid the

recollection of the various scenes of toil and danger through which

you conducted us; and while we contemplate various trying periods of

the war, and the triumphs of peace, we rejoice to behold you, induced

by the unanimous voice of your country, entering upon other trials,

and other services alike important, and, in some points of view,

equally hazardous. For the completion of the great purposes which a

grateful country has assigned you, long, very long, may your

invaluable life be preserved. And as the admiring world, while

considering you as a soldier, have long wanted a comparison, may your

virtue and talents as a statesman leave them without a parallel.

"It is not in words to express an attachment founded like ours. We can

only say that when soldiers, our greatest pride was a promptitude of

obedience to your orders; as citizens, our supreme ambition is to

maintain the character of firm supporters of that noble fabric of

federal government over which you preside.

"As members of the society of the Cincinnati, it will be our endeavour

to cherish those sacred principles of charity and fraternal attachment

which our institution inculcates. And while our conduct is thus

regulated, we can never want the patronage of the first of patriots

and the best of men."

To this address the following answer was returned:

"In reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity the multiplied and

affecting gratulations of my fellow citizens of this commonwealth,

they will all of them with justice allow me to say, that none can be

dearer to me than the affectionate assurances which you have

expressed. Dear, indeed, is the occasion which restores an intercourse

with my faithful associates in prosperous and adverse fortune; and

enhanced are the triumphs of peace, participated with those whose

virtue and valour so largely contributed to procure them. To that

virtue and valour your country has confessed her obligations. Be mine

the grateful task to add the testimony of a connexion which it was my

pride to own in the field, and is now my happiness to acknowledge in

the enjoyments of peace and freedom.

"Regulating your conduct by those principles which have heretofore

governed your actions as men, soldiers, and citizens, you will repeat

the obligations conferred on your country, and you will transmit to

posterity an example that must command their admiration and grateful

praise. Long may you continue to enjoy the endearments of fraternal

attachments, and the heartfelt happiness of reflecting that you have

faithfully done your duty.

"While I am permitted to possess the consciousness of this worth,

which has long bound me to you by every tie of affection and esteem, I

will continue to be your sincere and faithful friend."

Soon after his return to New York, the President was informed of the

ill success which had attended his first attempt to negotiate a peace

with the Creek Indians. General Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and Colonel

Humphries, had been deputed on this mission, and had met M'Gillivray

with several other chiefs, and about two thousand men, at Rock

landing, on the Oconee, on the frontiers of Georgia. The treaty

commenced with favourable appearances, but was soon abruptly broken

off by M'Gillivray. Some difficulties arose on the subject of a

boundary, but the principal obstacles to a peace were supposed to grow

out of his personal interests, and his connexions with Spain.

[Sidenote: North Carolina accedes to the union.]

This intelligence was more than counterbalanced by the accession of

North Carolina to the union. In the month of November, a second

convention had met under the authority of the legislature of that

state, and the constitution was adopted by a great majority.