Preparations for another campaign.... Proceedings in the
Parliament of Great Britain.... Conciliatory conduct of
General Carleton.... Transactions in the south....
Negotiations for peace.... Preliminary and eventual articles
agreed upon between the United States and Great Britain....
Discontents of the American army.... Peace.... Mutiny of a
part of the Pennsylvania line.... Evacuation of New York....
General Washington resigns his commission and retires to
Mount Vernon.
{1782}
[Sidenote: Preparations for another campaign.]
The splendid success of the allied arms in Virginia, and the great
advantages obtained still farther south, produced no disposition in
General Washington to relax those exertions which might be necessary
to secure the great object of the contest. "I shall attempt to
stimulate congress," said he, in a letter to General Greene written at
Mount Vernon, "to the best improvement of our late success, by taking
the most vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an early and
decisive campaign the next year. My greatest fear is, that viewing
this stroke in a point of light which may too much magnify its
importance, they may think our work too nearly closed, and fall into a
state of languor and relaxation. To prevent this error, I shall employ
every means in my power, and, if unhappily we sink into this fatal
mistake, no part of the blame shall be mine."
On the 27th of November he reached Philadelphia, and congress passed a
resolution granting him an audience on the succeeding day. On his
appearance the President addressed him in a short speech, informing
him that a committee was appointed to state the requisitions to be
made for the proper establishment of the army, and expressing the
expectation that he would remain in Philadelphia, in order to aid the
consultations on that important subject.
The secretary of war, the financier, and the secretary of foreign
affairs, assisted at these deliberations; and the business was
concluded with unusual celerity.
A revenue was scarcely less necessary than an army; and it was obvious
that the means for carrying on the war must be obtained, either by
impressment, or by a vigorous course of taxation. But both these
alternatives depended on the states; and the government of the union
resorted to the influence of the Commander-in-chief in aid of its
requisitions.
But no exertions on the part of America alone could expel the invading
army. A superiority at sea was indispensable to the success of
offensive operations against the posts which the British still held
within the United States. To obtain this superiority, General
Washington pressed its importance on the minister of France and
commanding officers of the French troops, as well as on the Marquis de
Lafayette, who was about to return to his native country.
[Sidenote: Proceedings in the British parliament.]
The first intelligence from Europe was far from being calculated to
diminish the anxieties still felt in America by the enlightened
friends of the revolution. The parliament of Great Britain reassembled
in November. The speech from the throne breathed a settled purpose to
continue the war; and the addresses from both houses, which were
carried by large majorities, echoed the sentiment.
In the course of the animated debates which these addresses
occasioned, an intention was indeed avowed by some members of the
administration to change their system. The plan indicated for the
future was to direct the whole force of the nation against France and
Spain; and to suspend offensive operations in the interior of the
United States, until the strength of those powers should be broken. In
the mean time, the posts then occupied by their troops were to be
maintained.
This development of the views of administration furnished additional
motives to the American government for exerting all the faculties of
the nation, to expel the British garrisons from New York and
Charleston. The efforts of the Commander-in-chief to produce these
exertions were earnest and unremitting, but not successful. The state
legislatures declared the inability of their constituents to pay
taxes. Instead of filling the continental treasury, some were devising
means to draw money from it; and some of those who passed bills
imposing heavy taxes, directed that the demands of the state should be
first satisfied, and that the residue only should be paid to the
continental receiver. By the unwearied attention and judicious
arrangements of the minister of finance, the expenses of the nation
had been greatly reduced. The bank established in Philadelphia, and
his own high character, had enabled him to support in some degree a
system of credit, the advantages of which were incalculably great.
He had through the Chevalier de la Luzerne obtained permission from
his most Christian Majesty to draw for half a million of livres
monthly, until six millions should be received. To prevent the
diversion of any part of this sum from the most essential objects, he
had concealed the negotiation even from congress, and had communicated
it only to the Commander-in-chief; yet, after receiving the first
instalment, it was discovered that Doctor Franklin had anticipated the
residue of the loan, and had appropriated it to the purposes of the
United States. At the commencement of the year 1782, not a dollar
remained in the treasury; and, although congress had required the
payment of two millions on the 1st of April, not a cent had been
received on the twenty-third of that month; and, so late as the 1st of
June, not more than twenty thousand dollars had reached the treasury.
Yet to the financier every eye was turned; to him the empty hand of
every public creditor was stretched forth; and against him, instead of
the state governments, the complaints and imprecations of every
unsatisfied claimant were directed. In July, when the second quarter
annual payment of taxes ought to have been received, the minister of
finance was informed by some of his agents, that the collection of the
revenue had been postponed in some of the states, in consequence of
which the month of December would arrive before any money could come
into the hands of the continental receivers. In a letter communicating
this unpleasant intelligence to the Commander-in-chief, he added,
"with such gloomy prospects as this letter affords, I am tied here to
be baited by continual clamorous demands; and for the forfeiture of
all that is valuable in life, and which I hoped at this moment to
enjoy, I am to be paid by invective. Scarce a day passes in which I am
not tempted to give back into the hands of congress the power they
have delegated, and to lay down a burden which presses me to the
earth. Nothing prevents me but a knowledge of the difficulties I am
obliged to struggle under. What may be the success of my efforts God
only knows; but to leave my post at present, would, I know, be
ruinous. This candid state of my situation and feelings I give to your
bosom, because you who have already felt and suffered so much, will be
able to sympathize with me."
[Illustration: Livingston Manor, Dobbs Ferry, New York
_A monument erected by the Sons of the Revolution on the lawn of this
historic mansion, overlooking the Hudson River, states that here, on
July 6, 1781, the French allies under Rochambeau joined the American
Army. Here also, on August 14, 1781, Washington planned the Yorktown
campaign which brought to a triumphant end the War for American
Independence; and here, on May 6, 1783, Washington and Sir Guy
Carleton arranged for the evacuation of American soil by the British.
A concluding paragraph reads: "And opposite this point, May 8, 1783, a
British sloop of war fired 17 guns in honor of the American
Commander-in-Chief, the first salute by Great Britain to the United
States of America."_]
Fortunately for the United States, the temper of the British nation on
the subject of continuing the war did not accord with that of its
sovereign. That war, into which the people had entered with at least
as much eagerness as the minister, had become almost universally
unpopular.
{February 27.}
{March 4.}
Motions against the measures of administration respecting America were
repeated by the opposition; and, on every experiment, the strength of
the minority increased. At length, on the 27th of February, General
Conway moved in the house of commons, "that it is the opinion of this
house that a farther prosecution of offensive war against America
would, under present circumstances, be the means of weakening the
efforts of this country against her European enemies, and tend to
increase the mutual enmity so fatal to the interests both of Great
Britain and America." The whole force of administration was exerted to
get rid of this resolution, but was exerted in vain; and it was
carried. An address to the king, in the words of the resolution, was
immediately voted, and was presented by the whole house. The answer of
the crown being deemed inexplicit, it was on the 4th of March
resolved, "that the house will consider as enemies to his majesty and
the country, all those who should advise, or attempt a farther
prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America."
These votes were soon followed by a change of ministers, and by
instructions to the officers commanding the forces in America, which
conformed to them.
While General Washington was employed in addressing circular letters
to the state governments, suggesting all those motives which might
stimulate them to exertions better proportioned to the exigency,
English papers containing the debates in parliament on the various
propositions respecting America, reached the United States. Alarmed at
the impression these debates might make, he introduced the opinions it
was deemed prudent to inculcate respecting them, into the letters he
was then about to transmit to the governors of the several states. "I
have perused these debates," he said, "with great attention and care,
with a view, if possible, to penetrate their real design; and upon the
most mature deliberation I can bestow, I am obliged to declare it as
my candid opinion, that the measure, in all its views, so far as it
respects America, is merely delusory, having no serious intention to
admit our independence upon its true principles, but is calculated to
produce a change of ministers to quiet the minds of their own people,
and reconcile them to a continuance of the war, while it is meant to
amuse this country with a false idea of peace, to draw us from our
connexion with France, and to lull us into a state of security and
inactivity, which taking place, the ministry will be left to prosecute
the war in other parts of the world with greater vigour and effect.
Your excellency will permit me on this occasion to observe, that, even
if the nation and parliament are really in earnest to obtain peace
with America, it will undoubtedly be wisdom in us to meet them with
great caution and circumspection, and by all means to keep our arms
firm in our hands, and instead of relaxing one iota in our exertions,
rather to spring forward with redoubled vigour, that we may take the
advantage of every favourable opportunity, until our wishes are fully
obtained. No nation yet suffered in treaty by preparing (even in the
moment of negotiation) most vigorously for the field.
"The industry which the enemy is using to propagate their pacific
reports, appears to me a circumstance very suspicious; and the
eagerness with which the people, as I am informed, are catching at
them, is, in my opinion, equally dangerous."
{May.}
[Sidenote: Conciliatory conduct of General Carleton.]
Early in May, Sir Guy Carleton, who had succeeded Sir Henry Clinton in
the command of all the British forces in the United States, arrived at
New York. Having been also appointed in conjunction with Admiral
Digby, a commissioner to negotiate a peace, he lost no time in
conveying to General Washington copies of the votes of the British
Parliament, and of a bill which had been introduced on the part of
administration, authorizing his Majesty to conclude a peace or truce
with those who were still denominated "the revolted colonies of North
America." These papers, he said, would manifest the dispositions
prevailing with the government and people of England towards those of
America; and, if the like pacific temper should prevail in this
country, both inclination and duty would lead him to meet it with the
most zealous concurrence. He had addressed to congress, he said, a
letter containing the same communications, and he solicited a passport
for the person who should convey it.
At this time, the bill enabling the British monarch to conclude a
peace or truce with America had not become a law; nor was any
assurance given that the present commissioners were empowered to offer
other terms than those which had been formerly rejected. General
Carleton therefore could not hope that negotiations would commence on
such a basis; nor be disappointed at the refusal of the passports he
requested by congress, to whom the application was, of course,
referred. The letter may have been written for the general purpose of
conciliation, and of producing a disposition in the United States on
the subject of hostilities, corresponding with that which had been
expressed in the House of Commons. But the situation of the United
States justified a suspicion of different motives; and prudence
required that their conduct should be influenced by that suspicion.
The repugnance of the king to a dismemberment of the empire was
understood; and it was thought probable that the sentiments expressed
in the House of Commons might be attributable rather to a desire of
changing ministers, than to any fixed determination to relinquish the
design of reannexing America to the crown.
Under these impressions, the overtures now made were considered as
opiates, administered to lull the spirit of vigilance which the
guardians of the public safety laboured to keep up, into a state of
fatal repose; and to prevent those measures of security which it might
yet be necessary to adopt.
This jealousy was nourished by all the intelligence received from
Europe. The utmost address of the British cabinet had been employed to
detach the belligerents from each other. The mediation of Russia had
been accepted to procure a separate peace with Holland; propositions
had been submitted both to France and Spain, tending to an
accommodation of differences with each of those powers singly; and
inquiries had been made of Mr. Adams, the American minister at the
Hague, which seemed to contemplate the same object with regard to the
United States. These political manoeuvres furnished additional motives
for doubting the sincerity of the English cabinet. Whatever views
might actuate the court of St. James on this subject, the resolution
of the American government to make no separate treaty was
unalterable.[11]
[Footnote 11: Secret Journals of Congress, v. 2, pp. 412,
418, 454.]
But the public votes which have been stated, and probably his private
instructions, restrained Sir Guy Carleton from offensive war; and the
state of the American army disabled General Washington from making any
attempt on the posts in possession of the British. The campaign of
1782 consequently passed away without furnishing any military
operations of moment between the armies under the immediate direction
of the respective commanders-in-chief.
{August.}
[Sidenote: Negotiations for peace.]
Early in August a letter was received by General Washington from Sir
Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby, which, among other communications
manifesting a pacific disposition on the part of England, contained
the information that Mr. Grenville was at Paris, invested with full
powers to treat with all the parties at war, that negotiations for a
general peace were already commenced, and that his Majesty had
commanded his minister to direct Mr. Grenville, that the independence
of the thirteen provinces should be proposed by him in the first
instance, instead of being made a condition of a general treaty. But
that this proposition would be made in the confidence that the
loyalists would be restored to their possessions, or a full
compensation made them for whatever confiscations might have taken
place.
This letter was, not long afterwards, followed by one from Sir Guy
Carleton, declaring that he could discern no further object of
contest, and that he disapproved of all farther hostilities by sea or
land, which could only multiply the miseries of individuals, without a
possible advantage to either nation. In pursuance of this opinion, he
had, soon after his arrival in New York, restrained the practice of
detaching parties of Indians against the frontiers of the United
States, and had recalled those which were previously engaged in those
bloody incursions.
These communications appear to have alarmed the jealousy of the
minister of France. To quiet his fears, congress renewed the
resolution "to enter into no discussion of any overtures for
pacification, but in confidence and in concert with his most Christian
Majesty;"[12] and again recommend to the several states to adopt such
measures as would most effectually guard against all intercourse with
any subjects of the British crown during the war.
[Footnote 12: Secret Journals of Congress, v. 3, p. 249.]
The same causes which produced this inactivity in the north, operated
to a considerable extent with the armies of the south.
When General Wayne entered Georgia, the British troops in that state
retired to the town of Savannah; and the Americans advanced to
Ebenezer. Though inferior to their enemy in numbers, they interrupted
his communications with the country, and even burned some magazines
which had been collected and deposited under the protection of his
guns.
Not receiving the aids from the militia which he had expected, Wayne
pressed Greene for reinforcements, which that officer was unable to
furnish, until Lieutenant Colonel Posey arrived from Virginia with
about two hundred men. He proceeded immediately to Georgia, and
reached the camp at Ebenezer on the 1st of April.
These troops, though new levies, were veteran soldiers, who, having
served the times for which they enlisted, had become the substitutes
of men who were designated, by lot, for tours of duty they were
unwilling to perform. Being commanded by old officers of approved
courage and experience, the utmost confidence was to be placed in
them; and Wayne, though still inferior to his enemy in numbers, sought
for opportunities to employ them.
The Indians, who occupied the southern and western parts of Georgia,
were in the habit of assembling annually at Augusta, for the purpose
of receiving those presents which were indispensable to the
preservation of British influence over them. The usual time for
holding these meetings was arrived; but the Americans being in
possession of Augusta, it was necessary to transfer them to a British
post, and the Indians were invited to keep down the south side of the
Altamaha to its mouth, whence they were to be conveyed through the
inland passage to Savannah. Arrangements had been made for bringing a
strong party of Creeks and Choctaws, assembled on the south side of
Altamaha, to Harris's bridge, on the Ogechee, about seven miles from
that town, and Colonel Brown marched at the head of a strong
detachment to convoy them into it. The Indians having quarrelled,
instead of proceeding to Ogechee, returned home, and Brown marched
back his detachment.
Wayne received intelligence of this movement; and, determining to
avail himself of the opportunity given by this division of his enemy
to fight him in detail, immediately put his army in motion. He was
soon informed that Brown was on his return, and would reach Savannah
that night. Disregarding the danger of throwing himself with inferior
numbers between the two divisions of the British army, he determined
on hazarding an action, and his advance, consisting of a troop of
Virginia cavalry, commanded by Captain Hughes and Lieutenant Boyer,
and a light company of Virginia infantry, commanded by Captain Parker,
entered the road along which Brown was marching about twelve at night,
just as his front appeared in view. A vigorous charge was instantly
made, which, being entirely unexpected, was completely successful. The
British, struck with a panic, dispersed among the thickets and fled in
all directions. Colonel Douglass and about forty men were killed,
wounded, or taken. The American loss was five men killed and two
wounded. The next day, after parading in view of Savannah, Wayne
resumed his position at Ebenezer.
The resolution of Parliament against the farther prosecution of active
war in America was followed by instructions to the officers commanding
the armies of Britain, in consequence of which propositions for the
suspension of hostilities were made in the southern department, about
the time that they were rejected in the north. The same motives
continuing to influence congress, they were rejected in the south
also, and the armies still continued to watch each other with
vigilance. To avoid surprise, Wayne frequently changed his ground, and
was continually on the alert. While his whole attention was directed
towards Savannah, an enemy entirely unlooked for came upon his rear,
entered his camp in the night, and, had not his army been composed of
the best materials, must have dispersed it.
A strong party of Creeks, led by a gallant warrior, Emistasigo, or
Guristersego, instead of moving down on the south side of the
Altamaha, passed through the centre of Georgia with the determination
of engaging the American posts. Marching entirely in the night,
through unfrequented ways, subsisting on meal made of parched corn,
and guided by white men, they reached the neighbourhood of the
American army then encamped at Gibbon's plantation, near Savannah,
without being perceived, and made arrangements to attack it. In the
night they emerged from the deep swamp in which they had been
concealed, and, approaching the rear of the American camp with the
utmost secrecy, reached it about three in the morning. The sentinel
was killed before he could sound the alarm, and the first notice was
given by the fire and the yell of the enemy. The Indians rushed into
the camp, and, killing the few men they fell in with, seized the
artillery. Fortunately some time was wasted in the attempt to turn the
pieces on the Americans. Captain Parker, who commanded the light
company, had been employed on a very fatiguing tour of duty near
Savannah, and had returned that evening to camp. To allow his harassed
soldiers some repose, he was placed in the rear near the artillery,
and was asleep when the Indians entered the camp. Roused by the fire,
and perceiving that the enemy was amidst them, he judiciously drew off
his men in silence, and formed them with the quarter guard behind the
house in which the general was quartered. Wayne was instantly on
horseback, and, believing the whole garrison from Savannah to be upon
him, determined to repulse the enemy or die in the attempt. Parker was
directed to charge immediately with the bayonet, and orders were
despatched to Posey, the commanding officer in camp, to bring up the
troops without delay. The orders to Parker were so promptly executed,
that Posey, although he moved with the utmost celerity, could not
reach the scene of action in time to join in it. The light troops and
quarter guard under Parker drove every thing before them at the point
of the bayonet. The Indians, unable to resist the bayonet, soon fled,
leaving their chief, his white guides, and seventeen of his warriors
dead upon the spot. Wayne, who accompanied his light troops, now first
discovered the character of his enemy, and adapted his pursuit to it.
Yet only twelve prisoners were made. The general's horse was shot
under him, and twelve privates were killed and wounded.[13]
[Footnote 13: In addition to the public documents and
accounts, the author received a statement of this action in
a letter from his friend Captain Parker.]
This sharp conflict terminated the war in Georgia. Information was
soon given of the determination to withdraw the British troops from
Savannah; and arrangements being made, with the sanction of the civil
government, for the security of such individuals as might remain in
town, the place was evacuated. The regular troops retired to
Charleston, and Colonel Brown conducted his loyalists through the
islands into Florida. Wayne was directed to rejoin General Greene.
In South Carolina the American army maintained its position in front
of Jacksonborough, and that of the British was confined to Charleston
and its immediate vicinity. The situation of the ground as well as the
condition of his army, was unfavourable to offensive operations on the
part of General Greene; and General Leslie, who commanded in
Charleston, was not strong enough to attempt the recovery of the lower
country. While the two armies continued to watch each other,
occasional enterprises were undertaken by detachments, in some of
which a considerable degree of merit was displayed. In one of them,
the corps of Marion, its general being attending in the legislature,
was surprised and dispersed by the British Colonel Thompson; and in
another, an English guard galley, mounting twelve guns, and manned
with forty-three seamen, was captured by Captain Rudolph, of the
legion.
From the possession of the lower country of South Carolina, which was
known to contain considerable quantities of rice and beef cattle, the
army had anticipated more regular and more abundant supplies of food
than it had been accustomed to receive. This hope was disappointed by
the measures of the government.
The generals, and other agents acting under the authority of congress,
had been accustomed in extreme cases, which too frequently occurred,
to seize provisions for the use of the armies. This questionable power
had been exercised with forbearance, most commonly in concert with the
government of the state, and under the pressure of such obvious
necessity as carried its justification with it.
The war being transferred to the south at a time when the depreciation
of paper money had deprived congress of its only fund, it became
indispensably necessary to resort more generally to coercive means in
order to procure subsistence for the troops. Popular discontent was
the natural consequence of this odious measure, and the feelings of
the people were communicated to their representatives. After the
termination of the very active campaign of 1781 in Virginia, the
legislature of that state passed a law prohibiting all impressment,
"unless it be by warrant from the executive in time of actual
invasion;" and the assembly of South Carolina, during the session at
Jacksonborough, also passed a law forbidding impressment, and
enacting, "that no other persons than those who shall be appointed by
the governor for that purpose, shall be allowed or permitted to
procure supplies for the army."
The effect of this measure was soon felt. The exertions of the agent
appointed by the governor failed to procure subsistence for the
troops, and General Greene, after a long course of suffering, was
compelled to relieve his urgent wants by an occasional recurrence to
means forbidden by the law.
Privations, which had been borne without a murmur under the excitement
of active military operations, produced great irritation during the
leisure which prevailed after the enemy had abandoned the open field;
and, in the Pennsylvania line, which was composed chiefly of
foreigners, the discontent was aggravated to such a point as to
produce a treasonable intercourse with the enemy, in which a plot is
understood to have been laid for seizing General Greene and delivering
him to a detachment of British troops, which would move out of
Charleston for the purpose of favouring the execution of the design.
It was discovered when it is supposed to have been on the point of
execution; and a sergeant Gornell, believed to be the chief of the
conspiracy, was condemned to death by a court martial, and executed on
the 22nd of April. Some others, among whom were two domestics in the
general's family, were brought before the court on suspicion of being
concerned in the plot, but the testimony was not sufficient to convict
them; and twelve deserted the night after it was discovered. There is
no reason to believe that the actual guilt of this transaction
extended farther.
{July 11.}
Charleston was held until the 14th of December. Previous to its
evacuation, General Leslie had proposed a cessation of hostilities,
and that his troops might be supplied with fresh provisions, in
exchange for articles of the last necessity in the American camp. The
policy of government being adverse to this proposition, General Greene
was under the necessity of refusing his assent to it, and the British
general continued to supply his wants by force. This produced several
skirmishes with foraging parties, to one of which importance was given
by the death of Lieutenant Colonel Laurens, whose loss was universally
lamented.
This gallant and accomplished young gentleman had entered into the
family of the Commander-in-chief at an early period of the war, and
had always shared a large portion of his esteem. Brave to excess, he
sought every occasion to render service to his country, and to acquire
that military fame which he pursued with the ardour of a young
soldier, whose courage seems to have partaken largely of that romantic
spirit which youth and enthusiasm produce in a fearless mind. No small
addition to the regrets occasioned by his loss was derived from the
reflection that he fell unnecessarily, in an unimportant skirmish, in
the last moments of the war, when his rash exposure to the danger
which proved fatal to him could no longer be useful to his country.
From the arrival of Sir Guy Carleton at New York, the conduct of the
British armies on the American continent was regulated by the spirit
then recently displayed in the house of commons; and all the
sentiments expressed by their general were pacific and conciliatory.
But to these nattering appearances it was dangerous to yield implicit
confidence. With a change of men, a change of measures might also take
place; and, in addition to the ordinary suggestions of prudence, the
military events in the West Indies were calculated to keep alive the
attention, and to continue the anxieties of the United States.
After the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, the arms of France and Spain
in the American seas had been attended with such signal success, that
the hope of annihilating the power of Great Britain in the West Indies
was not too extravagant to be indulged. Immense preparations had been
made for the invasion of Jamaica; and, early in April, Admiral Count
de Grasse sailed from Martinique with a powerful fleet, having on
board the land forces and artillery which were to be employed in the
operations against that island. His intention was to form a junction
with the Spanish Admiral Don Solano, who lay at Hispaniola; after
which the combined fleet, whose superiority promised to render it
irresistible, was to proceed on the important enterprise which had
been concerted. On his way to Hispaniola, De Grasse was overtaken by
Rodney, and brought to an engagement, in which he was totally
defeated, and made a prisoner. This decisive victory disconcerted the
plans of the combined powers, and gave security to the British
islands. In the United States, it was feared that this alteration in
the aspect of affairs might influence the councils of the English
cabinet on the question of peace; and these apprehensions increased
the uneasiness with which all intelligent men contemplated the state
of the American finances.
It was then in contemplation to reduce the army, by which many of the
officers would be discharged. While the general declared, in a
confidential letter to the secretary of war, his conviction of the
alacrity with which they would retire into private life, could they be
placed in a situation as eligible as they had left to enter into the
service, he added--"Yet I cannot help fearing the result of the
measure, when I see such a number of men goaded by a thousand stings
of reflection on the past, and of anticipation on the future, about to
be turned on the world, soured by penury, and what they call the
ingratitude of the public; involved in debts, without one farthing of
money to carry them home, after having spent the flower of their days,
and, many of them, their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom and
independence of their country; and having suffered every thing which
human nature is capable of enduring on this side of death. I repeat
it, when I reflect on these irritating circumstances, unattended by
one thing to soothe their feelings, or brighten the gloomy prospect, I
cannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow of a very
serious and distressing nature.
"I wish not to heighten the shades of the picture so far as the real
life would justify me in doing, or I would give anecdotes of
patriotism and distress which have scarcely ever been paralleled,
never surpassed, in the history of mankind. But you may rely upon it,
the patience and long sufferance of this army are almost exhausted,
and there never was so great a spirit of discontent as at this
instant. While in the field, I think it may be kept from breaking out
into acts of outrage; but when we retire into winter quarters (unless
the storm be previously dissipated) I can not be at ease respecting
the consequences. It is high time for a peace."
To judge rightly of the motives which produced this uneasy temper in
the army, it will be necessary to recollect that the resolution of
October, 1780, granting half pay for life to the officers, stood on
the mere faith of a government possessing no funds enabling it to
perform its engagements. From requisitions alone, to be made on
sovereign states, the supplies were to be drawn which should satisfy
these meritorious public creditors; and the ill success attending
these requisitions while the dangers of war were still impending,
furnished melancholy presages of their unproductiveness in time of
peace. In addition to this reflection, of itself sufficient to disturb
the tranquillity which the passage of the resolution had produced,
were other considerations of decisive influence. The dispositions
manifested by congress itself were so unfriendly to the half pay
establishment as to extinguish the hope that any funds the government
might acquire, would be applied to that object. Since the passage of
the resolution, the articles of confederation, which required the
concurrence of nine states to any act appropriating public money, had
been adopted; and nine states had never been in favour of the measure.
Should the requisitions of congress therefore be respected, or should
permanent funds be granted by the states, the prevailing sentiment of
the nation was too hostile to the compensation which had been
stipulated, to leave a probability that it would be substantially
made. This was not merely the sentiment of the individuals then
administering the government, which might change with a change of men.
It was known to be the sense of the states they represented; and
consequently the hope could not be indulged that, on this subject, a
future congress would be more just, or would think more liberally. As
therefore the establishment of that independence for which they had
fought and suffered appeared to become more certain,--as the end of
their toils approached--the officers became more attentive to their
own situation; and the inquietude of the army increased with the
progress of the negotiation.
In October, the French troops marched to Boston, in order to embark
for the West Indies; and the Americans retired into winter quarters.
The apparent indisposition of the British general to act offensively,
the pacific temper avowed by the cabinet of London, and the strength
of the country in which the American troops were cantoned, gave ample
assurance that no military operations would be undertaken during the
winter, which could require the continuance of General Washington in
camp. But the irritable temper of the army furnished cause for serious
apprehension; and he determined to forego every gratification to be
derived from a suspension of his toils, in order to watch its
discontents.
While the situation of the United States thus loudly called for peace,
the negotiations in Europe were protracted by causes which, in
America, were almost unknown, and which it would have been dangerous
to declare. Although, so far as respected the dismemberment of the
British empire, the war had been carried on with one common design,
the ulterior views of the belligerent powers were not only different,
but, in some respects, incompatible with each other. To depress a
proud and hated rival was so eagerly desired by the house of Bourbon,
that France and Spain might be disposed to continue hostilities for
the attainment of objects in which America could feel no common
interest. This circumstance, of itself, furnished motives for
prolonging the war, after the causes in which it originated were
removed; and additional delays were produced by the discordant views
which were entertained in regard to those claims which were the
subject of negotiation. These were, the boundaries which should be
assigned to the United States, and the participation which should be
allowed them in the fisheries. On both these points, the wishes of
France and Spain were opposed to those of America; and the cabinets
both of Versailles and Madrid, seemed disposed to intrigue with that
of London, to prevent such ample concessions respecting them, as the
British minister might be inclined to make.
[Sidenote: Preliminary and eventual articles agreed upon between the
United States and Great Britain.]
{Nov. 30.}
After an intricate negotiation, in which the penetration, judgment,
and firmness, of the American commissioners were eminently displayed,
eventual and preliminary articles were signed on the 30th of November.
By this treaty every reasonable wish of America, especially on the
questions of boundary and of the fisheries, was gratified.
The liberality of the articles on these points attests the success
which attended the endeavours of the plenipotentiaries of the United
States, to prove that the real interests of England required that
America should become independent in fact, as well as name; and that
every cause of future discord between the two nations should be
removed.
{1783}
The effect of this treaty was suspended until peace should be
concluded between France and Great Britain. The connexions between
their most Christian and Catholic Majesties not admitting of a
separate peace on the part of either, the negotiations between the
belligerent powers of Europe had been protracted by the persevering
endeavours of Spain to obtain the cession of Gibraltar. At length, the
formidable armament which had invested that fortress was repulsed with
immense slaughter; after which the place was relieved by Lord Howe,
and the besiegers abandoned the enterprise in despair. Negotiations
were then taken up with sincerity; and preliminary articles of peace
between Great Britain, France, and Spain, were signed on the 20th of
January, 1783.
[Sidenote: Discontents of the American Army.]
In America, the approach of peace, combined with other causes,
produced a state of things alike interesting and critical. The
officers who had wasted their fortunes and their prime of life in
unrewarded service, fearing, with reason, that congress possessed
neither the power nor the inclination to comply with its engagements
to the army, could not look with unconcern at the prospect which was
opening to them. In December, soon after going into winter quarters,
they presented a petition to congress, respecting the money actually
due to them, and proposing a commutation of the half pay stipulated by
the resolutions of October, 1780, for a sum in gross, which, they
nattered themselves, would encounter fewer prejudices than the half
pay establishment. Some security that the engagements of the
government would be complied with was also requested. A committee of
officers was deputed to solicit the attention of congress to this
memorial, and to attend its progress through the house.
Among the most distinguished members of the federal government, were
persons sincerely disposed to do ample justice to the public creditors
generally, and to that class of them particularly whose claims were
founded in military service. But many viewed the army with jealous
eyes, acknowledged its merit with unwillingness, and betrayed,
involuntarily, their repugnance to a faithful observance of the public
engagements. With this question, another of equal importance was
connected, on which congress was divided almost in the same manner.
One party was attached to a state, the other to a continental system.
The latter laboured to fund the public debts on solid continental
security, while the former opposed their whole weight to measures
calculated to effect that object.
In consequence of these divisions on points of the deepest interest,
the business of the army advanced slowly, and the important question
respecting the commutation of their half pay remained undecided, when
intelligence was received of the signature of the preliminary and
eventual articles of peace between the United States and Great
Britain.
[Sidenote: Anonymous letters and the proceedings in consequence
thereof.]
The officers, soured by their past sufferings, their present wants,
and their gloomy prospects--exasperated by the neglect which they
experienced, and the injustice which they apprehended, manifested an
irritable and uneasy temper, which required only a slight impulse to
give it activity. To render this temper the more dangerous, an opinion
had been insinuated that the Commander-in-chief was restrained, by
extreme delicacy, from supporting their interests with that zeal which
his feelings and knowledge of their situation had inspired. Early in
March, a letter was received from their committee in Philadelphia,
showing that the objects they solicited had not been obtained. On the
10th of that month, an anonymous paper was circulated, requiring a
meeting of the general and field officers at the public building on
the succeeding day at eleven in the morning; and announcing the
expectation that an officer from each company, and a delegate from the
medical staff would attend. The object of the meeting was avowed to
be, "to consider the late letter from their representatives in
Philadelphia, and what measures (if any) should be adopted to obtain
that redress of grievances which they seemed to have solicited in
vain."
On the same day an address to the army was privately circulated, which
was admirably well calculated to work on the passions of the moment,
and to lead to the most desperate resolutions. Full justice can not be
done to this eloquent paper without inserting it entire.
"To the officers of the army.
"Gentlemen,
"A fellow soldier, whose interests and affections bend him strongly to
you, whose past sufferings have been as great, and whose future
fortune may be as desperate as yours, would beg leave to address you.
"Age has its claims, and rank is not without its pretensions, to
advise; but though unsupported by both, he flatters himself that the
plain language of sincerity and experience will neither be unheard nor
unregarded.
"Like many of you, he loved private life, and left it with regret. He
left it, determined to retire from the field with the necessity that
called him to it, and not until then--not until the enemies of his
country, the slaves of power, and the hirelings of injustice, were
compelled to abandon their schemes, and acknowledge America as
terrible in arms as she had been humble in remonstrance. With this
object in view, he has long shared in your toils, and mingled in your
dangers. He has felt the cold hand of poverty without a murmur, and
has seen the insolence of wealth without a sigh. But too much under
the direction of his wishes, and sometimes weak enough to mistake
desire for opinion, he has until lately--very lately--believed in the
justice of his country. He hoped that, as the clouds of adversity
scattered, and as the sunshine of peace and better fortune broke in
upon us, the coldness and severity of government would relax, and that
more than justice, that gratitude would blaze forth upon those hands
which had upheld her in the darkest stages of her passage from
impending servitude to acknowledged independence. But faith has its
limits, as well as temper, and there are points beyond which neither
can be stretched without sinking into cowardice, or plunging into
credulity. This, my friends, I conceive to be your situation. Hurried
to the very verge of both, another step would ruin you for ever. To be
tame and unprovoked when injuries press hard upon you, is more than
weakness; but to look up for kinder usage without one manly effort of
your own, would fix your character, and show the world how richly you
deserve those chains you broke. To guard against this evil, let us
take a review of the ground upon which we now stand, and from thence
carry our thoughts forward for a moment into the unexplored field of
expedient.
"After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we set out
is at length brought within our reach.--Yes, my friends, that
suffering courage of yours was active once.--It has conducted the
United States of America through a doubtful and a bloody war.--It has
placed her in the chair of independency; and peace returns again to
bless--whom?--A country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your
worth, and reward your services? A country courting your return to
private life with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration--longing
to divide with you that independency which your gallantry has given,
and those riches which your wounds have preserved? Is this the case?
Or is it rather a country that tramples upon your rights, disdains
your cries, and insults your distresses? Have you not more than once
suggested your wishes and made known your wants to congress? Wants and
wishes which gratitude and policy would have anticipated rather than
evaded; and have you not lately, in the meek language of entreating
memorials, begged from their justice what you could no longer expect
from their favour? How have you been answered? Let the letter which
you are called to consider to-morrow reply.
"If this then be your treatment while the swords you wear are
necessary for the defence of America, what have you to expect from
peace, when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by
division? When those very swords, the instruments and companions of
your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of
military distinction left but your wants, infirmities, and scars? Can
you then consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and,
retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and
contempt? Can you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency,
and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has
hitherto been spent in honour? If you can--go--and carry with you the
jest of tories, and the scorn of whigs;--the ridicule, and, what is
worse, the pity of the world. Go,--starve and be forgotten. But if
your spirit should revolt at this; if you have sense enough to
discover, and spirit enough to oppose, tyranny under whatever garb it
may assume; whether it be the plain coat of republicanism, or the
splendid robe of royalty; if you have yet learned to discriminate
between a people and a cause, between men and principles,--awake;
attend to your situation, and redress yourselves. If the present
moment be lost, every future effort is in vain; and your threats then
will be as empty as your entreaties now.
"I would advise you therefore to come to some final opinion upon what
you can bear, and what you will suffer. If your determination be in
any proportion to your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to
the fears of the government. Change the milk-and-water style of your
last memorial. Assume a bolder tone,--decent, but lively, spirited,
and determined; and suspect the man who would advise to more
moderation and longer forbearance. Let two or three men who can feel
as well as write, be appointed to draw up your _last remonstrance_;
for I would no longer give it the sueing, soft, unsuccessful epithet
of memorial. Let it be represented in language that will neither
dishonour you by its rudeness, nor betray you by its fears, what has
been promised by congress, and what has been performed;--how long and
how patiently you have suffered;--how little you have asked, and how
much of that little has been denied. Tell them that, though you were
the first, and would wish to be the last to encounter danger; though
despair itself can never drive you into dishonour, it may drive you
from the field;--that the wound often irritated and never healed, may
at length become incurable; and that the slightest mark of indignity
from congress now must operate like the grave, and part you forever;
that in any political event, the army has its alternative. If peace,
that nothing shall separate you from your arms but death; if war, that
courting the auspices, and inviting the directions of your illustrious
leader, you will retire to some unsettled country, smile in your turn,
and 'mock when their fear cometh on.' But let it represent also that,
should they comply with the request of your late memorial, it would
make you more happy and them more respectable. That while war should
continue you would follow their standard into the field; and when it
came to an end, you would withdraw into the shade of private life, and
give the world another subject of wonder and applause;--an army
victorious over its enemies, victorious over itself."
Persuaded as the officers in general were of the indisposition of
government to remunerate their services, this eloquent and impassioned
address, dictated by genius and by feeling, found in almost every
bosom a kindred though latent sentiment prepared to receive its
impression. Quick as the train to which a torch is applied, the
passions caught its flame, and nothing seemed to be required but the
assemblage proposed for the succeeding day, to communicate the
conflagration to the combustible mass, and to produce an explosion
ruinous to the army and to the nation.
Fortunately, the Commander-in-chief was in camp. His characteristic
firmness and decision did not forsake him in this crisis. The occasion
required that his measures should be firm, but prudent and
conciliatory,--evincive of his fixed determination to oppose any rash
proceedings, but calculated to assuage the irritation which was
excited, and to restore confidence in government.
Knowing well that it was much easier to avoid intemperate measures
than to correct them, he thought it of essential importance to prevent
the immediate meeting of the officers; but, knowing also that a sense
of injury and a fear of injustice had made a deep impression on them,
and that their sensibilities were all alive to the proceedings of
congress on their memorial, he thought it more adviseable to guide
their deliberations on that interesting subject, than to
discountenance them.
With these views, he noticed in his orders, the anonymous paper
proposing a meeting of the officers, and expressed his conviction that
their good sense would secure them from paying any "attention to such
an irregular invitation; but his own duty, he conceived, as well as
the reputation and true interest of the army, required his
disapprobation of such disorderly proceedings. At the same time, he
requested the general and field officers, with one officer from each
company, and a proper representation from the staff of the army, to
assemble at twelve on Saturday, the 15th, at the new building, to hear
the report of the committee deputed by the army to congress. After
mature deliberation they will devise what farther measures ought to be
adopted as most rational and best calculated to obtain the just and
important object in view." The senior officer in rank present was
directed to preside, and report the result of the deliberations to the
Commander-in-chief.
The day succeeding that on which these orders were published, a second
anonymous address appeared, from the same pen which had written the
first. Its author, acquainted with the discontents of the army, did
not seem to despair of impelling the officers to the desired point. He
affected to consider the orders in a light favourable to his
views:--"as giving system to their proceedings, and stability to their
resolves."
But Washington would not permit himself to be misunderstood. The
interval between his orders and the general meeting they invited, was
employed in impressing on those officers individually who possessed
the greatest share of the general confidence, a just sense of the true
interests of the army; and the whole weight of his influence was
exerted to calm the agitations of the moment, and conduct them to a
happy termination. This was a work of no inconsiderable difficulty. So
convinced were many that government designed to deal unfairly by them,
that only the reliance they placed on their general, and their
attachment to his person and character, could have moderated their
resentments so far as to induce them to adopt the measures he
recommended.
On the 15th, the convention of officers assembled, and General
Gates[14] took the chair. The Commander-in-chief then addressed them
in the following terms.
[Footnote 14: By a resolution of the preceding year, the
inquiry into his conduct had been dispensed with, and he had
been restored to his command in the army.]
"Gentlemen,--
"By an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made to convene you
together. How inconsistent with the rules of propriety, how
unmilitary, and how subversive of all order and discipline, let the
good sense of the army decide.
"In the moment of this summons, another anonymous production was sent
into circulation, addressed more to the feelings and passions than to
the judgment of the army. The author of the piece is entitled to much
credit for the goodness of his pen; and I could wish he had as much
credit for the rectitude of his heart; for as men see through
different optics, and are induced by the reflecting faculties of the
mind, to use different means to attain the same end, the author of the
address should have had more charity, than to mark for suspicion the
man who should recommend moderation and longer forbearance; or, in
other words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he advises.
But he had another plan in view, in which candour and liberality of
sentiment, regard to justice, and love of country, have no part; and
he was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion to effect the blackest
design. That the address was drawn with great art, and is designed to
answer the most insidious purposes; that it is calculated to impress
the mind with an idea of premeditated injustice, in the sovereign
power of the United States, and rouse all those resentments which must
unavoidably flow from such a belief; that the secret mover of this
scheme, whoever he may be, intended to take advantage of the passions,
while they were warmed by the recollection of past distresses, without
giving time for cool deliberate thinking, and that composure of mind
which is so necessary to give dignity and stability to measures, is
rendered too obvious by the mode of conducting the business to need
other proof than a reference to the proceedings.
"Thus much, gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to observe to
you, to show upon what principles I opposed the irregular and hasty
meeting which was proposed to have been held on Tuesday last, and not
because I wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity
consistent with your own honour, and the dignity of the army, to make
known your grievances. If my conduct heretofore has not evinced to
you, that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of
it at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But as I was
among the first who embarked in the cause of our common country; as I
have never left your side one moment but when called from you on
public duty; as I have been the constant companion and witness of your
distresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your
merits; as I have ever considered my own military reputation as
inseparably connected with that of the army; as my heart has ever
expanded with joy when I have heard its praises, and my indignation
has arisen when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it; it
can scarcely be supposed, at this last stage of the war, that I am
indifferent to its interests. But how are they to be promoted? The way
is plain, says the anonymous addresser.--If war continues, remove into
the unsettled country; there establish yourselves, and leave an
ungrateful country to defend itself! But who are they to defend? Our
wives, our children, our farms and other property which we leave
behind us? Or, in this state of hostile separation, are we to take the
two first (the latter can not be removed) to perish in a wilderness
with hunger, cold, and nakedness?
"'If peace takes place, never sheath your swords,' says he, 'until you
have obtained full and ample justice.' This dreadful alternative of
either deserting our country in the extremest hour of her distress, or
turning our arms against it, which is the apparent object, unless
Congress can be compelled into instant compliance, has something so
shocking in it, that humanity revolts at the idea. My God! what can
this writer have in view by recommending such measures. Can he be a
friend to the army? Can he be a friend to this country? Rather is he
not an insidious foe: some emissary, perhaps, from New York, plotting
the ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and separation
between the civil and military powers of the continent? And what a
compliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recommends
measures, in either alternative, impracticable in their nature? But
here, gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it would be as
imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it would be
insulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need of them. A
moment's reflection will convince every dispassionate mind of the
physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution.
There might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in this
address to you, of an anonymous production,--but the manner in which
that performance has been introduced to the army, together with some
other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the
tendency of that writing.
"With respect to the advice given by the author, to suspect the man
who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, I spurn
it, as every man who regards that liberty, and reveres that justice
for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for if men are to be precluded
from offering their sentiments on a matter which may involve the most
serious and alarming consequences that can invite the consideration of
mankind, reason is of no use to us. The freedom of speech may be taken
away, and dumb and silent, we may be led like sheep to the slaughter.
I can not in justice to my own belief, and what I have great reason to
conceive is the intention of congress, conclude this address, without
giving it as my decided opinion, that that honourable body entertain
exalted sentiments of the services of the army, and, from a full
conviction of its merits and sufferings, will do it complete justice.
That their endeavours to discover and establish funds for this purpose
have been unwearied, and will not cease until they have succeeded, I
have not a doubt.
"But, like all other large bodies, where there is a variety of
different interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. Why
then should we distrust them? And, in consequence of that distrust,
adopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory which has been
so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army which is
celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude and patriotism? And
for what is this done? To bring the object we seek nearer? No: most
certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance. For
myself, (and I take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced to
it from principles of gratitude, veracity, and justice, and a grateful
sense of the confidence you have ever placed in me,) a recollection of
the cheerful assistance, and prompt obedience I have experienced from
you, under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection I
feel for an army I have so long had the honour to command, will oblige
me to declare in this public and solemn manner, that in the attainment
of complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the
gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently with
the great duty I owe my country, and those powers we are bound to
respect, you may freely command my services to the utmost extent of my
abilities.
"While I give these assurances, and pledge myself in the most
unequivocal manner to exert whatever abilities I am possessed of in
your favour, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take
any measures which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen
the dignity, and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. Let me
request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a
full confidence in the purity of the intentions of congress;--that,
previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your
accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions which
were published to you two days ago; and that they will adopt the most
effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you for
your faithful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you, in the
name of our common country, as you value your own honour, as you
respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and
national character of America, to express your utmost horror and
detestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to
overturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to
open the flood gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in
blood.
"By thus determining, and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and
direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the
insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort from
open force to secret artifice. You will give one more distinguished
proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to
the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will by the
dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when
speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, had
this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of
perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining."
These sentiments from a person whom the army had been accustomed to
love, to revere, and to obey; the solidity of whose judgment, and the
sincerity of whose zeal for their interests, were alike unquestioned,
could not fail to be irresistible. No person was hardy enough to
oppose the advice he had given; and the general impression was
apparent. A resolution moved by General Knox, and seconded by
Brigadier General Putnam, "assuring him that the officers reciprocated
his affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the
human heart is capable," was unanimously voted. On the motion of
General Putnam, a committee consisting of General Knox, Colonel
Brooks, and Captain Howard was then appointed, to prepare resolutions
on the business before them, and to report in half an hour. The report
of the committee being brought in and considered, the following
resolutions were passed.
"Resolved unanimously, that at the commencement of the present war,
the officers of the American army engaged in the service of their
country from the purest love and attachment to the rights and
privileges of human nature; which motives still exist in the highest
degree; and that no circumstances of distress or danger shall induce a
conduct that may tend to sully the reputation and glory which they
have acquired at the price of their blood, and eight years faithful
services.
"Resolved unanimously, that the army continue to have an unshaken
confidence in the justice of congress and their country, and are fully
convinced that the representatives of America will not disband or
disperse the army until their accounts are liquidated, the balances
accurately ascertained, and adequate funds established for payment;
and in this arrangement, the officers expect that the half pay, or a
commutation for it, shall be efficaciously comprehended.
"Resolved unanimously, that his excellency the Commander-in-chief, be
requested to write to his excellency the president of congress,
earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of that honourable body
upon the subject of our late address, which was forwarded by a
committee of the army, some of whom are waiting upon congress for the
result. In the alternative of peace or war, this event would be highly
satisfactory, and would produce immediate tranquillity in the minds of
the army, and prevent any farther machinations of designing men, to
sow discord between the civil and military powers of the United
States.
"On motion, resolved unanimously, that the officers of the American
army view with abhorrence and reject with disdain, the infamous
propositions contained in a late anonymous address to the officers of
the army, and resent with indignation the secret attempts of some
unknown person to collect the officers together in a manner totally
subversive of all discipline and good order.
"Resolved unanimously, that the thanks of the officers of the army be
given to the committee who presented to congress the late address of
the army; for the wisdom and prudence with which they have conducted
that business; and that a copy of the proceedings of this day be
transmitted by the president to Major General M'Dougal; and that he be
requested to continue his solicitations at congress until the objects
of his mission are accomplished."
The storm which had been raised so suddenly and unexpectedly being
thus happily dissipated, the Commander-in-chief exerted all his
influence in support of the application the officers had made to
congress. The following letter, written by him on the occasion, will
show that he was not impelled to this measure by the engagements he
had entered into more strongly than by his feelings.
"The result of the proceedings of the grand convention of the
officers, which I have the honour of enclosing to your excellency for
the inspection of congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered as
the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given by
men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army; and will not
only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase their title
to the gratitude of their country.
"Having seen the proceedings on the part of the army terminate with
perfect unanimity, and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes,
being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those
who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully, suffered and fought
under my direction; having from motives of justice, duty, and
gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advocate for their
rights; and having been requested to write to your excellency,
earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of congress upon the
subjects of the late address from the army to that honourable body; it
now only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, and to
intercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the sovereign power will
be pleased to verify the predictions I have pronounced of, and the
confidence the army have reposed in, the justice of their country.
"And here I humbly conceive it is altogether unnecessary (while I am
pleading the cause of an army which have done and suffered more than
any other army ever did in the defence of the rights and liberties of
human nature) to expatiate on their claims to the most ample
compensation for their meritorious services, because they are
perfectly known to the whole world, and because (although the topics
are inexhaustible) enough has already been said on the subject. To
prove these assertions, to evince that my sentiments have ever been
uniform, and to show what my ideas of the rewards in question have
always been, I appeal to the archives of congress, and call on those
sacred deposites to witness for me. And in order that my observations
and arguments in favour of a future adequate provision for the
officers of the army may be brought to remembrance again, and
considered in a single point of view, without giving congress the
trouble of having recourse to their files, I will beg leave to
transmit herewith an extract from a representation made by me to a
committee of congress, so long ago as the 20th of January, 1778, and
also the transcript of a letter to the president of congress, dated
near Passaic falls, October the 11th, 1780.
"That in the critical and perilous moment when the last mentioned
communication was made, there was the utmost danger a dissolution of
the army would have taken place unless measures similar to those
recommended had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. That the
adoption of the resolution granting half pay for life has been
attended with all the happy consequences I foretold, so far as
respected the good of the service, let the astonishing contrast
between the state of the army at this instant and at the former
period, determine. And that the establishment of funds, and security
of the payment of all the just demands of the army, will be the most
certain means of preserving the national faith, and future
tranquillity of this extensive continent, is my decided opinion.
"By the preceding remarks, it will readily be imagined that, instead
of retracting and reprehending (from farther experience and
reflection) the mode of compensation so strenuously urged in the
enclosures, I am more and more confirmed in the sentiment; and if in
the wrong, suffer me to please myself in the grateful delusion. For
if, besides the simple payment of their wages, a farther compensation
is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then have
I been mistaken indeed. If the whole army have not merited whatever a
grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice,
and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should not in
the event perform every thing which has been requested in the late
memorial to congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope
that has been excited void of foundation. 'And if (as has been
suggested for the purpose of inflaming their passions) the officers of
the army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution; if, retiring
from the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and
contempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and
owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto
been spent in honour,' then shall I have learned what ingratitude is;
then shall I have realized a tale which will embitter every moment of
my future life.
"But I am under no such apprehensions. A country rescued by their arms
from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude.
"Should any intemperate and improper warmth have mingled itself among
the foregoing observations, I must entreat your excellency and
congress that it may be attributed to the effusions of an honest zeal
in the best of causes, and that my peculiar situation may be my
apology; and I hope I need not, on this momentous occasion, make any
new protestations of disinterestedness, having ever renounced for
myself the idea of pecuniary reward. The consciousness of having
attempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and the approbation of my
country, will be a sufficient recompense for my services."
{March 24.}
[Sidenote: Peace concluded.]
{April 19.}
These proceedings of the army produced a concurrence of nine states in
favour of a resolution commuting the half pay into a sum in gross
equal to five years full pay; immediately after the passage of which,
the fears still entertained in America that the war might continue,
were dissipated by a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette, announcing
a general peace. This intelligence, though not official, was certain;
and orders were immediately issued, recalling all armed vessels
cruising under the authority of the United States. Early in April, the
copy of a declaration published in Paris, and signed by the American
commissioners, announcing the exchange of ratifications of the
preliminary articles between Great Britain and France, was received;
and on the 19th of that month, the cessation[15] of hostilities was
proclaimed.
[Footnote 15: See note, No. I. at the end of the volume.]
[Sidenote: Measures for disbanding the army.]
The attention of congress might now be safely turned to the reduction
of the army. This, in the empty state of the treasury, was a critical
operation. In addition to the anxieties which the officers would
naturally feel respecting their provision for the future, which of
necessity remained unsecured, large arrears of pay were due to them,
the immediate receipt of part of which was required by the most urgent
wants. To disband an army to which the government was greatly
indebted, without furnishing the individuals who composed it with the
means of conveyance to their respective homes, was a perilous measure;
and congress was unable to advance the pay of a single month.
Although eight millions had been required for the year 1782, the
payments into the public treasury had amounted to only four hundred
and twenty thousand and thirty-one dollars, and twenty-nine
ninetieths; and the foreign loans had not been sufficient to defray
expenses it was impossible to avoid, at the close of that year, the
expenditures of the superintendent of the finances had exceeded his
receipts four hundred and four thousand seven hundred and thirteen
dollars and nine ninetieths; and the excess continued to increase
rapidly.
Congress urged the states to comply so far with the requisitions as to
enable the superintendent of the finances to advance a part of the
arrears due to the soldiers; but, as the foreign danger diminished,
they became still less attentive to these demands; and the financier
was under the necessity of making farther anticipations of the
revenue. Measures were taken to advance three months pay in his notes;
but, before they could be prepared, orders were issued for complying
with a resolution of Congress for granting unlimited furloughs to the
non-commissioned officers and privates who were engaged to serve
during the war. These orders produced a serious alarm. The generals,
and officers commanding regiments and corps cantoned on the Hudson,
assembled, and presented an address to the Commander-in-chief, in
which the most ardent affection to his person, and confidence in his
attachment to the interests of the army, were mingled with expressions
of profound duty and respect for the government. But they declared
that, after the late explanation on their claims, they had confidently
expected that their accounts would be liquidated, the balances
ascertained, and adequate funds for the payment of those balances
provided, before they should be dispersed or disbanded.
Bound to the army by the strongest ties of affection and gratitude,
intimately convinced of the justice of their claims, and of the
patriotic principles by which they were influenced, the General was
induced by sentiment not less than by prudence, to regard this
application. He returned an answer, on the succeeding day, in which,
after declaring "that as no man could possibly be better acquainted
than himself with the past merits and services of the army, so no one
could possibly be more strongly impressed with their present
ineligible situation; feel a keener sensibility at their distresses;
or more ardently desire to alleviate or remove them." He added,
"although the officers of the army very well know my official
situation, that I am only a servant of the public, and that it is not
for me to dispense with orders which it is my duty to carry into
execution, yet as furloughs in all services are considered as a matter
of indulgence, and not of compulsion; as congress, I am persuaded,
entertain the best disposition towards the army; and as I apprehend in
a very short time, the two principal articles of complaint will be
removed; until the farther pleasure of congress can be known, I shall
not hesitate to comply with the wishes of the army, under these
reservations only, that officers sufficient to conduct the men who
choose to receive furloughs, will attend them, either on furlough or
by detachment."
This answer satisfied the officers. The utmost good temper was
manifested; and the arrangements for retiring on furlough were made
without a murmur. In the course of the summer, a considerable
proportion of the troops enlisted for three years were also permitted
to return to their homes; and, in October, a proclamation was issued
by congress, declaring all those who had engaged for the war to be
discharged on the third of December.
[Illustration: The Long Room in Fraunces' Tavern, New York City
_It was here that Washington took formal leave of his officers,
preparatory to resigning his commission as Commander-in-Chief of the
Continental Army. Controlling his emotion with difficulty, the General
arose, at the conclusion of a light repast, and proposed the following
health: "With a heart full of love and gratitude I must now take my
leave of you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as
prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and
honorable." The toast was drunk in silence, and Washington added: "I
cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to
you if each will come and take me by the hand."_]
[Sidenote: Mutiny of a part of the Pennsylvania line.]
While these excellent dispositions were manifested by the veterans
serving under the immediate eye of their patriot chief, the government
was exposed to insult and outrage from the mutinous spirit of a small
party of new levies. About eighty men of this description belonging to
Pennsylvania, were stationed at Lancaster. Revolting against the
authority of their officers, they marched in a body to Philadelphia,
with the avowed purpose of obtaining redress of their grievances from
the executive council of the state. The march of these insolent
mutineers was not obstructed; and, after arriving in Philadelphia,
their numbers were augmented by the junction of some troops quartered
in the barracks. They then marched in military parade, with fixed
bayonets, to the state-house, in which congress and the executive
council of the state were sitting; and, after placing sentinels at the
doors, sent in a written message, threatening the executive of the
state with the vengeance of an enraged soldiery, if their demands were
not gratified in twenty minutes. Although these threats were not
directed particularly against congress, the government of the union
was grossly insulted, and those who administered it were blockaded for
several hours by licentious soldiers. After remaining in this
situation about three hours, the members separated, having agreed to
reassemble at Princeton.
On receiving information of this outrage, the Commander-in-chief
detached fifteen hundred men under the command of Major General Howe,
to suppress the mutiny. His indignation at this insult to the civil
authority, and his mortification at this misconduct of any portion of
the American troops, were strongly marked in his letter to the
president of congress.
"While," said he, "I suffer the most poignant distress in observing
that a handful of men, contemptible in numbers, and equally so in
point of service, (if the veteran troops from the southward have not
been seduced by their example,) and who are not worthy to be called
soldiers, should disgrace themselves and their country as the
Pennsylvania mutineers have done by insulting the sovereign authority
of the United States, and that of their own, I feel an inexpressible
satisfaction, that even this behaviour can not stain the name of the
American soldiery. It can not be imputed to, or reflect dishonour on,
the army at large; but, on the contrary, it will, by the striking
contrast it exhibits, hold up to public view the other troops in the
most advantageous point of light. Upon taking all the circumstances
into consideration, I can not sufficiently express my surprise and
indignation at the arrogance, the folly, and the wickedness of the
mutineers; nor can I sufficiently admire the fidelity, the bravery,
and patriotism, which must forever signalize the unsullied character
of the other corps of our army. For when we consider that these
Pennsylvania levies, who have now mutinied, are recruits, and soldiers
of a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of the war, and who
can have in reality very few hardships to complain of; and when we at
the same time recollect that those soldiers, who have lately been
furloughed from this army, are the veterans who have patiently endured
hunger, nakedness, and cold; who have suffered and bled without a
murmur, and who, with perfect good order, have retired to their homes,
without a settlement of their accounts, or a farthing of money in
their pockets; we shall be as much astonished at the virtues of the
latter, as we are struck with horror and detestation at the
proceedings of the former, and every candid mind, without indulging
ill-grounded prejudices, will undoubtedly make the proper
discrimination."
Before the detachment from the army could reach Philadelphia, the
disturbances were, in a great degree, quieted without bloodshed; but
General Howe was ordered by congress to continue his march into
Pennsylvania, "in order that immediate measures might be taken to
confine and bring to trial all such persons belonging to the army as
have been principally active in the late mutiny; to disarm the
remainder; and to examine fully into all the circumstances relating
thereto."
The interval between the treaty with Great Britain and his retiring
into private life, was devoted by the Commander-in-chief to objects of
permanent utility.
The independence of his country being established, he looked forward
with anxiety to its future destinies. These might greatly depend on
the systems to be adopted on the return of peace, and to those systems
much of his attention was directed. The future peace establishment of
the United States was one of the many interesting subjects which
claimed the consideration of congress. As the experience of General
Washington would certainly enable him to suggest many useful ideas on
this important point, his opinions respecting it were requested by the
committee to whom it was referred. His letter on this occasion, which
was deposited, it is presumed, in the archives of state, will long
deserve the attention of those to whom the interests of the United
States may be confided. His strongest hopes of securing the future
tranquillity, dignity and respectability of his country were placed on
a well regulated and well disciplined militia, and his sentiments on
this subject are entitled to the more regard, as a long course of
severe experience had enabled him to mark the total incompetency of
the existing system to the great purposes of national defence.
[Sidenote: Evacuation of New York.]
At length the British troops evacuated New York, and a detachment from
the American army took possession of that town.
Guards being posted for the security of the citizens, General
Washington, accompanied by Governor Clinton, and attended by many
civil and military officers, and a large number of respectable
inhabitants on horseback, made his public entry into the city; where
he was received with every mark of respect and attention. His military
course was now on the point of terminating; and he was about to bid
adieu to his comrades in arms. This affecting interview took place on
the 4th of December. At noon, the principal officers of the army
assembled at Frances' tavern, soon after which, their beloved
commander entered the room. His emotions were too strong to be
concealed. Filling a glass, he turned to them and said, "With a heart
full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you; I most devoutly
wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as your
former ones have been glorious and honourable." Having drunk, he
added, "I can not come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be
obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand." General
Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, incapable of
utterance, grasped his hand, and embraced him. In the same
affectionate manner he took leave of each succeeding officer. The tear
of manly sensibility was in every eye; and not a word was articulated
to interrupt the dignified silence, and the tenderness of the scene.
Leaving the room, he passed through the corps of light infantry, and
walked to White Hall, where a barge waited to convey him to Powles
Hook. The whole company followed in mute and solemn procession, with
dejected countenances, testifying feelings of delicious melancholy,
which no language can describe. Having entered the barge, he turned to
the company, and, waving his hat, bid them a silent adieu. They paid
him the same affectionate compliment; and, after the barge had left
them, returned in the same solemn manner to the place where they had
assembled.[16]
[Footnote 16: Gordon.]
Congress was then in session at Annapolis, in Maryland, to which place
General Washington repaired, for the purpose of resigning into their
hands the authority with which they had invested him.[17] He arrived
on the 19th of December. The next day he informed that body of his
intention to ask leave to resign the commission he had the honour of
holding in their service; and requested to know whether it would be
their pleasure that he should offer his resignation in writing, or at
an audience.
[Footnote 17: See note, No. II. at the end of the volume.]
To give the more dignity to the act, they determined that it should be
offered at a public audience on the following Tuesday, at twelve.
[Sidenote: General Washington resigns his commission and retires to
Mount Vernon.]
When the hour arrived for performing a ceremony so well calculated to
recall the various interesting scenes which had passed since the
commission now to be returned was granted, the gallery was crowded
with spectators, and several persons of distinction were admitted on
the floor of congress. The members remained seated and covered. The
spectators were standing, and uncovered. The general was introduced by
the secretary, and conducted to a chair. After a short pause, the
president[18] informed him that "The United States in congress
assembled were prepared to receive his communications." With native
dignity improved by the solemnity of the occasion, the general rose
and delivered the following address.
[Footnote 18: General Mifflin.]
"Mr. President,
"The great events on which my resignation depended, having at length
taken place, I have now the honour of offering my sincere
congratulations to congress, and of presenting myself before them, to
surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the
indulgence of retiring from the service of my country.
"Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and
pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a
respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment I
accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish
so arduous a task, which however was superseded by a confidence in the
rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the union,
and the patronage of heaven.
"The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine
expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence,
and the assistance I have received from my countrymen, increases with
every review of the momentous contest.
"While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do
injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge in this place, the
peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have
been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the
choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been
more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in particular, those who
have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the
favourable notice and patronage of congress.
"I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last act of my
official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country to
the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence
of them to his holy keeping.
"Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great
theatre of action, and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this
august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my
commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life."
After advancing to the chair and delivering his commission to the
president, he returned to his place, and received standing the
following answer of congress, which was delivered by the president.
"Sir,
"The United States in congress assembled, receive with emotions too
affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the authorities
under which you have led their troops with success through a perilous
and a doubtful war. Called upon by your country to defend its invaded
rights, you accepted the sacred charge, before it had formed
alliances, and whilst it was without funds or a government to support
you. You have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and
fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power, through
all disasters and changes. You have by the love and confidence of your
fellow citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius, and
transmit their fame to posterity. You have persevered until these
United States, aided by a magnanimous king and nation, have been
enabled under a just Providence, to close the war in freedom, safety,
and independence; on which happy event we sincerely join you in
congratulations.
"Having defended the standard of liberty in this new world, having
taught a lesson useful to those who inflict and to those who feel
oppression, you retire from the great theatre of action with the
blessings of your fellow citizens. But the glory of your virtues will
not terminate with your military command; it will continue to animate
remotest ages.
"We feel with you our obligations to the army in general, and will
particularly charge ourselves with the interests of those confidential
officers who have attended your person to this affecting moment.
"We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the
protection of Almighty God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and
minds of its citizens, to improve the opportunity afforded them of
becoming a happy and respectable nation. And for you, we address to
him our earnest prayers that a life so beloved, may be fostered with
all his care; that your days may be as happy as they have been
illustrious; and that he will finally give you that reward which this
world can not give."
This scene being closed, a scene rendered peculiarly interesting by
the personages who appeared in it, by the great events it recalled to
the memory, and by the singularity of the circumstances under which it
was displayed, the American chief withdrew from the hall of congress,
leaving the silent and admiring spectators deeply impressed with those
sentiments which its solemnity and dignity were calculated to inspire.
Divested of his military character, General Washington retired to
Mount Vernon, followed by the enthusiastic love, esteem, and
admiration of his countrymen. Relieved from the agitations of a
doubtful contest, and from the toils of an exalted station, he
returned with increased delight to the duties and the enjoyments of a
private citizen. He indulged the hope that, in the shade of
retirement, under the protection of a free government, and the
benignant influence of mild and equal laws, he might taste that
felicity which is the reward of a mind at peace with itself, and
conscious of its own purity.