_From a Picture by Gilbert Stewart
in the possession of T. B. Barclay, Esq^r. of Liverpool._
Under the Superintendance of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful
Knowledge.
_London. Published by Charles Knight, Ludgate Street._
]
The boundaries of the British and French possessions in America were at
that time subjects of dispute. In 1753, Washington was sent on a mission
to the French settlement on the Ohio, which he executed successfully;
and, on his return, published a journal of his route, which attracted
much notice. In the following year he was less fortunate, being taken
prisoner with his party, while in command of an expedition against the
French. Being allowed to return home, he withdrew from the service and
went to reside at Mount Vernon, an estate which descended to him on the
death of an elder brother. In 1755, he accepted the rank of Aide-de-camp
to General Braddock, and was present at the surprise of the British in
the woods near the Monongahela, where his coolness, courage, and
knowledge of Indian warfare, chiefly contributed to the preservation of
a handful of the troops. He escaped unhurt, but had three horses killed
under him, and his dress was four times pierced with rifle-balls. Having
gained much credit by his conduct on this occasion, Washington was next
employed to defend the western frontier against the incursions of the
French and Indians. He concluded this harassing service at the end of
four years, by reducing Fort du Quesne, and driving the French beyond
the Ohio, and then resigned his commission.
After his return to Mount Vernon, in 1759, Washington married; and
during the next fourteen years, his time was divided between his duties
as a member of the Colonial Assembly, and agricultural pursuits, in
which he took great interest. The disputes which preceded the Revolution
again drew him from private life. He maintained that the Americans were
entitled to all the rights of British subjects, and could not be taxed
by a legislature in which they were not represented; and he recommended
that, on the failure of peaceful and constitutional resistance, recourse
should be had to arms. In 1774, the command of the troops raised by
Virginia was given to him; and in 1775, he represented that State in the
Convention held at Philadelphia. When the war began, Washington was
chosen Commander-in-Chief of the American Army, an office which he
accepted without remuneration, saying, that emolument would not have
tempted him to forego the pleasures of private life, and that he should
only require to have his expenses reimbursed. His private letters have
since proved, that his object, at that time, was not to procure
separation from England; but his alacrity in entering into the contest,
and his constancy throughout its continuance, refute the insinuation,
only countenanced by certain forged letters, that he was not hearty in
the cause of independence.
About fourteen thousand people were at this time collected around
Boston, where General Gage was held in a state of siege. Washington
reached the insurgent camp in July, 1775, and proceeded to give to the
assembled multitude the form and discipline of a regular force. His next
endeavours were to extend the period for which men enlisting were
obliged to serve, and to ensure the maintenance of the troops by
appointing a Commissary-General to collect supplies, instead of
depending for them on the voluntary and uncertain contributions of the
several States. Neither of these wishes was complied with, and the want
of every requisite obliged Washington to change the siege into a
blockade, until the following March, when, having obtained artillery and
engineers, he forced the English to give up the town and embark on board
their fleet. His conduct during this siege is admirable, both for the
resolution with which he maintained the blockade with an inferior army
composed of untried men, and the patience with which he endured the
reproaches of the people, to whom the real difficulties of his
situation, with respect to arms and ammunition, could not be disclosed.
He also established the principle, that captured Americans should be
treated as prisoners of war.
In April, 1776, Washington anticipated the British in occupying New
York, and the adjacent islands. Before the arrival of Lord Howe, in
July, independence was proclaimed; and the American general refused to
negotiate unless acknowledged as the functionary of an independent
government, saying, that America, being her own mistress, and having
committed no fault, needed no pardon. A severe defeat on Long Island,
and subsequent losses, compelled him to abandon the State of New York to
the English, to retreat with great loss through New Jersey, and to take
shelter behind the Delaware, near Philadelphia. He showed much skill in
preventing the British from taking advantage of these reverses, which he
sought to repair by surprising their posts at Trenton and Princetown, in
Jersey, where he made many hundred prisoners. These successes were well
timed, and revived the broken spirit of the country. In 1777, Washington
applied to Congress for more extensive powers, which were granted him,
with the title of Dictator, by which he was empowered to act on his own
responsibility in all military affairs. But he was not supplied with the
means of acting effectually; and the campaign of that year was one of
misfortunes, the Americans being defeated at Brandywine, and forced to
yield Philadelphia to the English. During the winter months Washington
occupied a fortified camp at Valley Forge, and his army, ill-supplied
with ammunition and provisions, was daily in danger of being destroyed
by hunger or the enemy. He freely expressed his opinion to Congress of
their misconduct, and his remarks occasioned a faction which desired to
displace him from his command, and to substitute General Gates; but this
was never seriously attempted. The campaign of 1778 was favourable to
Washington; he recovered Philadelphia, and following Clinton in his
retreat through New Jersey, brought him to action at Monmouth. The issue
of this engagement gave new confidence to the people, and completely
restored him to the good will of Congress. During the years 1779 and
1780, the war was actively carried on in the South, and Carolina and
Virginia were reduced by the British. In the autumn of 1780, Major
André, who had been sent by Clinton to concert with Arnold measures for
betraying the post at West Point, was seized within the American lines,
and tried and hanged as a spy. Whatever were the merits or misfortunes
of the British officer, the duty of Washington was too plain to be
mistaken, and the obloquy he incurred in its performance was undeserved.
Washington had throughout contended that the country could only be
delivered by raising a permanent army, and consolidating the union of
the States, so as to form a vigorous government. Five years’ experience
had taught Congress the inefficiency of temporary armies, and they
resolved to form a permanent one with a system of half-pay and pensions,
as an inducement to enter the service. But as the government of each
State was empowered to levy its own taxes, and conduct all the measures
for carrying this resolve into effect, such delay was occasioned, that
although Count Rochambeau arrived from France in August, 1780, with an
auxiliary force of five thousand men, the American army could not
actively co-operate with him during that year. The temporizing policy
pursued by the States had severely tried the constancy of Washington,
but did not lead him to despair of final success. The army, suffering
extreme want, was kept in the field chiefly by attachment to his person.
Attentive to alleviate their hardships, he did not permit any disorderly
license; and although early in 1781 he allowed Congress to pacify the
revolted troops, he, on a second occasion, shortly after, forcibly
compelled the mutineers to submit, and summarily tried and executed many
of them.
The pecuniary aid of France, and increased activity of the American
Government, enabled Washington to resume offensive measures in the
summer of 1781. Earl Cornwallis, then in Virginia, and but feebly
opposed by La Fayette, sent a part of his army to strengthen Clinton in
New York. Shortly after, De Grasse arrived off the coast of Virginia
with a French fleet. Washington took advantage of this conjuncture to
transfer the war to the South. Deceiving Clinton as to his real design,
he marched rapidly through New Jersey and Maryland, and, embarking his
army on the Chesapeake, effected a junction at Williamsburgh with La
Fayette. By the combined operation of their forces, assisted by the
fleet under De Grasse, Lord Cornwallis was compelled to surrender at
York Town, with his whole force, October 19, after a siege of thirteen
days. This event decided the war; but Washington remained watchful to
preserve the advantages gained, and to provide for future contingencies,
until 1783, when a general peace was concluded.
Washington then prepared to resume his station as a private citizen. The
army had become disaffected towards the States, and appeared not
unwilling to subvert the freedom of their country, if the general had
sought his own aggrandizement. But he nobly rejected all such schemes,
and persuaded the soldiers to return home, and trust to the assurance of
Congress for the discharge of the arrears due to them. Having publicly
taken leave of his officers, he repaired to Annapolis, and, December 23,
1783, appeared in Congress, and resigned his commission. He also
presented the account of his receipts and expenditure during the late
war, the items of which were entered in his own handwriting. His
expenditure amounted to 19,306_l._, and it subsequently appeared that he
had applied considerable sums of his own to the public service, which he
neglected to claim. He asked no favour or reward for himself, except
that his letters should be free from postage, but he strongly
recommended to Congress the claims of his late army. Having delivered a
farewell address to Congress, and forwarded one of a like character to
the government of each State, pointing out the advantages they at
present possessed, and giving his advice as to the future conduct of
their affairs, he retired to Mount Vernon to enjoy the pleasures of
private life. But although the next two years were passed in retirement,
the mind of Washington was actively directed to public affairs. Beside
maintaining a correspondence with the most eminent men, as well in
Europe as in his own country, he was engaged in various projects to
promote the agricultural and commercial interests of his native State.
Under his direction, companies were formed to improve the navigation of
the rivers James and Potomac, thus making Virginia the trading mart of
the Western States. A number of shares in the James River Company, which
were presented to him in 1785 by the legislature of Virginia, he
employed in founding the college in Virginia, now called by his name.
His deference to the popular feelings and prejudices on the subject of
liberty, was shown in his conduct with regard to the Cincinnati, a
military society of which he was President, instituted to commemorate
the occurrences of the late war. An outcry was raised that the honours
conferred by this society being hereditary, a titled order would be
created in the State. Washington therefore prevailed on the members to
annul the obnoxious regulations, and to agree that the society should
cease at the termination of their lives.
The want of union amongst the States, and the incapacity of the
government, engaged the attention of every able man in America, and more
especially interested Washington, who desired to witness the
establishment of a great republic. The principal defect of the existing
government was, that no acts of Congress in forming commercial treaties,
borrowing money, or introducing national regulations, were binding on
the individual States, each of which pursued its own interests, without
showing any disposition to redeem the engagements of the government with
the public creditors, either at home or abroad. Washington’s principles
were democratic; but he was opposed to those who contended for the
absolute independence of the individual States, being convinced that
each must sacrifice a portion of its liberty for the security of the
whole, and that, without an energetic central government, the
confederation would be insignificant. His representations to the
Congress and the individual States, backed by the increasing distress of
the country, at length brought about the Convention of Philadelphia,
which met in May, 1787, and having chosen Washington President,
continued sitting until September; when the federal constitution was
finally decided on, and was submitted to the States for their approval.
Having acquitted himself of this duty, Washington retired to private
life until March, 1789, when he was elected President of the United
States. He had used no exertion to obtain this distinction, which his
impaired health and love of retirement rendered unsuitable to him: he,
however, accepted it, and his journey to New York was one continued
triumph. April 30, he took the oaths prescribed by the constitution, and
delivered his inaugural address, in which he dwelt most fully on his own
reasons for again entering on public life, and on the duties incumbent
upon members of the Congress. He declared that he would receive no
remuneration for his services, and required that a stated sum should be
allowed for defraying the expenses of his office.
The President of the Union being a new political personage, it became
requisite to establish certain observances of etiquette towards him.
Washington’s arrangements in this respect were sufficiently simple, yet
they excited jealousy, as savouring of regal and courtly customs. The
restriction placed on the admission of idle visitors, who hourly
intruded on him, caused much offence, and became the subject of
remonstrance, even from intelligent men. One of the first acts of
Washington’s administration was to empower the legislature to become
responsible for the general debt of the States, and to levy taxes for
the punctual discharge of the interest upon it. The operation of the new
government was in every respect satisfactory, its beneficial influence
being apparent in the increasing prosperity of the country; and before
the end of the second year’s presidency, Rhode Island and North
Carolina, which at first were dissentient, desired to participate in the
benefits of the Union, and were admitted as members. In 1790, Washington
concluded a treaty with the hostile Indians on the Southern frontier;
but the war which he directed against the Indians on the North Western
frontier was unfortunate, the American forces sustaining three severe
defeats. Upon the whole, however, the period of his first Presidency
passed over prosperously and tranquilly. He was annoyed by occasional
differences in his cabinet, and by the discontent of the anti-federal
party; but being supported by John Adams, Hamilton, and other able men,
his government suffered no real embarrassment.
In 1792, as he possessed the general confidence of the people, he was
unanimously re-elected President; and in March, 1793, again took the
oaths of office. The French Revolution was hailed with joy by the
Americans, among whom an almost universal wish prevailed, to assist in
establishing, as they thought, true freedom in Europe. But Washington
perceived that the real interests of his country required peace. He
acknowledged the Government of the French Republic, and sent an
ambassador to Paris; but declared his resolution to adopt a strict
neutrality in the contest between France and the allied powers of
Europe. Still the enthusiasm in favour of the French continued to
increase; and, at the instigation of M. Genet, envoy from Paris,
privateers were armed in the American ports, and sent to cruise against
the British. Washington promptly suppressed this practice; and the
conduct of Genet having been intemperate and insolent towards the
President, and calculated to produce serious disturbance in the States,
he took the requisite steps for having him recalled. The determination
of the President to preserve peace was not the only ground of popular
discontent. The imposition of excise taxes, as they were termed by the
people, excited serious murmurings; and, in 1794, a general rising took
place in Pennsylvania, which was put down without bloodshed by a
vigorous display of force, and the principals, after being condemned to
death, were pardoned. The ferment among the people made a war with
England seemingly unavoidable. Washington, at this juncture, appointed
Mr. Jay envoy to England, with full powers to conclude a treaty, in
which all points then at issue between the two nations should be
adjusted. With the concurrence of the Senate he ratified this treaty,
regardless of the outcry raised against it; and subsequently upheld the
authority of the President, in refusing to permit the House of
Representatives to revise the articles it contained. The people soon
perceived that the advantages to be derived from the contentions in
Europe made it impolitic for their own country to become a party to
them, and confidence and good will towards the President were in a great
measure restored. These favourable dispositions were confirmed by the
termination of a successful war against the Indians, and by a treaty
with Spain, by which the navigation of the Mississippi to the Ocean was
secured to the Americans.
Among the acts which immediately proceeded from Washington during his
Presidency, were those for forming a fund to pay off the national debt,
and for organizing the militia of the country. He was active and
assiduous in his duties as chief magistrate, making tours through the
States, and ascertaining the progressive improvement in each, and the
means which would most tend to increase it. The limited powers conferred
on the President prevented his effecting so much as he desired, and the
public measures originating from him were but few. He declined being
nominated a third time to the office of President, and on his retirement
published an address to the people of the United States, in which, after
remarking on the condition and prospects of the country, he insisted on
the necessity of cementing the Union of the States, and upholding the
supremacy of the Federal Government; he also advised them never to admit
the influence of foreign powers, and to reap benefit from the quarrels
amongst the States of Europe, by remaining at peace with all.
Washington passed the rest of his days at Mount Vernon, engaged in the
society of his friends, and in the improvement of his estate. He was for
several years a member of the British Agricultural Association; and the
efforts he made to form a similar society in America, and his letters to
Sir John Sinclair, (a fac simile copy of which is deposited in the
British Museum,) show the interest he took in agricultural affairs. He
died December 13, 1799, in his sixty-eighth year, after a few days’
illness, and was buried at Mount Vernon. He left no family. Congress
suspended its sitting on receiving the intelligence of his death, and a
public mourning was ordered for him.
In person, Washington was robust, and above the middle height. He was
thoughtful and reserved, without being repulsive; and his manners were
those of the old school of English gentlemen. Although mild and humane,
he was stern in the performance of duty, and never, upon such occasions,
yielded to softness or compassion. His speeches and official letters are
simple and earnest, but wanting perhaps in that conciseness which marks
vigour of thought. Whilst President, he was assailed by the violence of
party spirit. On his decease his worth was justly appreciated, and the
sorrow at his loss was universal and sincere. Washington was
distinguished less by the brilliancy of his talents than by his moral
goodness, sound judgment, and plain but excellent understanding. His
admirable use of those sterling, though homely qualities has gained a
rank for him among the greatest and best of men; and his name will be
co-existent, as it was co-eval, with that of the empire, of which, no
less by his rare civil wisdom than his eminent military talents, he may
be considered the founder.
The virtues which distinguish him from all others who have united the
fame of statesman and captain, were two-fold, and they are as great as
they are rare. He refused power which his own merit had placed within
his reach, constantly persisting in the preference of a republican to a
monarchical form of government, as the most congenial to liberty when it
is not incompatible with the habits of the people and the circumstances
of society; and he even declined to continue longer than his years
seemed to permit at the head of that commonwealth which he had founded.
This subjugation of all ambitious feelings to the paramount sense of
duty is his first excellence; it is the sacrifice of his own
aggrandizement to his country’s freedom. The next is like unto it; his
constant love of peace when placed at the head of affairs: this was the
sacrifice of the worthless glory which ordinary men prize the most, to
the tranquillity and happiness of mankind. Wherefore to all ages and in
all climes, they who most love public virtue will hold in eternal
remembrance the name of George Washington; never pronouncing it but with
gratitude and awe, as designating a mortal removed above the ordinary
lot of human frailty.
The words of his last will in bequeathing his sword to his nephews—the
sword which he had worn in the sacred war of liberty—ought to be graven
in letters of gold over every palace in the world: “This sword they
shall never draw but in defence of freedom, or of their country, or of
their kindred; and when thus drawn, they shall prefer falling with it in
their hands to the relinquishment thereof.”
For farther information we refer to the works of Ramsay and Marshall;
and to the Correspondence of Washington, published by Mr. Sparkes.
[Illustration:
[Statue by Canova in the Capitol at Washington.]
]
[Illustration:
_Engraved by E. Scriven._