_From the Picture by G. Kneller
in the Collection of the Duke of Marlborough at Blenheim._
Under the Superintendance of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful
Knowledge.
_London. Published by Charles Knight, Ludgate Street._
]
Soon after the Revolution, Lord Churchill was sworn into the Privy
Council, and created Earl of Marlborough. He commanded the British
contingent in the Netherlands in 1689, and had a large share in gaining
the battle fought at Walcourt, August 25. In the two following years he
served in Ireland and on the Continent, with the high approbation of
King William. But his prosperity was suddenly checked by an abrupt
dismissal from all his offices. This was soon followed by his committal
to the Tower for high treason; but the falsity of this charge, the
profligate contrivance of an obscure criminal, was soon shown. The cause
of his dismissal from office is not clearly ascertained: it has been
assigned to his advocacy of the interests of the Princess Anne; to his
remonstrances against the undue favour shown by William towards his
Dutch followers; to the detection of a clandestine correspondence with
James II. It is at least certain that such a correspondence existed, and
that it is a deep stain upon the honesty of Marlborough’s character;
whether we suppose him to have been earnest in the wish to bring back
the Stuarts, or merely to have sought an opportunity for grace, if the
political changes of that eventful period had restored the exiled family
to the throne.
Marlborough continued in disgrace until after the death of Queen Mary,
which produced a reconciliation between the King and the Princess. In
1698, he was recalled to the Privy Council, and appointed Governor to
the presumptive heir to the crown, the young Duke of Gloucester. From
that time to the King’s death, he continued, ostensibly at least, in
favour, though not employed in any military capacity; and one of the
King’s last acts was to recommend him to Anne, as the fittest person to
command her armies. This was not necessary to secure her favour. The
Countess of Marlborough had long been endeared to her by the ties of a
much closer and more familiar friendship than usually exists between a
sovereign and a subject; and the Earl had stood in opposition to the
court in support of her interests, and had been disgraced, as many
believed, on that account. Accordingly, one of the Queen’s first acts
was to confer on him the order of the Garter, and to nominate him
Captain-general of the forces, at home and abroad. He was mainly
instrumental in inducing the new government to confirm the alliances
made by the late King for prosecuting the war of the Spanish succession;
was sent ambassador to Holland, and finally invested with the command of
the allied army. We can only give a summary of the operations of each
campaign in that war, in which Europe was delivered from the fear of
France. The first, in 1702, was eminently successful, though the general
was much hampered by the interference of the Dutch deputies who attended
the army. The strong fortresses which line the Meuse, from Venloo to
Liege, were wrested from France. The Queen expressed her gratitude for
this auspicious beginning by conferring on Marlborough a dukedom, and a
pension of 5000_l._: the two houses of Parliament voted their thanks.
The following year was distinguished by no decisive events, chiefly
owing to the difficulty of getting the Dutch to act with cordiality or
concert: the conquests of the preceding campaign, however, were
confirmed and extended. The memorable campaign of 1704 was remarkable
for the boldness, political as well as military, of its conception, and
the secrecy of its execution. The successes of the French in Germany
having reduced the Emperor almost to despair, it became Marlborough’s
first object to prevent the total ruin of that monarch, and the
consequent dissolution of the confederacy. To this end, without
communicating his real views either to the States or to the English
ministry, he obtained their sanction for opening the next year’s
operations on the Moselle; and passing that river, led his troops on to
the Danube, and effected a junction with the imperial generals, the
Margrave of Baden and Prince Eugene, almost before his real design was
known at home, or even to the enemy. The first fruit of this was the
battle of Schellenberg, near Donawerth, on the Danube, where the Elector
of Bavaria’s lines were forced, and his army beaten. The French, under
Marshal Tallard, advanced to the support of their ally; and, with the
Bavarians, took up a strong position near Hochstet, their right flank
resting on the village of Blenheim, and being covered by the Danube. The
British and allied troops, commanded by Marlborough and Eugene, amounted
to about 52,000 men; the enemy were rather more numerous, and very
strongly posted. To engage was dangerous; but the circumstances of the
campaign rendered it necessary; and, against the advice of several
officers and the expectation of the French, the attack was made on the
morning of August 7. After a bloody battle, the French position was
carried, and their army utterly disorganized or destroyed. By this
victory the whole Electorate of Bavaria fell into the hands of the
Imperialists; and the French were driven to repass the Rhine. The allies
followed them, and besieged and took the strong fortress of Landau,
while the Duke, by hasty marches, led a detachment to the Moselle, and
secured the city of Treves and the fortified town of Traerbach. To this
expedition he attached great importance. “I reckon,” he said, “the
campaign well over, since the winter quarters are settled on the
Moselle, which I think will give France as much uneasiness as anything
that has been done this summer.” In this single campaign, the Emperor
was relieved from the fear of being besieged in his capital; Germany
freed from the pressure of war; and the troops established in those
quarters which afforded the best prospect of opening the next campaign
to advantage. And, above all, the charm of a long series of victories,
the fancied invincibility of the French, was effectually destroyed.
Every mark of gratitude which a nation can pay was bestowed on the Duke
of Marlborough. To perpetuate the memory of his services, the royal
manor of Woodstock was granted to him and to his heirs; and, in addition
to this, in testimony of her own affection and respect, the Queen gave
orders for erecting, at her own expense, the splendid pile of BLENHEIM.
The advantages which Marlborough hoped to derive from his position on
the Moselle were entirely lost, through the inactivity of the German
confederates. As if aware that this would be the case, the French
concentrated their exertions to recover their losses in the Netherlands;
and they succeeded so far, that the Dutch sent pressing messages to
Marlborough to return to their help. He did so, and soon restored the
superiority of the allies in that quarter. But his success was attended
with mortification, for the German general left to act on the defensive
on the Moselle abandoned his trust, and retired, having burnt the
magazines collected on that river; and thus effectually frustrated that
scheme of invasion from the Moselle, to which Marlborough had attached
so much importance. To guard against invasion from the Netherlands, the
French had drawn strong lines across the country, from the Scheldt to
the Meuse, from Antwerp to Namur, behind which Marshal Villeroi took
post on Marlborough’s junction with the Dutch army. These lines, which
had been three years in forming, at a vast expense, were attacked and
penetrated almost without resistance or loss. This success, if properly
followed up, would have thrown all Brabant into Marlborough’s hands; he
was continually embarrassed by the jealousy or supineness of the Dutch
generals. Once, at the passage of the Dyle, and again nearly on the
field of Waterloo, he was prevented from engaging, when he considered
himself certain of victory. By these disappointments, the Duke was
severely mortified. Whether from fear that the States, if affronted,
would readily conclude a separate peace, or from whatever cause, the
misbehaviour of the Dutch officers and deputies was endured by the
English Government and General with singular patience. On this occasion,
Marlborough’s remonstrances, public and private, though very guarded,
procured the removal of those whose conduct had been most offensive. In
the course of this autumn the Emperor Joseph created Marlborough a
prince of the empire, and conferred on him the principality of
Mindelheim.
Disgusted by the vexatious contradiction to which he had been exposed in
the past year, Marlborough earnestly desired to march an army into
Italy, and to co-operate with Prince Eugene in driving the French beyond
the Alps; and he was empowered by the British cabinet to take this step.
But he was unable to procure troops for the purpose either from the
Dutch or from the German princes; and he relinquished his intention the
more willingly on account of some unexpected successes of the French on
the Rhine. Marlborough opened the campaign of 1706 with a demonstration
against Namur. Marshal Villeroi received positive orders to risk a
battle for the safety of the place, and was anxious to fight before a
reinforcement of Danish and Hanoverian troops could join the allies. The
two armies met, in nearly equal numbers, near the village of Ramillies,
May 23; and the French army received a signal overthrow, which led to
the immediate submission of all Brabant. Brussels, Antwerp, Ghent, and
the other chief towns of the province, opened their gates, and with
expressions of joy acknowledged Charles of Austria as their legitimate
sovereign, and the rightful heir to the Spanish crown. The siege of
Ostend was the next military operation; and that important place,
celebrated for its desperate resistance to the Spaniards in the
preceding century, yielded in a few days. The strong towns of Menin,
Dendermond, and Ath also submitted before the end of the campaign.
The following year was fruitful in intrigues at home, and remarkable for
the decline of the Duchess of Marlborough’s favour with Queen Anne: the
military operations were barren of incident or of interest. The campaign
of 1708 opened with a reverse of fortune. Disgusted by the overbearing
conduct of the Dutch, some of the most important places which had
surrendered to the allies in the preceding year entered into
negotiations to recall the French. Antwerp and Brussels were saved by a
timely discovery of the plot. Ghent and Bruges passed over to the enemy,
who prosecuted their success by forming the siege of Oudenard; but the
rapid march of Marlborough compelled them to abandon this design, and
brought on another battle, July 11, in which victory again rested with
the allies. The next operation was to undertake the siege of Lille, one
of the strongest fortresses of France, where the attempt was considered
so impracticable, that it became the subject of general ridicule. It
proved successful, however, in spite of the presence of a superior army,
commanded by the Dukes of Vendôme and Berwick. The prosecution of the
attack was committed to Prince Eugene, while Marlborough remained at the
head of the covering army, which he manœuvred so ably, that the enemy
never found opportunity to venture a battle for the relief of Lille.
Marshal Boufflers, the governor, surrendered the town October 23, after
a gallant resistance of two months, and retired into the citadel, which
he maintained till December 9. Even at that late period of the season
Ghent was besieged, and soon submitted. Bruges followed its example.
“Thus terminated this extraordinary campaign, perhaps one of the most
scientific occurring in the annals of military history. From the
commencement to the close, the confederates had to struggle against a
force far superior in numbers; to attack an army posted in a position
considered as impregnable; to besiege a place of the first magnitude at
the very moment when they were themselves in a manner invested; to open
and maintain their communications in spite of innumerable obstacles,
both of nature and art; and, finally, to reduce, in the depth of winter,
two fortresses, defended by garrisons which in other circumstances would
have been considered as forming an army of no common magnitude.”[4]
Footnote 4:
Coxe. Life of Marlborough.
Discouraged by these reverses, Louis commenced a negotiation for peace;
but the terms demanded by the allies were too hard, and with the return
of spring both parties took the field with larger forces than had yet
been brought together. Tournay, a place of formidable strength, but half
garrisoned and half provided, soon yielded to the arms of the allies.
The siege of Mons was next formed. No effort had been spared by the
French to concentrate their forces against their most formidable enemy;
and they took the field with an army not inferior to that of the allies.
Villars, the most enterprising and successful of the French marshals,
commanded in chief, and the gallant veteran, Marshal Boufflers,
volunteered to serve under Villars, though his junior. A crowd of
generals of minor note, yet well known in the wars of the age, filled
the subordinate commands; and the household troops, the Swiss and Irish
brigades, with others, the flower of the French army, were collected in
the camp. Not less imposing was the army on the other side, commanded by
Marlborough and Eugene, assisted by a train of princes and generals.
Numerically, the two armies seem to have been about equal; and both were
supported by formidable parks of artillery. The spirit of the French
soldiers was high, and Villars undertook to save Mons, at the hazard of
a general engagement, which took place September 11, near the village of
Malplaquet, a few miles south of the besieged town. Villars had spared
no trouble to fortify a post naturally strong; and it was defended with
desperate valour. The attack was commenced by the Dutch on the right of
the enemy’s line, and by Prince Eugene on the left. Little progress was
made on these points, during an obstinate conflict of four hours; but
the centre of the French line was weakened by the demands for
reinforcements to the wings, and the crisis of the battle at length
arrived in a successful attack made upon the centre. Boufflers made a
desperate attempt with his cavalry, whom he led repeatedly to the
charge, to retrieve the fortune of the day, but the progress of the
allies was irresistible. He saw his right wing dislodged, his centre
broken, and at length was compelled to order a retreat, which he
conducted in a masterly manner, and without loss. All the generals
signalised their courage in the hottest of the strife. Villars was
severely wounded, and carried fainting off the field, so that the
command devolved on Boufflers. Eugene was hurt, but refused to quit the
field. Marlborough and Boufflers escaped almost by miracle. The generals
were devotedly served by their officers and troops; and the list of
casualties presents an unusual number of names of the highest ranks. The
official returns of the confederates show a loss of 18,250 men; that of
the French was probably considerably less. Villars asserted that it did
not amount to 6000, and that the loss of the allies was 35,000. In his
anxiety for the honour of his troops, the Marshal said too much; for if
their loss was comparatively so small, they ought never to have been
beaten. Nevertheless, there was some semblance of truth in his
gasconade, that such another victory would destroy the enemy; nor were
the results commensurate in importance with the loss of men. Mons was
taken, and the campaign concluded.
After placing his troops in winter quarters, the Duke, according to his
usual practice, repaired to London. He found his favour on the decline,
and the Whig ministry greatly shaken; and after undergoing many
vexations, and having been on the point of resigning his command, he was
glad to hasten his return to Holland. The most important events of the
campaign of 1710 were the capture of Douay, followed by that of the
smaller fortresses of St. Venant and Aire. The triple line of
fortresses, which protected France on the side of the Netherlands, was
nearly broken through by these successes, and the capture of Arras would
have opened the way to Paris; but the skilful conduct of Villars
rendered it impossible to besiege that town, and checked the progress of
Marlborough, without risking a battle. In the course of the summer the
long-projected change of ministry was completed, and Marlborough, still
retaining the command, was forced to act in concert with his bitter
enemies. His correspondence strongly portrays the mortification which he
felt, and his evil auguries as to the event of the war.
Villars spent the winter in completing a new series of lines, extending
from Namur to the coast near Boulogne, by which he hoped to defend the
interior of France; and, confident in their strength, he boasted that he
had brought Marlborough to his _ne plus ultra_. To get within these
lines was the British general’s first object; and, by a long and
deep-laid series of masterly manœuvres, he fairly outwitted his
antagonist, and passed the works which had cost such labour, without a
shot being fired. This enabled him to take Bouchain, the last operation
of the campaign. Marlborough’s ruin was now determined. He was deprived
of his employments in the beginning of 1712, and the utmost virulence of
party spirit was let loose against him. England therefore became uneasy
to him, and he went abroad in the November following. He returned in
August, 1714, and landed at Dover, just after the Queen’s death. On the
accession of George I. he was treated with respect, and reinstated in
his offices of Captain-general and Master of the Ordnance; but he was
not admitted to take a leading part in the measures of government. In
May, 1716, he was struck by palsy; but he recovered the possession of
his bodily and mental powers, and continued to attend Parliament and
discharge the regular duties of his office. He tendered his resignation,
but the King, out of respect, declined to accept it. From henceforward,
however, we consider his public life as at an end. He died of a fresh
attack of palsy, June 16, 1722, in the 72d year of his age.
It will be observed that we have taken no notice of Marlborough’s
conduct as a negotiator and a statesman, though for a time he was the
master-spring which regulated, with princely power, the operations of
half Europe. Our apology for this must be found in the length of this
memoir: to have entered upon that still more complicated part of the
subject would have doubled it. And if we have omitted to discuss the
various heavy charges made against Marlborough’s character, it is not
that we believe or wish to represent him as a faultless hero, but that
in such a memoir as this it is fairer, and to better purpose, to set
forward the exceeding value of the services which he rendered to his
country, than to expose his failings in a prominent light. And we
believe those charges for which there was any ground to have been
greatly exaggerated by party spirit.
The private character of Marlborough was adorned by many virtues, but
lessened by some weaknesses which laid him very open to the venomed
ridicule of his enemies; we allude to his avarice, and his deference for
his busy and imperious wife. He was prudent, clearsighted, and not
deceived nor led away by his passions; faithful to his domestic, and
diligent in the performance of his religious, duties. In the field he
was humane, sedulous to promote the comfort of his soldiers, and
especially anxious, after battles, to minister all possible help and
relief to the wounded. He was zealous in enforcing respect to the
observances of religion, and in endeavouring to raise the moral
character of his troops. “His camp,” says a biographer who had served in
it, “resembled a great, well-governed city. Cursing and swearing were
seldom heard among the officers; a sot and a drunkard was the object of
scorn; and the poor soldiers, many of them the refuse and dregs of the
nation, became, at the close of one or two campaigns, tractable, civil,
sensible, and clean, and had an air and spirit above the vulgar.”
The Duchess of Marlborough collected ample materials for her husband’s
life, and committed the task of writing it first to Glover, then to
Mallet. Neither of them, however, executed the commission. Ledyard, who
served under the Duke, published a life of him (from which the above
quotation is taken), in three volumes 8vo., in 1736. The latest and the
most important is that of Mr. Coxe. The materials for the Duke’s
military history are abundant, but scattered: they will be found
indicated and referred to in Coxe. His political history will be found
in the histories of the times; and the literature of the age—the works
of Burnet, Swift, Bolingbroke, and others—contain abundant references to
the public and private actions of this great man.
[Illustration:
[Blenheim House.]
]
[Illustration:
_Engraved by J. Posselwhite._