Decline of Prices -- Statistical Table -- Chihuahua Trade -- Its
Extent -- Different Ports through which Goods are introduced to that
Market -- Expedition between Chihuahua and Arkansas -- The more
recent Incidents of the Santa Fé Caravans -- Adventures of 1843 --
Robbery and Murder of Chavez -- Expedition from Texas -- Defeat of
Gen. Armijo's Van-guard -- His precipitate Retreat -- Texan
Grievances -- Unfortunate Results of Indiscriminate Revenge -- Want
of Discipline among the Texans -- Disarmed by Capt. Cook -- Return
of the Escort of U.S. Dragoons, and of the Texans -- Demands of the
Mexican Government -- Closing of the Santa Fé Trade.
Before proceeding to the graver matters to be presented in the
succeeding chapters, a few words to those who are curious about the
history of the Santa Fé trade [Pg222] intervening between the
conclusion of my personal narrative and the closing of the trade by
the Mexican government, in 1843, may not be amiss.
The Santa Fé trade, though more or less fluctuating from its origin,
continued to present an average increase and growth down to the year
1831. During the same period, the prices of goods continued to go down
in even a more rapid ratio. Since 1831, the rates of {160} sales have
continued steadily to fall, to the latest period of the trade,
although there has been no average increase in the number of
adventurers, or amount of merchandise.[136]
{161} From 1831 to the present date, prices have scarcely averaged,
for medium calicoes, thirty-seven cents, and for plain domestic
cottons thirty-one cents per yard. Taking [Pg223] assortments round,
100 per cent, upon United States costs were generally considered
excellent sales: many stocks have been sold at a much lower rate. The
average prices of Chihuahua are equally low, yet a brisker demand has
rendered this the most agreeable and profitable branch of the trade.
{162} The first attempt to introduce American goods into the more
southern markets of Mexico from Santa Fé, was made in the year 1824.
The amounts were very small, however, till towards the year 1831. For
a few of the first years, the traders were in the habit of conveying
small lots to Sonora and California; but this branch of the trade has,
I believe, latterly ceased altogether. Yet the amounts transferred to
Chihuahua have generally increased; so that for the last few years,
that trade has consumed very nearly half of the entire imports by the
Missouri Caravans.
The entire consumption of foreign goods in the department of
Chihuahua, has been estimated by intelligent Mexican merchants, at
from two to three millions annually; [Pg224] the first cost of which
might be set down at nearly one half. Of this amount the Santa Fé
trade, as will be seen from the accompanying table, has not furnished
a tenth part; the balance being introduced through other ports, viz.:
_Matamoras_, whence Chihuahua has received nearly half its
supplies--_Vera Cruz_ via the city of Mexico, whence considerable
amounts have been brought to this department--_Tampico_ on the Gulf of
Mexico, and _Mazatlan_ on the Pacific, via Durango, whence the imports
have been of some importance--while nearly all the west of the
department, and especially the heavy consumption of the mining town of
Jesus-Maria, receives most of its supplies from the port of _Guaymas_
on the Gulf of {163} California; whence, indeed, several stocks of
goods have been introduced as far as the city of Chihuahua itself. In
1840, a large amount of merchandise was transported directly from the
Red River frontier of Arkansas to Chihuahua; but no other expedition
has ever been made in that direction.[137] [Pg225]
{164} By far the greatest portion of the introductions through
the sea-ports just alluded to, have been made by British merchants. It
is chiefly the preference given to American manufacturers, which has
enabled the merchandise of the Santa Fé adventurers to compete in the
Southern markets, with goods introduced through the sea-ports, which
have had the {165} benefit of the drawback. In this last respect our
traders have labored under a very unjust burden.
It is difficult to conceive any equitable reason why merchants
conveying their goods across the Prairies in wagons, should not be as
much entitled to the protection of the Government, as those who
transport them in vessels across the ocean. This assistance (with the
reopening of the ports) might enable our merchants to monopolize the
rich trade of Chihuahua; and they would obtain a share of that of the
still richer departments of Durango and Zacatecas, as well as some
portion of the Sonora and California [Pg226] trade. Then rating that
of Chihuahua at two millions, half that of Durango at the same, and a
million from Zacatecas, Sonora, etc., it would ascend to the clever
amount of some five millions of dollars per annum.
In point of revenue, the Santa Fé trade has been of but little
importance to the government of Mexico. Though the amount of duties
collected annually at this port has usually been fifty to eighty
thousand dollars, yet nearly one-half has been embezzled by the
officers of the customs, leaving an average net revenue of perhaps
less than forty thousand dollars per annum.
It is not an unimportant fact to be known, that, since the year 1831,
few or none of the difficulties and dangers which once environed the
Santa Fé adventurer have been encountered. No traders have been killed
by the {166} savages on the regular route, and but few animals stolen
from the caravans. On the whole, the rates of insurance upon
adventures in this trade should hardly be as high as upon marine
adventures between New York and Liverpool. While I declare, however,
the serious dangers and troubles to have been in general so slight, I
ought not to suppress at least an outline of the difficulties that
occurred on the Prairies in 1843, which were attended with very
serious consequences. [Pg227]
It had been reported in Santa Fé as early as November, 1842, that a
party of Texans were upon the Prairies, prepared to attack any Mexican
traders who should cross the plains the succeeding spring; and as some
Americans were accused of being spies, and in collusion with the
Texans, many were ordered to Santa Fé for examination, occasioning a
deal of trouble to several innocent persons. Than this, however, but
little further attention was paid to the report, many believing it but
another of those rumors of Texan invasion which had so often spread
useless consternation through the country.
So little apprehension appeared to exist, that, in February, 1843, Don
Antonio José Chavez, of New Mexico, left Santa Fé for Independence,
with but five servants, two wagons, and fifty-five mules. He had with
him some ten or twelve thousand dollars in specie and gold bullion,
besides a small lot of furs. As the month of March was extremely
inclement, the little party suffered inconceivably {167} from cold and
privations. Most of them were frost-bitten, and all their animals,
except five, perished from the extreme severity of the season; on
which account Chavez was compelled to leave one of his wagons upon the
Prairies. He had worried along, however, with his remaining wagon and
valuables, till about the tenth of April, when he found himself near
the Little Arkansas; at least a hundred miles [Pg228] within the
territory of the United States. He was there met by fifteen men from
the border of Missouri, professing to be Texan troops, under the
command of one John M'Daniel. This party had been collected, for the
most part, on the frontier, by their leader, who was recently from
Texas, from which government he professed to hold a captain's
commission. They started no doubt with the intention of joining one
Col. Warfield (also said to hold a Texan commission), who had been
upon the Plains near the Mountains, with a small party, for several
months--with the avowed intention of attacking the Mexican traders.
Upon meeting Chavez, however, the party of M'Daniel at once determined
to make sure of the prize he was possessed of, rather than take their
chances of a similar booty beyond the U. S. boundary. The unfortunate
Mexican was therefore taken a few miles south of the road, and his
baggage rifled. Seven of the party then left for the settlements with
their share of the booty, amounting to some four or five hundred
dollars apiece; making the journey on foot, as their horses had taken
{168} a stampede and escaped. The remaining eight, soon after the
departure of their comrades, determined to put Chavez to death,--for
what cause it would seem difficult to conjecture, as he had been, for
two days, their unresisting prisoner. Lots were accordingly cast to
determine which four of the party should be the cruel executioners;
and their wretched victim was taken off a few rods and shot down in
cold blood. After his murder a considerable amount of gold was found
about his person, and in his trunk. The body of the unfortunate man,
together with his wagon and baggage, was thrown into a neighboring
ravine; and a few of the lost animals of the marauders having been
found, their booty was packed upon them and borne away to the frontier
of Missouri. [Pg229]
Great exertions had been made to intercept this lawless band at the
outset; but they escaped the vigilance even of a detachment of
dragoons that had followed them over a hundred miles. Yet the honest
citizens of the border were too much on the alert to permit them to
return to the interior with impunity. However, five of the whole
number (including three of the party that killed the man) effected
their escape, but the other ten were arrested, committed, and sent to
St. Louis for trial before the United States Court. It appears that
those who were engaged in the killing of Chavez have since been
convicted of murder; and the others, who were only concerned in the
robbery, were found guilty {169} of larceny, and sentenced to fine and
imprisonment.[138]
About the first of May of the same year, a company of a hundred and
seventy-five men, under one Col. Snively, was organized in the north
of Texas, and set out from the settlements for the Santa Fé trace. It
was at first reported that they contemplated a descent upon Santa Fé;
but their force was evidently too weak to attempt an invasion at that
crisis. Their prime object, therefore, seems to have been to attack
and make reprisals upon the Mexicans engaged in the Santa Fé trade,
who were expected to cross the Prairies during the months of May and
June.
After the arrival of the Texans upon the Arkansas, they were joined by
Col. Warfield with a few followers. This officer, with about twenty
men, had some time previously attacked the village of Mora, on the
Mexican frontier, killing five men (as was reported) and driving off a
number of horses.[139] They were afterwards followed by a party
[Pg230] of Mexicans, however, who _stampeded_ and carried away, not
only their own horses, but those of the Texans. Being left afoot the
latter burned their saddles, and walked to Bent's Fort, where they
were disbanded; whence Warfield passed to Snively's camp, as before
mentioned.
The Texans now advanced along the Santa Fé road, beyond the sand hills
south of the Arkansas, when they discovered that a party of Mexicans
had passed towards the river. They soon came upon them, and a skirmish
{170} ensuing, eighteen Mexicans were killed, and as many wounded,
five of whom afterwards died. The Texans suffered no injury, though
the Mexicans were a hundred in number. The rest were all taken
prisoners except two, who escaped and bore the news to Gen. Armijo,
encamped with a large force at the Cold Spring, 140 miles beyond. As
soon as the General received notice of the defeat of his vanguard, he
broke up his camp most precipitately, and retreated to Santa Fé. A
gentleman of the caravan which passed shortly afterward, informed me
that spurs, lareats and other scraps of equipage, were found scattered
in every direction about Armijo's camp--left by his troops in the
hurly-burly of their precipitate retreat.[140]
Keeping beyond the territory of the United States, the right of the
Texans to harass the commerce of Mexicans will hardly be denied, as
they were at open war: yet another consideration, it would seem,
should have restrained them from aggressions in that quarter. They
could not have been ignorant that but a portion of the traders were
Mexicans--that many American citizens were connected in [Pg231] the
same caravans. The Texans assert, it is true, that the lives and
property of Americans were to be respected, _provided_ they abandoned
the Mexicans. But did they reflect upon the baseness of the terms they
were imposing? What American, worthy of the name, to save his own
interests, or even his life, could deliver up his travelling
companions {171} to be sacrificed? Then, after having abandoned the
Mexicans, or betrayed them to their enemy--for such an act would have
been accounted treachery--where would they have gone? They could not
then have continued on into Mexico; and to have returned to the United
States with their merchandise, would have been the ruin of most of
them.
The inhuman outrages suffered by those who were captured in New Mexico
in 1841, among whom were many of the present party, have been pleaded
in justification of this second Texan expedition. When we take their
grievances into consideration, we must admit that they palliate, and
indeed justify almost any species of revenge consistent with the laws
of Nature and of nations: yet whether, under the existing
circumstances, this invasion of the Prairies was proper or otherwise,
I will leave for others to determine, as there seems to be a
difference of opinion on the subject. The following considerations,
however, will go to demonstrate the unpropitious consequences which
are apt to result from a system of indiscriminate revenge.
The unfortunate Chavez (whose murder, I suppose, was perpetrated under
pretext of the cruelties suffered by the Texans, in the name of whom
the party of M'Daniel was organized) was of the most wealthy and
influential family of New Mexico, and one that was anything but
friendly to the ruling governor, Gen. Armijo. Don Mariano Chavez, a
brother to the deceased, is a gentleman of very [Pg232] amiable {172}
character, such as is rarely to be met with in that unfortunate land.
It is asserted that he furnished a considerable quantity of
provisions, blankets, etc., to Col. Cooke's division of Texan
prisoners.[141] Señora Chavez (the wife of Don Mariano), as is told,
crossed the river from the village of Padillas, the place of their
residence, and administered comforts to the unfortunate band of
Texans.[142] Though the murder of young Chavez was evidently not
sanctioned by the Texans generally, it will, notwithstanding, have
greatly embittered this powerful family against them--a family whose
liberal principles could not otherwise have been very unfavorable to
Texas.[143]
The attack upon the village of Mora, though of less important results,
was nevertheless an unpropitiatory movement. The inhabitants of that
place are generally very simple and innocent rancheros and hunters,
and, being separated by the snowy mountains from the principal
settlements of New Mexico, their hearts seem ever to have been
inclined to the Texans. In fact, the village having been founded by
some American denizens, the Mexican inhabitants appear in some degree
to have imitated their character.
The defeat of Armijo's vanguard was attended by still more disastrous
consequences, both to the American and Texan interest. That division
was composed of the militia of {173} the North--from about Taos--many
of them Taos Pueblos. These people had not only remained [Pg233]
embittered against Gov. Armijo since the revolution of 1837, but had
always been notably in favor of Texas. So loth were they to fight the
Texans, that, as I have been assured, the governor found it necessary
to bind a number of them upon their horses, to prevent their escape,
till he got them fairly upon the Prairies. And yet the poor fellows
were compelled to suffer the vengeance which was due to their guilty
general!
When the news of their defeat reached Taos, the friends and relatives
of the slain--the whole population indeed, were incensed beyond
measure; and two or three, naturalized foreigners who were supposed to
favor the cause of Texas, and who were in good standing before, were
now compelled to flee for their lives; leaving their houses and
property a prey to the incensed rabble. Such appears to have been the
reaction of public sentiment resulting from the catastrophe upon the
Prairies!
Had the Texans proceeded differently--had they induced the Mexicans to
surrender without battle, which they might no doubt easily have
accomplished, they could have secured their services, without
question, as guides to Gen. Armijo's camp, and that unmitigated tyrant
might himself have fallen into their hands. The difficulty of
maintaining order among the Texans was perhaps the cause of many of
their unfortunate proceedings. {174} And no information of the caravan
having been obtained, a detachment of seventy or eighty men left, to
return to Texas.
The traders arrived soon after, escorted by about two hundred U. S.
Dragoons under the command of Capt. Cook.[144] Col. Snively with a
hundred men being then encamped on the south side of the Arkansas
river, some ten to fifteen miles below the point called the 'Caches,'
[Pg234] he crossed the river and met Capt. Cook, who soon made known
his intention of disarming him and his companions,--an intention which
he at once proceeded to put into execution. A portion of the Texans,
however, deceived the American captain in this wise. Having concealed
their own rifles, which were mostly Colt's repeaters, they delivered
to Capt. Cook the worthless fusils they had taken from the Mexicans;
so that, when they were afterwards released, they still had their own
valuable arms; of which, however, so far as the caravan in question
was concerned, they appear to have had no opportunity of availing
themselves.
These facts are mentioned merely as they are said to have occurred.
Capt. Cook has been much abused by the Texans, and accused of having
violated a friendly flag--of having taken Col. Snively prisoner while
on a friendly visit. This is denied by Capt. Cook, and by other
persons who were in company at the time. But apart from the means
employed by the American commander (the propriety or impropriety of
which I shall not attempt {175} to discuss), the act was evidently the
salvation of the Santa Fé caravan, of which a considerable portion
were Americans. Had he left the Texans with their arms, he would
doubtless have been accused by the traders of escorting them to the
threshold of danger, and then delivering them over to certain
destruction, when he had it in his power to secure their safety.
Capt. Cook with his command soon after returned to the United
States,[145] and with him some forty of the [Pg235] disarmed Texans,
many of whom have been represented as gentlemen worthy of a better
destiny. A large portion of the Texans steered directly home from the
Arkansas river; while from sixty to seventy men, who elected Warfield
their commander, were organized for the pursuit and capture of the
caravan, which had already passed on some days in advance towards
Santa Fé. They pursued in the wake of the traders, it is said, as far
as the Point of Rocks (twenty miles east of the crossing of the
Colorado or Canadian), but made no attempt upon them[146]--whence they
returned direct to Texas. Thus terminated the 'Second Texan Santa Fé
Expedition,' as it has been styled; and {176} though not so disastrous
as the first, it turned out nearly as unprofitable.
Although this expedition was composed wholly of Texans, or persons not
claiming to be citizens of the United States, and organized entirely
in Texas--and, notwithstanding the active measures adopted by the
United States government to defend the caravans, as well of Mexicans
as of Americans, against their enemy--Señor Bocanegra, Mexican
Minister of Foreign Relations, made a formal demand upon the United
States (as will be remembered), for damages resulting from this
invasion. In a rejoinder to Gen. Thompson (alluding to Snively's
company), he says, that "Independence, in Missouri, was the starting
point of these men." The preceding narrative will show the error under
which the honorable secretary labored.[147] [Pg236]
A portion of the party who killed Chavez was from the
frontier of Missouri; but witness the active exertions on the border
to bring these depredators to justice--and then let the contrast be
noted betwixt this affair and the impunity with which robberies are
every day committed throughout Mexico, where well-known highwaymen
often run at large, unmolested either by the citizens or by the
authorities. What would Señor Bocanegra say if every other government
were to demand indemnity for all the robberies committed upon their
citizens in Mexico?
But the most unfortunate circumstance attending this invasion of the
Prairies--unfortunate {177} at least to the United States and to New
Mexico--was the closing of the Northern ports to foreign commerce,
which was doubtless, to a great degree, a consequence of the
before-mentioned expedition, and which of course terminated the Santa
Fé Trade, at least for the present.[148]
I am of the impression, however, that little apprehension need be
entertained, that this decree of Gen. Santa Anna will be permitted
much longer to continue,[149] unless our peaceful relations with
Mexico should be disturbed; an event, under any circumstances,
seriously to be deprecated. With the continuation of peace between us,
the Mexicans will certainly be compelled to open their northern
frontier [Pg237] ports, to avoid a revolution in New Mexico, with
which they are continually threatened while this embargo continues.
Should the obnoxious decree be repealed, the Santa Fé Trade will
doubtless be prosecuted again with renewed vigor and enterprise.
FOOTNOTES:
[136] Some general statistics of the Santa Fé Trade may prove not
wholly without interest to the mercantile reader. With this view, I
have prepared the following table of the probable amounts of
merchandise invested in the Santa Fé Trade, from 1822 to 1843
inclusive, and about the portion of the same transferred to the
Southern markets (chiefly Chihuahua) during the same period; together
with the approximate number of wagons, men and proprietors engaged
each year.
------|--------|-----|-----|----|-------|-----------------------------
Years. Amt. W'gs. Men. Pro's. T'n to Remarks.
Mdse. Ch'a.
------|--------|-----|-----|----|-------|-----------------------------
1822 15,000 70 60 9,000 Pack-animals only used.
1823 12,000 50 30 3,000 Pack-animals only used.
1824 35,000 26 100 80 3,000 Pack-animals and wagons.
1825 65,000 37 130 90 5,000 Pack-animals and wagons.
1826 90,000 60 100 70 7,000 Wagons only henceforth.
1827 85,000 55 90 50 8,000
1828 150,000 100 200 80 20,000 3 men killed, being the first.
1829 60,000 30 50 20 5,000 1st U.S.Es.--1 trader killed.
1830 120,000 70 140 60 20,000 First oxen used by traders.
1831 250,000 130 320 80 80,000 Two men killed.
1832 140,000 70 150 40 50,000 {Party defeated on Canadian
1833 180,000 105 185 60 80,000 {2 men killed, 3 perished.
1834 150,000 80 160 50 70,000 2d U.S. Escort
1835 140,000 75 140 40 70,000
1836 130,000 70 135 35 50,000
1837 150,000 80 160 35 60,000
1838 90,000 50 100 20 80,000
1839 250,000 130 250 40 100,000 Arkansas Expedition.
1840 50,000 30 60 5 10,000 Chihuahua Expedition.
1841 150,000 60 100 12 80,000 Texan Santa Fé Expedition.
1842 160,000 70 120 15 90,000
1843 450,000 230 350 30 300,000 3d U.S.Es.--Ports closed.
------|--------|-----|-----|----|-------|-----------------------------
The foregoing table is not given as perfectly accurate, yet it is
believed to be about as nearly so as any that could be made out at the
present day. The column marked "Pro's." (Proprietors), though even
less precise than the other statistics, presents, I think, about the
proportion of the whole number engaged each year who were owners. At
first, as will be seen, almost every individual of each caravan was a
proprietor, while of late the capital has been held by comparatively
few hands. In 1843, the greater portion of the traders were New
Mexicans, several of whom, during the three years previous, had
embarked in this trade, of which they bid fair to secure a monopoly.
The amount of merchandise transported to Santa Fé each year, is set
down at its probable cost in the Eastern cities of the United States.
Besides freights and insurance to Independence, there has been an
annual investment, averaging nearly twenty-five per cent. upon the
cost of the stocks, in wagons, teams, provisions, hire of hands, &c.,
for transportation across the Prairies. A large portion of this
remaining unconsumed, however, the ultimate loss on the outfit has not
been more than half of the above amount. Instead of purchasing outfit,
some traders prefer employing freighters, a number of whom are usually
to be found on the frontier of Missouri, ready to transport goods to
Santa Fé, at ten to twelve cents per pound. From thence to Chihuahua
the price of freights is six to eight cents--upon mules, or in wagons.
The average gross returns of the traders has rarely exceeded fifty per
cent. upon the cost of their merchandise, leaving a net profit of
between twenty and forty per cent.; though their profits have not
unfrequently been under ten per cent.: in fact, as has before been
mentioned, their adventures have sometimes been losing speculations.[A]
--GREGG.
[A] Those who are familiar with Mr. Mayer's very interesting work on
Mexico, will observe that a portion of the preceding table corresponds
substantially with one presented on page 318 of that work. In justice
to myself, I feel compelled to state, that, in 1841, I published, in
the Galveston "Daily Advertiser," a table of the Santa Fé trade from
1831 to 1840 inclusive, of which that of Mr. Mayer embraces an exact
copy. I have since made additions, and corrected it to some extent,
but still the correspondence is such as seemed to require of me this
explanation.
[137] With a view to encourage adventurers, the government of
Chihuahua agreed to reduce the impost duties to a very low rate, in
favor of a pioneer enterprise; and to furnish an escort of dragoons
for the protection of the traders.
The expedition was undertaken chiefly by Mexicans; but one American
merchant, Dr. H. Connelly, having invested capital in it. I obtained
from this intelligent gentleman a very interesting sketch of the
adventures of this pioneer party, which I regret that my plan will not
permit me to present in detail.
The adventurers set out from Chihuahua on the 3d of April, 1839,
amidst the benisons of the citizens, and with the confident hope of
transferring the valuable trade of the North to their city. The
caravan (including fifty dragoons), consisted of over a hundred men,
yet only about half a dozen of the number were proprietors. Though
they had but seven wagons, they brought about seven hundred mules, and
two or three hundred thousand dollars in specie and bullion, for the
purposes of their adventure.
They took the Presidio del Norte in their route, and then proceeding
northwestwardly, finally arrived at Fort Towson after a protracted
journey of three months; but without meeting with any hostile savages,
or encountering any serious casualty, except getting bewildered, after
crossing Red River, which they mistook for the Brazos. This caused
them to shape their course thence nearly north, in search of the
former stream, until they reached the Canadian river, where they met
with some Delaware Indians, of whom they obtained the first correct
information of their whereabouts; and by whom they were piloted safely
to Fort Towson.
It had been the intention of these adventurers to return to Chihuahua
the ensuing fall; but from various accidents and delays, they were
unable to get ready until the season had too far advanced; which, with
an incessant series of rains that followed, prevented them from
travelling till the ensuing spring. Learning that the Texans were
friendly disposed towards them, they now turned their course through
the midst of the northern settlements of that republic. Of the kind
treatment they experienced during their transit, Dr. Connelly speaks
in the following terms: "I have never been more hospitably treated, or
had more efficient assistance, than was given by the citizens of Red
River. All seemed to vie with each other in rendering us every aid in
their power; and our Mexican friends, notwithstanding the hostile
attitude in which the two countries stood towards each other, were
treated with a kindness which they still recollect with the warmest
feelings of gratitude." This forms a very notable contrast with the
treatment which the Texan traders, who afterwards visited Santa Fé,
received at the hands of the Mexicans.
The Caravan now consisted of sixty or seventy wagons laden with
merchandise, and about two hundred and twenty-five men, including
their escort of Mexican dragoons. They passed the Texan border early
in April, and expected to intersect their former track beyond the
Cross Timbers, but that trail having been partially obliterated, they
crossed it unobserved, and were several days lost on the waters of the
Brazos river. Having turned their course south for a few days,
however, they fortunately discovered their old route at a branch of
the Colorado.
After this they continued their journey without further casualty; for
notwithstanding they met with a large body of Comanches, they passed
them amicably, and soon reached the Rio Pecos. Though very narrow,
this stream was too deep to be forded, and they were compelled to
resort to an expedient characteristic of the Prairies. There being not
a stick of timber anywhere to be found, of which to make even a raft,
they buoyed up a wagon-body by binding several empty water-kegs to the
bottom, which served them the purpose of a ferry-boat.
When they reached Presidio del Norte again, they learned that Gov.
Irigóyen, with whom they had celebrated the contract for a diminution
of their duties, had died during their absence. A new corps of
officers being in power, they were now threatened with a charge of
full tariff duties. After a delay of forty-five days at the Presidio,
however, they made a compromise, and entered Chihuahua on the 27th of
August, 1840.
The delays and accumulated expenses of this expedition caused it to
result so disastrously to the interests of all who were engaged in it,
that no other enterprise of the kind has since been undertaken.
--GREGG.
[138] John McDaniel and his brother David were both executed. For the
names of other participators, consult _Niles' Register_, lxiv, pp.
195, 280. The Texas government disclaimed all responsibility for
McDaniel.--ED.
[139] Mora is on a stream of the same name, for which see our volume
xix, p. 252, note 73 (Gregg), and is the seat of Mora County. The
first settlement was made in 1832, but repulsed by Indians; not until
1840, therefore, could the place be called permanent. In the
revolution of 1847, Mora was involved against the United States whose
troops burned the town in reprisal. The present population is about
seven hundred.--ED.
[140] For a more detailed account of this expedition, see H. Yoakum,
_History of Texas_ (New York, 1856), ii, pp. 399-405.--ED.
[141] Colonel William G. Cooke, of Texas, appointed one of the
commissioners to negotiate with the New Mexicans. He was treacherously
induced to surrender to a force under Dimasio Salezar, at Anton
Chico.--ED.
[142] Padilla is a small village on the eastern side of Rio Grande, a
few miles below Albuquerque. The Chavez family owned a large ranch,
and its younger members had been engaged in the American trade for
some years.--ED.
[143] This family is very distinct from one Manuel Chavez (who, though
Gov. Armijo's nephew, is a very low character), a principal agent in
the treacheries practised upon the Texan Santa Fé Expedition.--GREGG.
[144] Philip St. George Cooke, for whom see volume xix, p. 187, note
32 (Gregg).-ED.
[145] As U. S. troops cannot go beyond our boundary, which, on this
route is the Arkansas river, these escorts afford but little
protection to the caravans. Such an extensive, uninhabitable waste as
the great prairies are, ought certainly to be under maritime
regulations. Some international arrangements should be made between
the United States and Texas or Mexico (accordingly as the
proprietorship of the region beyond our boundary may be settled),
whereby the armies of either might indiscriminately range upon this
desert, as ships of war upon the ocean.--GREGG.
[146] For Point of Rocks, see our volume xix, p. 249, note 70
(Gregg).--ED.
[147] José Maria Bocanegra was a member of the liberal party in
Mexico, who came into power under Guerrero in 1829. He was also
president ad interim, and for some years minister of foreign affairs.
Waddy Thompson, of South Carolina, was born in 1798; and after serving
in the state legislature was member of Congress (1835-41). In 1842 he
was made minister to Mexico, which position he filled but two years.
Upon his return he published _Recollections_ (New York, 1846). Going
to Mexico as an advocate of Texas annexation, he returned its
opponent, convinced that slavery could not be maintained on soil
acquired from Mexico. The latter years of his life were devoted to
cotton-raising in Florida, where he died in 1868.--ED.
[148] The following is the substance of Santa Anna's decree, dated at
his Palace of Tacubaya, August 7, 1843:
"Article 1st. The frontier custom-houses of Taos, in the department of
New Mexico, Paso del Norte and Presidio del Norte in that of
Chihuahua, are entirely closed to all commerce.
"Art. 2d. This decree shall take effect within forty-five days after
its publication in the capital of the Republic."
It should be understood that the only port in New Mexico for the
introduction of foreign goods was nominally Taos, though the
custom-house was at Santa Fé, where all the entrances were
made.--GREGG.
[149] These northern ports have since been reopened by decree of March
31, 1844; and about ninety wagons, with perhaps $200,000 cost of
goods, (and occupying 150 to 200 men), crossed the plains to Santa Fé,
during the following summer and fall.--GREGG.