CONFERENCE AT THE LOUVRE FOR THE UNION OF TRUTH AND
CATHOLICITY IN THE CHURCH.
(1534.)
The Wurtemberg affair being ended, Du Bellay thought of nothing but his
great plan; that is, a Reformation according to the ideas of the Queen
of Navarre—the combination of catholicism and truth by the union of
France and Germany. They were not the only persons who entertained such
thoughts: Roussel, Bucer, and many other evangelical christians asked
themselves whether the great success obtained in Germany would not
decide the reformation of France. Intercourse was much increased between
the two countries. Frenchmen and Germans were continually crossing and
recrossing the Rhine.
[Sidenote: A WITTEMBERG STUDENT.]
In the month of July 1534, the Queen of Navarre was in one of the
chambers of her palace: before her stood a bashful timid young man, and
she had a letter in her hand which she appeared to be reading with the
liveliest interest. The young man was a native of Nîmes, Claude Baduel
by name. He had just come from Wittemberg, where he had found, at the
feet of Melanchthon and Luther, the knowledge of the Saviour. He was not
an ordinary student. Of reserved manners,[612] generous heart, rare
disinterestedness, and great firmness in the faith, he had at the same
time a highly cultivated mind. He spoke Latin not only with purity, but
with great elegance, and his discourses were as full of matter as of
harmony.[613]
Like many other young scholars, Baduel was very poor, not having the
means of studying and scarcely of living. Often during his residence at
Wittemberg, he found himself in his little room reduced to the last
extremity. He had uttered many a groan, and had prayed to that heavenly
Father who feedeth the birds of the air. As the moment of his departure
approached, his distress had increased. How could he perform the
journey? What would become of him in France? He had asked himself with
sorrow whether he ought not to abandon letters and devote himself to
some manual labour. On a sudden, he conceived the idea of applying to
the Queen of Navarre; and going to Melanchthon, he said to him: 'Ill
fortune compels me to forsake the liberal arts for vulgar occupations,
which my nature and my will abhor with equal energy.[614] In vain have I
zealously devoted myself to the study of Holy Scripture and of
eloquence; in vain have I ardently desired to make further progress; a
cruel enemy—poverty—lays its barbarous hands upon me, and compels me to
renounce a vocation which transported me with joy.[615] Yet I
am determined to make a last and supreme attempt. The Queen of Navarre
is a sort of providence, almost a divinity for the friends of letters
and of the arts.[616]... Pray, dear master, give me a letter to her.'
Melanchthon, grieved at the destitute condition of a young man whose
fine understanding he appreciated, did not hesitate to accede to his
request. In those days there was less etiquette and formality and more
familiarity between princes and the friends of letters than there has
been since. On the 13th of June, 1534, a month after the battle of
Laufen, the master of Germany wrote to the sister of Francis, to
introduce the scholar to her. It was this letter which Baduel had
delivered to the queen, and which she, delighted at entering into direct
communication with Melanchthon, was reading with the greatest interest.
'It is certainly a great boldness,' wrote the illustrious reformer, 'for
a man like me, of low condition and unknown to your highness,[617] to
dare recommend a friend to you; but the reputation of your eminent
piety, spread through all the world,[618] does not permit me to refuse
an upright and learned man the service he begs of me. The liberal arts
can never be supported except by the generosity of princes.' Melanchthon
ended by saying: 'Never will alms more royal or more useful have been
bestowed. The Church, scattered over the world, has long counted your
highness among the number of those queens whom the prophet Isaiah calls
the _nursing mothers_ of the people of God, and will take care to hand
down the remembrance of your kindnesses to the most distant
generations.'[619] But the student, that living message of the
reformers, interested Margaret no less than the letter itself. Baduel
had seen and heard them, in their homes, in the street, and in the
pulpit. 'Talk to me,' she said with that amiable grace which
distinguished her, 'talk to me about Melanchthon and Luther; tell me how
they teach and how they live, what are their relations with their
pupils, and what they think of France.' Margaret desired to know
everything. She questioned him on several points, a knowledge of which
might be useful for the projects she had conceived in conjunction with
Du Bellay.
[Sidenote: MARGARET'S PATRONAGE.]
The queen did not forget the young man himself: observing the beauty of
his mind, the liveliness of his faith, and the elevation of his soul,
she thought that to protect Baduel was to prepare a chosen instrument to
propagate evangelical principles in France. Thanks to her care, the
young man, recommended by Melanchthon, became erelong a professor at
Paris. Subsequently, when a college of arts was founded at Nîmes, the
youthful doctor resolved to sacrifice the advantageous post he held in
the capital to devote his services to the city of his birth. The queen
recommended him to the consuls of that city for rector of their new
institution. 'I provided for his studies,' she told them. But
persecution did not allow Baduel to serve France unto the end; he was
obliged to take refuge at Geneva, where he became professor in the
academy founded by Calvin.[620]
[Sidenote: THE MISSION OF CHELIUS]
The communications of the young man of Nîmes strengthened Margaret, the
king, and Du Bellay in their plans, and Francis resolved to send across
the Rhine a confidential person, empowered to ask the doctors of the
Reformation for a sketch of the means best suited to found an
evangelical catholicism in Europe. It was not Baduel whom Du Bellay
selected for this mission: he was too young. The diplomatist cast his
eyes on Ulric Chelius, a doctor of medicine and native of Augsburg, at
that time living at Strasburg, a great friend of Sturm and Bucer, and
more than once employed by the King of France in various negotiations.
Intelligent, active, and animated like Bucer with the double desire of
reforming and at the same time of uniting christendom, Chelius was well
suited for such a work. Although a German, and consequently knowing
Germany thoroughly, he had all the promptitude of a Frenchman; and the
circumstance that he was not of exalted rank rendered him fitter still
for entering into negotiations that were to be carried on secretly. He
left Strasburg and arrived at Wittemberg in July 1534.
Melanchthon was at that time greatly agitated. The divisions which
separated catholicism from reform, and the quarrels between the
Zwinglians and the Lutherans, filled him with anguish. He often stole
away from that crowd of every age, condition, and country which
continually filled his house, eager to see him.[621] His wife's anxious
heart was wrung when she saw her husband's sadness, and even the
children could scarcely cheer him by their innocent smiles. The future
alarmed him.... 'What sad times are hanging over us,' he exclaimed,
'unless there be somebody to remedy the existing disorders!... We are
moving to our destruction.... They will have recourse to arms ... and
State and Church will perish!'[622]
As soon as Chelius reached Wittemberg, he called upon Melanchthon. 'King
Francis,' he said, 'desires truth and unity. In almost every particular he
is in accord with you, and approves of your book of _Common-places_.[623]
I am authorised to ask you for a plan to put an end to the religious
dissensions which disturb christendom; and I can assure you that the
King of France is doing, and will do, all he can with the pope to
procure harmony and peace.'[624] Nothing was better adapted to captivate
Melanchthon. At this period the _moderates_ had not yet renounced the
idea of preserving external unity; they desired to maintain catholicity:
even Melanchthon saw no other safety for divided and agitated
christendom. Accordingly, never had message arrived at a more suitable
time. Chelius was to him like an angel come from heaven; a beam of joy
lighted up the great doctor's clouded brow. He went to see Luther, and
conversed with him and other friends about the proposals of the King of
France. 'If a few good and learned men,' said he, 'brought together by
certain sovereigns, were to confer freely and amicably together, it
would be easy, believe me, to come to an understanding with each
other.[625] Ignorant men know nothing about the matter, and make the
evil greater than it is.'[626]
[Sidenote: DIFFERENT OPINIONS ON THE UNION.]
Melanchthon thought that he could unite catholics and protestants. We
must not be surprised at it, for in our days very estimable, though not
very clear-sighted men, entertain the same idea. Truth was dear to the
doctor of Germany, but concord, unity, and catholicity were not less so.
The Church, according to Melanchthon and his friends, ought to be
universal; for redemption is appointed for all men, and all have need of
it. The Church ought therefore to strive to unite all the children of
Adam in communion with God, on the foundation of Christ, the only
Redeemer. It possesses a power which can embrace all humankind and keep
all differences in subjection. Such were the thoughts by which
Melanchthon was inspired: if there were any sacrifices to be made to
preserve the catholicity of the Church, he would gladly make them; he
would recognise the bishops, and even the head of the bishops, rather
than destroy unity. 'There is no question of abolishing the government
of the Church,' he said; 'the chief men among us ardently desire that
the received forms should be preserved as much as possible.'[627]
Luther's friend took the matter so much to heart that he began to
address Du Bellay personally: 'I entreat you,' he said, 'to prevail upon
the great monarchs to establish a concord which shall be consistent with
piety.[628] The dangers which threaten us are such that so great a man
as you ought not to be wanting in the cause of the State and of the
Church.... But what am I doing?... What need to urge you to walk who are
running already?'[629] _Catholicity and truth_: such was the device
graven on the arms borne by the champions who, under the auspices of the
King of France, were to appear between the two camps of Rome and the
Reformation.
Melanchthon busied himself with sketching the plan of the new Church,
which, with God's help and the support of the _great monarchs_
(Francis I., Henry VIII., and probably Charles V.), was to become the
Church of modern times. It might be eventually one of the most important
labours ever undertaken by man. Not only the politicians, but all pious,
loving, and perhaps feeble hearts, who feared controversy more than
anything, ardently hoped for the success of this heroic attempt. The
_chief men_, said Melanchthon, shared his opinion and encouraged his
projects. Yet there were simple, earnest, christian men, with minds
determined to set truth above everything, who saw with uneasiness these
theologico-diplomatic negotiations. Neither Farel, nor Calvin, nor
probably Luther, was among those who rallied round the standard raised
by Du Bellay and grasped by Melanchthon.
That pious man, however, was far from wishing to sacrifice the truth. 'I
am quite of your opinion,' said he to Bucer, 'that there can be no
agreement between us and the Bishop of Rome.[630] But, to satisfy the
worthy men who are endeavouring to bring this great matter to a happy
issue, I shall lay down what ought to be the essential points of
agreement.' Melanchthon then believed, and many evangelical christians
in France, and particularly in Germany, believed also, that if a reform,
though incomplete, were once established, the power of truth would soon
bring about a complete reform. He therefore finished his sketch and gave
it to Chelius.
[Sidenote: NOTES OF THE THREE DOCTORS.]
The latter, imagining that he held the salvation of the Church in his
hands, hastened to Strasburg to communicate Melanchthon's project to his
friends. On arriving at Bucer's house (17th of August), he found him
writing his answer to the _Catholic Axiom_ of the Bishop of Avranches, a
great enemy of protestantism. Bucer put aside his own papers and took
those of the Wittemberg doctor, which he was impatient to see. He read
them eagerly over and over again. 'Really there is nothing here to
offend anybody,' he said, 'if people have the least idea of what the
reign of Christ means. But, my dear Chelius,' he added, 'a union is
possible only among those who truly believe in Christ. That there should
be a superior authority, well and good! but it must be a holy authority
in order that every man may obey it with a good conscience.[631] If we
are to unite, all additions must be cut away, and we must return simply
to the doctrine of Scripture and of the Fathers.'
Chelius desired Bucer to give him his opinion in writing. The reformer
hastily drew up a memoir, which, being approved by his colleagues, he
handed to his friend on the 27th of August.[632] Francis's agent had
fixed that day for his departure; but at the last moment he changed his
mind, and remained twenty-four hours longer in Strasburg. There was
another doctor in that city, a meek, pious, and firm man, an old friend
of Zwingle's:[633] it was Hedio, and Chelius asked him for his opinion
also. Then, taking with him the memoirs of the three doctors, he started
without delay for Paris, convinced that catholicity and truth were about
to be saved.
On reaching the capital Chelius gave the papers to William du Bellay,
who immediately laid them before the king. The latter ordered that the
Bishop of Paris and certain of the nobles, men of letters, and
ecclesiastics, who desired to see a united but reformed Church, should
have these documents communicated to them. The arrival of this ultimatum
of the Reformation was an event of great importance; and accordingly the
memoirs of the three doctors were anxiously perused at the Louvre, in
the bishop's palace, and in other houses of the capital. Perhaps history
has made a mistake in taking so little note of this. Three of the
reformers, with England, Francis I., and some of the most eminent men of
the epoch, demanded one only catholic but reformed Church. A great
evangelical unity seemed on the point of being realised. Shall we not
set forth in some detail a proposal of such high interest? There are
individuals, we are aware, who are always looking for facts and
sensations, never troubling themselves about principles and doctrines;
but the wise, on the contrary, know that the world is moved by ideas,
and, whatever may be the objections of curious minds, history must
perform her task, and give to opinions the place that belongs to them.
At this time several meetings of an extraordinary kind were held at the
Louvre, and upon them, as some thought, the future of christendom
depended. The opinions of Melanchthon, Bucer, and Hedio, demanded by the
king, brought by Chelius, and laid before the monarch by Du Bellay, were
in his majesty's closet. The walls of the Louvre, which had witnessed
such levity of morals, and which hereafter were to witness so many
crimes, heard those holy truths explained in which everlasting life is
to be found. Around the table on which these documents lay, there were
politicians no doubt who in this investigation looked only to temporal
advantages, and Francis was at their head; but there were also serious
men who desired for the new Church both unity and reform. We will let
the reformers speak. They were not present in person, it will be
understood, before the King of France; it is their written advice which
he had asked for, and which was probably read by one of the Du Bellays.
But, for brevity's sake, we shall designate these memoirs by the names
of their authors, since it is the authors themselves who speak, and not
the historian.
[Sidenote: THE PROPOSALS EXAMINED.]
Francis I., eager both to emancipate France from its subordination to
the papacy, and to form in Europe a great united party capable of
vanquishing and thwarting Austria, listened with goodwill to Melanchthon
and his friends; yet he found the language of the reformers a little
more severe and _heretical_ than he had imagined. Some of the persons
around him were pleased; some were astonished, and others were
scandalised, and not without reason. To place the moderate Melanchthon
by the side of the pacific Bishop of Paris, well and good! but to hope
to unite the unyielding Luther and the fiery Beda, the pious elector and
the worldly Francis ... what a strange undertaking! Let us listen,
however; for these personages have taken their seats, and the inquiry is
about to begin.[634]
BUCER.
'There can be no concord in the Church except between those who are
really of the Church.[635] There is nothing in common between Christ and
Belial. We cannot unite God and the world.... Now, what are the majority
of bishops and priests?... I grieve to say.'
This introduction appeared to the king rather high-flown; but he said to
himself that Bucer doubtless wished to make protestation of his loyalty
at the very outset. Perhaps his colleagues will be more conciliating.
MELANCHTHON.
'The catholic doctrine, say some, has a few trifling blemishes here and
there; while we and our friends have been making a great noise without
any cause.... That is a mistake. Let not the pontiff and the great
monarchs of christendom shut their eyes to the diseases of the
Church.[636] They ought, on the contrary, to acknowledge that these
pretended trifling blemishes destroy the essential doctrines of the
faith, and lead men into idolatry and manifest sin.'
BUCER.
'If you wish to establish christian concord, apply to those who truly
believe in Christ.[637] Those who do not listen to the Word cannot
explain the Word.... What errors have been introduced by wicked priests!
Shall we apply to other priests to correct them, who perhaps surpass the
former in wickedness?'
Really the pacific Bucer and Melanchthon speak as boldly as Luther and
Farel. The king and his councillors were beginning to be alarmed, but
more conciliatory words revived their hopes.
BUCER.
'All that can be conceded, while maintaining the faith and the love of
God, we will concede. Every salutary custom, observed by the ancients,
we will restore. We have no desire to upset everything that is standing,
and we know very well that the Church here below cannot be without
blemish.'[638]
[Sidenote: CHURCH GOVERNMENT.]
The satisfaction of the king and his councillors increased when they
came to Church government. There must be order in the Church, said the
protestants. There must be a ministry of the Word; an inspection of the
pastors and of the flocks, in order to secure discipline and peace. The
service, the time appointed for worshipping in common, the place where
the Church should assemble, the holy offices, the temporal aid necessary
for the support of the ministry, the care of the poor: all these things
require an attentive and faithful administration. These principles were
set forth by the reformers, the Strasburg doctor insisting most on this
point.
BUCER.
'The kingdom of Christ ought not to be without a government. In no place
ought order to be stricter, obedience more complete, and power more
respected.'
Francis I. and his councillors heard these declarations with pleasure.
They had been told that the _pretended_ Church of the protestants was
composed of atoms that had no cohesion with each other. Others affirmed
that the only superior power recognised in it was that of certain
theocratic prophets, like Thomas Munzer and others. Francis, therefore,
was satisfied to learn that while they acknowledged a universal
priesthood, by virtue of which every believer approached God in prayer,
protestantism maintained a special evangelical ministry. But what was
this ministry, this government? This the king and his advisers desired
to know. Here, in our opinion, the mediating divines went wrong: the
king's wishes were to be almost satisfied.
MELANCHTHON.
'As a bishop presides over several Churches, no one can think it wrong
for a pontiff to preside at Rome over several bishops. The Church must
have leaders to examine those who are called to the ministry, to judge
in ecclesiastical causes, and watch over the teaching of the
ministers.... If there were no such bishops, they ought to be
created.[639] One sole pontiff may even serve to maintain harmony of
faith between the different nations of christendom.'
Francis was delighted; but the more decided evangelicals looked upon
this idea of an _evangelical_ pope as a dream to be consigned to the
Utopia described by Sir Thomas More. An accessory declaration of another
kind was to please the king even more.
MELANCHTHON.
'As for the Roman pontiff's claim to transfer kingdoms from one prince
to another, that concerns neither the Gospel nor the Church; and it is
the business of kings to combat that unjust pretension.'
Now that these concessions were granted, the reformers were about to
make the loud voice of the Reformation heard.
BUCER.
'The first of doctrines is the justification of sinners.'
MELANCHTHON.
'Remission of sins ought to be accompanied by a change of life; but this
remission is not given us because of this new life; it comes to us only
through mercy, and is given to us solely because of Christ.'
BUCER.
'Thus, then, we have done with the merits ascribed to the observances
and prayers of the monks and priests: we have done with all vain
confidence in our own works. Let the grace of God be obscured no longer,
and the righteousness of Christ be no more diminished! It is on account
of the blood of his only Son that God forgives us our sins.'
[Sidenote: JUSTIFICATION AND THE MASS.]
Francis and his advisers thought that _orthodox_ enough. Even the
schoolmen (they said) have used this language in some of their books.
They raised no opposition to the opinion of the reformers upon
justification by faith.[640] But one point made them uneasy.... What
will they say of the mass? This important subject was not forgotten.
BUCER.
'What! to be present every day at mass without repentance, without
piety, even without thinking of the mysteries connected with it, will
suffice to obtain all kinds of grace from God!... No! when we celebrate
the sacrament of our Lord's body and blood, there must be a living
communion between Christ and the living members of Christ.'[641]
[Sidenote: PROTEST AGAINST ABUSES.]
MELANCHTHON.
'The mass is the only knot we cannot untie;[642] for it contains such
horrible abuses ... invented for the profit of the monks. All impious
rites must be interdicted, and others established in conformity with the
truth.'
'The mass must be preserved,' said Francis; 'but the stupid, absurd, and
foolish legends abolished.'[643]
The Frenchmen were anxious to learn the doctrine of the reformers on the
sacraments: it was, in fact, the embarrassing point, in consequence of
the different opinions of different doctors. The enemies of the
Reformation spread the rumour through France that the sacraments were to
protestants mere ceremonies only, by which christians show that they
belong to the Church. 'No,' said the doctors, 'these outward forms are
means by which grace works inwardly in our souls. Only this working does
not proceed from the disposition of the priest administering the
sacrament, but from the faith of him who receives it.' And here came the
great question: 'Is Christ present or not in the communion?' Bucer and
his friends cleverly extricated themselves from this difficulty.
BUCER.
'The body of Christ is received in the hands of the communicants, and
eaten with their mouths, say some. The body of Christ is discerned by
the soul of the believer and eaten by faith, say others. There is a way
of putting an end to this dispute by simply acknowledging that, whatever
be the manner of eating, there is a real _presence of Christ_ in the
Lord's Supper.'[644]
By degrees the reformers became more animated.
MELANCHTHON.
'We must teach the people that the saints are not more merciful than
Jesus Christ, and that we must not transfer to them the confidence due
to Christ alone.
'The monasteries must be converted into schools.
'Celibacy must be abolished, for most of the priests live in open
uncleanness.'[645]
BUCER.
'The Church must have a constitution in which everything will be decided
by Scripture; and a conference of learned and pious men is wanted to
draw it up.'
HEDIO.
'That assembly must not be composed of divines only, but of laymen also;
and, above all things, no forward step should be taken so long as the
pope and the bishops persist in their errors, and even defend them by
force.'[646]
When the reformers drew up these articles, they had gradually begun to
feel some hope. It is possible, perhaps probable, that unity will be
restored.... Moved at the thought, they lifted their eyes towards the
mighty arm from which they expected help.
MELANCHTHON.
'O that the Lord Jesus Christ would look down from heaven and restore
the Church for which he suffered to a pious and perpetual union, which
may cause his glory to shine afar!'[647]
Francis and his councillors were satisfied upon the whole;[648] but the
doctors of Rome looked with an uneasy eye upon these (to them)
detestable negotiations. There was agitation at the Sorbonne and even at
the Louvre. All the leaders of the Roman party who had a voice at court
made respectful representations. Cardinal de Tournon added
remonstrances. Du Bellay held firm; but it was not so with Francis. He
hesitated and staggered. An event occurred to give him a fresh impulse,
and to legitimatise in his eyes the reforms demanded by his minister.
[Footnote 612: 'Mores modestissimi.'—Melanchthon to the Queen of
Navarre, _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 733.]
[Footnote 613: 'Non solum mundities et elegantia singularis, sed etiam
quædam non insuavis copia.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 614: 'Ad quasdam alias operas, a quibus et natura et voluntate
abhorret.'—Ibid. p. 735.]
[Footnote 615: 'Paupertas, quasi manus injecit.'—Ibid. p. 752.]
[Footnote 616: 'Velut in quodam numine.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 752.]
[Footnote 617: 'Homo infimæ sortis et ignotus Celsitudini tuæ.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 618: 'Fama tuæ eximiæ pietatis quæ totum terrarum orbem
pervagata est.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 619: 'Et recensebit ad posteros universa ecclesia.'—_Corp.
Ref._ ii. p. 733.]
[Footnote 620: He died there in 1561. See Senebier, _Hist. Litt. de
Genève_. Ch. le Fort, _Livre du Recteur_, p. 371. Haag, _France
Protestante_, which contains a list of Baduel's numerous writings.]
[Footnote 621: 'Videres in ædibus illis perpetuo accedentes et
discedentes atque exeuntes aliquos.'—Camerarius, _Vita Melanchthonis_,
p. 40.]
[Footnote 622: 'Quanta dissipatio reipublicæ et ecclesiæ.'—_Corp. Ref._
ii. p. 740.]
[Footnote 623: 'In plerisque dicebat regem esse non alienum a libro
Philippi quo _locos_ ille tractat _communes_.'—Gerdesius, _Hist. Evang.
renov._ iv. p. 114.]
[Footnote 624: 'Regem Gallorum apud pontificem de pace et mitigatione
tantarum rerum acturum esse.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 976.]
[Footnote 625: 'Si monarchæ aliqui efficerent ut aliqui boni et docti
viri amanter et libere inter se colloquerentur.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p.
740.]
[Footnote 626: 'Et interdum præter rem tumultuantur.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 627: 'Usitatam ecclesiæ formam conservare, quantum possibile
est.—Ibid.]
[Footnote 628: 'Ut Celsitudo tua, propter Christi gloriam, hortetur
summos monarchas.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 740.]
[Footnote 629: 'Sed nihil opus est, _te currentem_, ut dici solet,
adhortari.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 630: 'Assentior tibi, mi Bucere, desperandam esse concordiam
cum pontifice romano.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 275.]
[Footnote 631: 'Dass die obere Gewalt eine heilige sey.'—Schmidt,
_Zeitschrift für Hist. Theol._]
[Footnote 632: 'Consentientibus symmistis meis.'—Consilium Buceri,
Strasburg MSS.]
[Footnote 633: _Hist. of the Ref. of the Sixteenth Century_, vol. ii.
bk. viii. ch. viii.]
[Footnote 634: Melanchthon's memoir will be found in the _Corpus
Reformatorum_, published by Dr. Bretschneider, ii. pp. 743-766. I am
indebted to Professor Schmidt for a copy of Bucer's memoir, which is in
the Strasburg library. The volume containing Hedio's memoir has
disappeared from the archives; we have, however, found a few extracts.]
[Footnote 635: 'Concordia esse non potest nisi inter eos qui sunt de
ecclesia.'—Consilium Buceri MS.]
[Footnote 636: 'Pontifex et summi reges agnoscant ecclesiæ morbos.'—
_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 743.]
[Footnote 637: 'Nisi inter eos qui Christo vere credunt.'—Consilium
Buceri.]
[Footnote 638: 'Nec etiam ut nulla omnino labes tolleretur.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 639: 'Creari tales oporteret.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 746.]
[Footnote 640: 'Locum de justificatione, ut a nostris tractatur,
_probare regem_.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1017.]
[Footnote 641: 'Viva vivorum membrorum Christi communione.'—Buceri
Consilium MS.]
[Footnote 642: 'Hic unus nodus de missa videtur inexplicabilis esse.'—
_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 781.]
[Footnote 643: 'Orationes et legendas multas ineptas et impias
abrogandas aut saltem emendandas.'—Ibid. p. 1015.]
[Footnote 644: 'Veram Christi in cœna præsentiam exprimi.'—Buceri Cons.]
[Footnote 645: 'Plurimi in manifesta turpitudine vivunt.'—_Corp. Ref._
ii. p. 764.]
[Footnote 646: Schmidt, _Zeitschrift für Hist. Theolog._ 1850, p. 35.]
[Footnote 647: 'Ut Christus ecclesiam suam ... redigat in concordiam
piam et perpetuam.'—_Corp. Ref._]
[Footnote 648: 'Hos articulos Francisco regi non displicuisse multa sunt
quæ suadent.'—Gerdesius, _Hist. Evang. renov._ iv. p. 124.]