TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE.
(AUTUMN 1533.)
Francis was not at Paris when the storm broke out against his sister. In
the summer of 1533, says the chronicle, 'the king visited his states and
lordships of Languedoc, and made his triumphal entry into the city of
Toulouse.'[426] It was by letter, therefore, that he heard of what was
taking place. All were asking what he would do. On the one hand, he had
a great affection for the queen; but, on the other, he did not like his
tranquillity to be disturbed; he protected learning, but he detested the
Gospel. His better self gained the upper hand; his hatred of the
absurdities of the monks was aroused; his great susceptibility made him
take the affronts offered to his sister as if they had been offered to
himself; and one after another he gave Margaret's enemies a forcible
lesson.
The first whom he taught his place was Montmorency. When the latter
endeavoured to instil his perfidious insinuations into the king's mind,
Francis silenced him: 'Not a word more about it,' he said: 'she is too
fond of me to take up with any religion that will injure my
kingdom.[427] Margaret was informed subsequently of the attempt of the
grand-master, 'whom she never liked more,' adds Brantôme.
[Sidenote: THE FRANCISCAN FRIAR.]
The second to feel the king's hand was the prior of the Franciscans who
had proposed to sew Margaret in a sack and throw her into the Seine.
'Let him suffer the punishment he desired to inflict upon the queen,' he
exclaimed. On hearing of this sentence the monks became irritated, and
the populace, according to one historian, got up a riot. But the queen
interceded for the wretch, and his life was spared; he was simply
deprived of his ecclesiastical dignities and sent to the galleys for two
years.[428]
The play represented against the queen, as well as the priests who had
composed it and superintended the representation, next engaged the
king's attention; he resolved not to spare them, and at the least to put
them in a terrible fright. He issued his orders, and immediately the
lieutenant of police marched out and appeared at the head of a hundred
archers before the college of Navarre.[429] 'Surround the building,' he
said, 'so that no one can escape.'[430] The archers did as they were
ordered. For this narrative we are again indebted to Calvin, who
continued to take the deepest interest in the whole affair. The orders
of the lieutenant were not executed without noise, and some of the
professors and pupils, attracted to the windows, had watched the
movements of the municipal officers. The author of the drama, who had
expected nothing like this, and who was very vain and continually
boasting of his pious exploit, happened to be in the room of a friend,
joking about the queen and the famous comedy, when suddenly he heard an
unusual noise.[431] He looked out, and, seeing the college surrounded by
soldiers, became alarmed and confused. 'Hide me somewhere,' he
exclaimed. He was put in a place where it was supposed nobody could find
him: there are always good hiding-places in colleges. 'Stay there,' said
his friends, 'until we find an opportunity for your escape.'[432] And
then the door was carefully shut.
[Sidenote: ARRESTS IN THE COLLEGE OF NAVARRE.]
Meanwhile the lieutenant of police had entered with a few of his
archers, and demanded the surrender of the author of the satire against
the Queen of Navarre. The head of the college, a man of distinction,
profound learning, and great influence, whom Calvin styles 'the great
Master Lauret,' and Sturm 'the king of the wise,' did not deserve his
name. He refused everything. Upon this, the sergeants began to search
the building for the culprit; and professors and students were in great
anxiety. But every nook and corner was explored in vain; they found
nothing.[433] The lieutenant thereupon ordered his archers to lay hands
upon the actors in default of the author, and he himself arrested one of
the persons who had taken a part in the play. This was the signal for a
great tumult. Master Lauret, knowing himself to be more guilty than
those youths, rushed upon the lieutenant and endeavoured to rescue the
scholar;[434] the students, finding themselves supported by their chief,
fell upon the archers, and kicked and beat them, some even pelting them
with stones.[435] There was a regular battle in the college of Navarre.
But the law prevailed at last, and all the beardless actors fell into
the hands of the police.
The lieutenant was bent on knowing the nature of their offence. 'Now,'
said he to the juvenile players, 'you will repeat before me what you
said on the stage.'[436] The unlucky youths were forced to obey; in
great confusion and hanging their heads, they repeated all their
impertinence. 'I have not done,' resumed the lieutenant, turning to the
head of the college; 'since the author of the crime is concealed from
me, I must look to those who should have prevented such insolence.
Master Lauret, you will go with me as well as these young scamps. As for
you, Master Morin (he was the second officer of the college), you will
keep your room.' He then departed with his archers; Lauret was taken to
the house of a commissary, and the students were sent to prison.
The most important affair still remained—the decision come to by the
Sorbonne against Margaret's poem. The king, wishing to employ gentle
means, simply ordered the rector to ask the faculty if they had really
placed the _Mirror_ in the list of condemned books,[437] and in that
case to be good enough to point out what they saw to blame in it. To the
rector, therefore, was confided the management of the affair. A new
rector had been elected a few days before (10th of October); and whether
the university perceived in what direction the wind was blowing, or
wished to show its hostility to the enemies of the light, or desired to
court the king's favour by promoting the son of one of his favourites,
the chief physician to the court, they had elected, in spite of the
faculty of theology, Nicholas Cop, a particular friend of Calvin's.
'Wonderful!' said the friends of the Gospel: 'the king and his sister,
the rector of the university, and even, as some say, the Bishop of
Paris, lean to the side of the Word of God; how can France fail to be
reformed?'
The new rector took the affair vigorously in hand. Won over to the
Gospel by Calvin, he had learnt, in conversation with his friend, that
sin is the great disease, the loss of eternal life the great death, and
Jesus Christ the great physician. He was impatient to meet the enemies
of the Reform, and the king gave him the desired opportunity.... He had
several conversations with Calvin on the subject, and convened the four
faculties on the 24th of October, 1532. The Bishop of Senlis, the king's
confessor, read his Majesty's letter to them; after which the youthful
rector, the organ of the new times, began to speak, and, full of the
ardour which a recent conversion gives, he delivered (Calvin tells us) a
long and severe speech,[438] a christian philippic, confounding the
conspirators who were plotting against the Word of God. 'Licence is
always criminal,' he said; 'but what is it when those who violate the
laws are those whose duty it is to teach others to observe them?... Now
what have they done? They have attacked an excellent woman, who is alike
the patroness of sound learning and mother of every virtue.[439] They
penetrate into the sanctuary of the family of our kings, and encroach
upon the sovereign majesty... What presumptuous temerity, what imprudent
audacity!... The laws of propriety, the laws of the realm, the laws of
God even, have all been violated by these impudent men... They are
seditious and rebellious subjects.' Then turning to the faculty of
theology, the rector continued: 'Put an end, Sirs, to these foolish and
arrogant manners; or else, if you have not committed the offence, do not
bear the responsibility. Do you desire to encourage the malice of those
who, ever ready to perpetrate the most criminal acts, wipe their mouths
afterwards and say: "It is not I who did it! it is the university!"
while the university knows nothing about it?[440] Do not mix yourselves
up in a matter so full of danger, or ... beware of the terrible anger of
the king.'[441]
[Sidenote: THE SORBONNE DISAVOWS ITS ACT.]
This speech, the terror inspired by the king's name, and the
recollection of Beda's imprisonment, disturbed the assembly. The
theologians, who were all guilty, basely abandoned their colleague, who
had only carried out a general resolution, and exclaimed unanimously:
'We must disavow the rash deed.'[442] The four faculties declared they
had not authorised the act of which the king complained, and the whole
responsibility fell on Le Clerq, curé of St. André, who had taken the
most active part in the matter. He was the Jonah to be thrown into the
sea.
Le Clerq was very indignant. He had gone up and down the city in the
sight of everybody, he had ransacked the booksellers' shops to lay hold
of the heretical _Mirror_; the booksellers, if necessary, could depose
against him; but when he found himself abandoned by those who had urged
him on, he was filled with anger and contempt. Still, he endeavoured to
escape the danger that threatened him, and seeing among the audience
several officers of the court, he said in French, so that all might
understand him: 'In what words, Sirs, can I sufficiently extol the
king's justice?[443] Who can describe with what unshaken fidelity this
great prince has on all occasions shown himself the valiant defender of
the faith?[444] I know that misguided men[445] are endeavouring to
pervert the king's mind, and conspiring the ruin of this holy faculty;
but I have a firm conviction that their manœuvres will fail against his
majesty's heroic firmness. I am proud of the resistance I make them. And
yet I have done nothing of myself; I was delegated by an order of the
university for the duty I have fulfilled.[446] And do you imagine that
in discharging it, I had any desire to get up a plot against an august
princess whose morals are so holy, whose religion is so pure,[447] as
she proved not long ago by the respect with which she paid the last
honours to her illustrious mother? I consider such obscene productions
as _Pantagruel_ ought to be prohibited; but I place the _Mirror_ simply
among the suspected books, because it was published without the
approbation of the faculty. If that is a crime, we are all guilty—you,
gentlemen,' he said, turning towards his colleagues, 'you as well as
myself, although you disavow me.'[448]
[Sidenote: THE UNIVERSITY APOLOGISES.]
This speech, so embarrassing to the doctors of the faculty, secured the
triumph of the queen. 'Sirs,' said the king's confessor, 'I have read
the inculpated volume, and there is really nothing to blot out of it,
unless I have forgotten all my theology.[449] I call, therefore, for a
decree that shall fully satisfy her majesty.' The rector now rose again
and said: 'The university neither recognises nor approves of the censure
passed upon this book. We will write to the king, and pray him to accept
the apology of the university.' Thereupon the meeting broke up.
Thus did Margaret, the friend of the reformers, come out victorious from
this attack of the monks. 'This matter,' says Beza, 'somewhat cowed the
fury of our masters (_magistri_), and greatly strengthened the small
number of believers.'[450] The clear and striking account which Calvin
has left us, has enabled us to watch the quarrel in all its phases. As
we read it, we cannot help regretting that the reformer did not
sometimes employ his noble talents in writing history.[451]
An astonishing change was taking place in France. Calvin and Francis
appeared to be almost walking together. Calvin watched with an observing
eye the movements of men's minds, and his lofty understanding delighted
in tracing out the approaching consequences. What did he see in the year
1533? The different classes of society are in motion; men of the world
begin to speak more freely;[452] students, with the impetuosity of
youth, are rushing towards the light; many young professors perceive
that Scripture is above the pope; one of his most intimate friends is at
the head of the university; the fanatical doctors are in exile; and the
most influential men both in Church and State are favourable to the
Reform. The Bishop of Senlis, confessor to the king; John du Bellay,
Bishop of Paris, who possesses the king's entire confidence; his brother
William, one of the greatest men in France, seem all to be placing
themselves at the service of evangelical truth. William du Bellay, in
particular, excited the greatest hopes among the reformers at this time;
they entertained, indeed, exaggerated ideas about him. As Berquin was no
more, and Calvin had hardly appeared, it was Du Bellay, in their
opinion, who would reform France. 'O that the Lord would raise up many
heroes like him!' said the pious Bucer; 'then should we see Christ's
kingdom appearing with the splendour of the sun.[453] The Sire de Langey
(William du Bellay) is ready to suffer everything for Jesus Christ.'[454]
[Sidenote: REFORM MOVEMENT IN FRANCE.]
The most earnest men believed in the salutary influences which the
Reformation would exert. In fact, by awakening the conscience and
reviving faith, it was to be a principle of order and liberty; and the
religious activity which it called into existence could not but be
favourable to education and morality, and even to agriculture,
manufactures, and commerce. If Francis I. had turned to the Gospel, the
noblest minds would have followed him, and France would have enjoyed
days of peace and marvellous prosperity.
Among the enlightened men of whom we are speaking, we must include
Philip de Chabot, seignior of Brion, admiral of France, a favourite with
the king, and inclined to the cause of the Reform;[455] Maure Musée,
groom of the chamber, also won over to the Gospel; and the pious Dame de
Cany, who influenced her sister, the Duchess of Etampes, in favour of
the reformed.[456] That frivolous woman was far from being converted;
but if the Reform was reproached with the protection she afforded it,
the evangelicals called to mind that Marcia, mistress to the Emperor
Commodus, as the duchess was to the king, had protected the early
christians, and primitive Christianity was none the less respected for
it.
Calvin did not place his hope in the powers of the world: 'Our wall of
brass,' he said, 'is to have God propitious to us. _If God be for
us_—that is our only support. There is no power under heaven or above
which can withstand his arm, and having him for our defender we need
fear no evil.'[457] And yet the blows which Francis I. had warded from
the head of the queen were to fall upon Cop and Calvin himself. But
before we come to these persecutions, we must follow the king, who,
quitting Toulouse and Montpellier, proceeded to Marseilles to meet the
pope.
[Footnote 426: _Chronique du Roi François I._ p. 98.]
[Footnote 427: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 88.]
[Footnote 428: Castaigne, _Notice sur Marguerite_. Freer, _Life of
Marguerite_.]
[Footnote 429: 'Prætor stipatus centum apparitoribus gymnasium adit.'—
Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.]
[Footnote 430: 'Suis jussis domum circumcidere, ne quis elaberetur.'
—Ibid.]
[Footnote 431: 'Sed cum forte in amici cubiculo esset, tumultum prius
exaudisse.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.]
[Footnote 432: 'E quibus per occasionem fugeret.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 433: 'Autor sceleris deprehendi non poterat.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 434: 'Dum vult obsistere gymnasiarcha.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.]
[Footnote 435: 'Lapides a nonnullis pueris conjecti sunt.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 436: 'Quod pro scena recitassent jussit repetere.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 437: 'Improbatæ religionis.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 438: 'Longa et acerba oratione.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.]
[Footnote 439: 'In reginam virtutum omnium et bonarum literarum matrem
arma sumere.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.]
[Footnote 440: 'Ut dicant Academiam fecisse.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 441: 'Ne se immiscerent tanto discrimini, ne regis iram
experiri vellent.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 442: 'Omnium sententia fuit factum abjurandum.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 443: 'Magnificis verbis regis integritatem.'—Calvini _Epp._
p. 1.]
[Footnote 444: 'Fidei animosum protectorem.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 445: 'Aliquos sinistros homines.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 446: 'Se quidem fuisse delegatum Academiæ decreto.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 447: 'Fœminam tam sanctis moribus, tam pura religione
præditam.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 448: 'Omnes esse culpæ affines, si qua esset, quantumvis
abnegarent.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.]
[Footnote 449: 'Nisi oblitus esset suæ theologiæ.'—Ibid.]
[Footnote 450: Théodore de Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ p. 9.]
[Footnote 451: This letter is the first in the collection published by
Theodore Beza, and will be the tenth in that to be published by Dr.
Bonnet.]
[Footnote 452: 'Omnes cœperunt loqui liberius.'—Bucer to Blaarer.
Strasburg MSS.]
[Footnote 453: 'Dominus excitet multos isti heroï similes.'—Bucer to
Chelius, quoted by Schmidt.]
[Footnote 454: 'Quidvis pati pro Christo.'—Sturm to Bucer. Ibid.]
[Footnote 455: 'Admiralius adest, qui unice nobis favet.'—Sturm to
Bucer, quoted by Schmidt.]
[Footnote 456: _Lettres de Jean Calvin_, i. p. 335, edit. J. Bonnet.]
[Footnote 457: Calvini _Opp._ passim.]