CHAPTER XV

Japan’s Requirements and China’s Future

The official reasons for the war between Russia and Japan are known,

but there are matters which lie deeper than the ostensible excuses

made for the serious step Japan has taken. All know that Russia has

curtailed Japan’s fisheries; that she has the control in south-western

Manchuria of all the supplies of beancake upon which the Japanese

depend entirely for the intensive cultivation of the poor and shallow

soil which covers their islands; and they know that Russia, by her

policy in reference to Korea, intended to control the supplies of both

timber and rice so necessary to the welfare of the Japanese. What

people wish to know is how far Japan is prepared to carry the war into

the enemy’s country if she continues to be successful, and what are now

the conditions upon which she will accept peace.

I have endeavoured to find out from the Japanese themselves what is

the minimum gain which will content them. I have asked Russians,

too, but the only reply they have made is that Japan must be utterly

vanquished--many of them still believe that she will be--must

relinquish everything she has gained temporarily, and be taught a

lesson of humiliation she will never forget. They do not descend to

particulars when asked how this is to be accomplished. The position,

therefore, must be taken from the Japanese point of view, as that is

the only one profitable for examination in detail now.

In the first place, Japan was determined not to be bluffed by Russia:

her first stroke was intended to make that known to her adversary.

Next, she intended to drive the Russians out of Korea: that she

promptly effected. Then her object was to destroy the Russian fleet,

and deprive Russia of a naval base in the Far East, so that for many

years to come Japan may enjoy peace so far as Russia is concerned. This

is in process of execution, and will be effected before Japan stays her

hand. Thus far we are upon firm ground.

It is doubtful whether Japan intends to turn Russia out of the three

provinces which comprise Manchuria, or even means to attempt so much.

Japan would like the Russian forces to retreat upon Harbin quickly. If

that were done, she believes that with the forces now at her command

she could attack and capture Harbin--which has only improvised

defensive works--and so bring about a further withdrawal, compelling

the Russian Commander-in-Chief to decide whether he will attempt to

hold the railway between Harbin and Vladivostok, or abandon the eastern

line and fall back towards Khailar and Siberia. It will be a serious

situation. With the Japanese at Harbin, the Russian retreat westward

may be cut off by a river force proceeding up the Nonni to the railway

crossing south of Tsitsikar. The abandonment of the eastern line will

mean the fall of Vladivostok, and leave the Ussuri province and all the

Russian settlements on the Amur at the mercy of the Japanese army.

There cannot be any doubt that Japan will try her utmost to reach and

occupy Harbin. Very possibly she will attempt to occupy that position

permanently, since it is the junction of the railways from Port Arthur

and Vladivostok, and is also valuable because the Sungari, the most

important tributary of the Amur, gives communication to many of the

Russian settlements in Northern Manchuria and Eastern Siberia.

If Russia wills it so, and is prepared to accept conditions, it seems

possible that the actual Japanese invasion will terminate at Harbin,

and that Japan will establish herself there, and hold a large force

in readiness for emergencies, possibly for a further advance at some

future time. The potentialities of such a military situation will be

enormous. Assuming that Japan will halt at the second crossing of the

Sungari river, she will be in possession of the Fengtien and Kirin

provinces, the two most densely populated territories of Manchuria,

the richest in mineral and agricultural wealth, and the better part

of the Chinese Empire occupied by Russia since the Boxer rising. She

will command absolutely the railway approach to Port Arthur, Dalny,

Vladivostok, and the Ussuri lines. Japan’s ambition extends somewhat

further. The territory west of Harbin between the Sungari River and

Tsitsikar is a high plain, well suited to grazing but of no immediate

agricultural value. It has no attractions for the Japanese The land

to the east of Harbin is better from the agriculturist’s point of

view. The Ussuri Province of Eastern Siberia is a fertile, fairly

settled and partly cultivated territory rich in promise. It is well

wooded, possesses large timber, and has coal, iron, silver, and other

valuable mineral deposits. The deep inlets of its shores, from Possiet

northwards to the Amur river, are like Norwegian fiords, and the seas

teem with fish and that marine vegetable life from which much of the

food supply of Japan and Northern China is drawn. The coast fisheries

are of the first importance to the welfare of both Japan and Korea.

Japan wishes, and will attempt to obtain, the freedom of these waters.

In order to prevent Russia from reimposing the taxes she has levied

on the fisheries and restricting the rights of Korean and Japanese

fishermen, or excluding them from earning their livelihood on the

littoral of the Primorski province, Japan will dominate the Ussuri

Province, if not annex it, or restore it to the Chinese empire from

which it was taken a generation ago.

Japan is unlikely to seek any territorial aggrandisement beyond the

frontier of Korea; but she does wish to attain and maintain a position

which will allow her to dictate absolutely in what manner the two

southern provinces of Manchuria and the Ussuri province of Siberia

shall be occupied and exploited. If she has a strong military force at

Harbin she will be able to effect this end. It is, I believe, a part

of Japan’s policy. It means that Japan will control the sea board from

the southernmost point of Korea to the mouth of the Amur, if not still

farther north to the sea of Okhotsk and Kamtschatka. Japan views as

rightly within her sphere of influence all the territory eastward of

the Liao river, the southern branch of the Eastern Chinese Railway, and

eastward of the Sungari from Harbin, the northern boundary being the

River Amur. In this territory Japan hopes to see Russia’s influence

wane and ultimately vanish. It is to that end she is working.

Japan may have to be content with very much less. Russia will give

most grudgingly ever so little, and only the force of very adverse

circumstances would compel her to grant so much. Possibly Japan must be

satisfied with a dominion which does not extend far north of Mukden,

but certainly will reach to the Liao.

Beyond Korea, therefore, certain portions of Manchuria will be won from

the Russians by the Japanese. It may be assumed that the territory

extends to the Amur, or the Sungari, or the Liao, or any other point.

What are the intentions of Japan with regard to such territory?

As conqueror she may, presumably, annex and occupy it absolutely.

For several reasons she has no intention of occupying Manchuria

permanently. She intends that the territory she wins back from Russia

shall revert to China, upon conditions.

The first condition is that the provinces ceded shall not again be

invaded by Russia; that there shall not again be any possibility of

Russia threatening Korea and Japan. Russia must not have an ice-free

port, not a naval base, not a dock, or repairing yard, nor must she be

allowed to occupy any fortified post which from its position may be

regarded as dangerous to Korea or Japan.

Port Arthur will be dismantled; the earthworks will be demolished;

the dockyard cleared, and the place reduced to an unimportant railway

terminus and fishing village, with some commerce coastwise in small

native craft. The fame and the value of Port Arthur are wholly

artificial. It is not the proper situation for the terminus of the

trans-continental railway; as a naval base it is useful only to Russia,

or some other European power having a forward policy in the Far East.

It will sink again to the obscurity from which Russia raised it--not

until then will it be handed over again to China.

Of Dalny even the expenditure of much government money has been unable

to make a success. The site was ill chosen; the place has no trade,

serves no real purpose, and by the Russians was termed “Lishni,” the

“unwanted.” Dalny is dead.

The Eastern Chinese Railway, of which Port Arthur was the military and

Dalny the commercial terminus, will continue to serve both places so

long as there is any traffic, and local traffic there always will be.

It may increase, but it will do so slowly unless nursed by some such

artificial methods as Russia employed. The Eastern Chinese Railway

will be joined to the Imperial Chinese Railways by a line of about

forty miles over a flat country between Mukden and Hsinmintun. That

is the direction most of the trans-continental and local traffic will

take; it will give through railway communication between Europe and

Peking.

The railway between Port Arthur and Harbin may be acquired directly

from Russia by the Chinese Government. It is much more likely to

be taken by the Japanese and sold to either the Chinese Railways

Administration, or to a syndicate of British and American capitalists.

The line runs through a rich country, and already there is sufficient

traffic obtainable to pay not only the expenses of working but a

fair interest on the actual heavy cost of construction. In fact,

the Harbin-Dalny section is the most profitable of all the Siberian

railways and its prospects are excellent. Should it be acquired either

by the Chinese, or by a foreign syndicate, it will be doubtless

converted to the standard gauge of the Chinese railways, and be worked

by a similar staff. Already the Japanese are reducing the gauge over

the sections in their possession.

The fate of that section of the Eastern Chinese Railway between Harbin

and Pogranichnaya cannot be foreseen. If the Japanese establish

themselves at Harbin, it may be disposed of in the same manner as

the southern section, or the Russian authorities may have running

powers over it, or it may be allowed to remain wholly in the hands

of Russia--since it connects with the Ussuri railway which has one

terminus at Vladivostok, and the other at Khabarovsk on the River Amur.

For obvious reasons, I think Japan will endeavour to obtain and keep

control of this eastern section, and of the Ussuri railway. Should

she do this the Russian terminus of the Trans-Siberian Railway will

be Harbin, unless the northern, original route be continued and the

line prolonged eastward from Stretensk on the Shilka. Russia will be

asked to relinquish the Island of Saghalien--taken from Japan when she

was a weak power--the Aleutian, Prybilov, and other sealing islands

of the north Pacific. These Japan wishes to have absolutely, valuing

them higher than a foothold upon the mainland of Siberia. Japan would

also like to occupy permanently the port, harbour, and works at

Vladivostok, which she considers to be of greater value to her than

is Port Arthur. In short, Japan wishes to possess, or dominate, every

place which Russia might eventually utilize as a naval base. More than

this, Japan is determined to be the naval power of the East Pacific,

and should Russia ever possess a fighting navy, Japan intends to make

it impossible for that navy to have any permanent establishment in

the Far East. It is for this reason, the blocking of Russia from

approaches to ice-free water and the eastern seas, that Japan may find

it necessary to hold Harbin and dominate the lower reaches of the Amur,

and the Ussuri province.

Another point upon which Japan will insist is the opening up of

Manchuria to foreign trade. She will require of China, as a condition

precedent to handing over the territory, that at every place along the

railway lines and rivers at which Russia has, or had, settlements,

foreigners shall be free to reside and to carry on their calling, as in

the treaty ports. This has already been made known to China. As usual

the Chinese authorities demur to concede this, but Japan remains firm;

she will insist, and if necessary she will defy China, occupying and

administering the country, and dare China to turn her out by force of

arms.

This attitude of Japan is undoubtedly correct. By it she proves to the

powers that she has been fighting Russia on their behalf, and probably

she believes that she will have their moral support in obtaining her

end. But moral support may prove insufficient. Already the Chinese know

that Russia is not the great invincible military power they believed

her to be. They think that they are capable of doing what Japan has

done, and the northern viceroys talk of fighting Japan in preference

to having only a limited authority granted them in Manchuria. Their

attitude must be taken into account when the conditions of peace are

ripe for decision.

The next point profitable to consider is the intention of Japan

with reference to the immediate exploitation or development of

those portions of China she is winning back from Russia. As already

stated, Port Arthur is to be dismantled. No foreigners will in any

circumstances be allowed to stay there until after the conclusion of

the war. The same rule will apply to Dalny and Talienwan, for the whole

of the Kuan-tung peninsula is required by Japan as a naval and military

base. After the war, if it ends in favour of Japan, it is improbable

than any European firm will desire to become established there, other

places offering greater inducements.

For sufficient reasons, which need not be set forth in detail, the

Japanese will object to any Russians remaining longer on Manchurian

territory in their military occupation. They will object also to

persons of French, German, and Scandinavian nationality. Both

French and German subjects in the Far East, and especially those in

Manchuria, Siberia, and the quondam treaty port of Newchwang, have

shown themselves sympathisers with Russia, if not actual partisans in

the war. The Scandinavians, chiefly through the Danish East-Asiatic

Company, are still more closely identified with Russians, and the

Japanese even go so far as to say that the Danish and the Russian

flags are for all practical purposes identical. Throughout the Far

East Denmark is represented by the Russian Consuls; some of the Danish

East-Asiatic Company’s steamers were owned in their entirety and

absolutely by Russians, a fact the Japanese do not overlook, and will

not forget.

Manchuria therefore will be open first to persons of British and

American nationality. If they are quick to establish themselves there,

other nationals will be subject to the same adverse conditions as

British subjects endured under Russian rule and occupation.

Another point upon which Japan has decided is the future rule of

Manchuria. Japan does not intend that the three provinces shall revert

to the cruel despotism that obtained there under Chinese sovereignty.

Japan has proved in Formosa that brigands, outlaws, and the savage

natives the Chinese exploited, have become industrious law-abiding

peasants under the just administration of equitable laws.

The Hunghuses and outlaws of Manchuria are more likely than the

Formosan natives to appreciate a liberal government, and laws

administered with justice. All nations should support Japan in her

endeavour to free the enslaved Manchurian peasant. The Chinese coolie

is capable of being made into a law-abiding, sober, industrious, frugal

labourer, and if the experiment succeeds in Manchuria it may lead to

a reform in the government of the eighteen provinces of China Proper.

Possibly the moral, social, and physical welfare of the people count

for less than the correct division of the territorial spoils of war

among the conquerors; but this issue is fraught with such gigantic

potentialities, that it is to be hoped Japan will obtain her end,

and be the means of freeing the Chinese peoples from the tyranny of

a corrupt mandarin rule. The real opening up of Manchuria to foreign

settlement and trade will effect more than centuries of missionary

effort to the enlightenment of the people and the amelioration of

their lot. This opportunity must on no account be missed, whatever the

opinion of the Chinese Court may be on the subject.

The spoils of war which will go to the victors will include government,

freehold and leasehold estate; fortresses, dockyards, armaments and

munitions of war. The Chinese Eastern Railway may be regarded as

government property, and such rights as Russia legally possesses in it

will pass to the Japanese. There will be a war indemnity, but in the

Far East it is believed that whichever side wins, the war indemnity,

whatever its amount, will have to be paid by China. Should the Japanese

prove ultimate conquerors the war indemnity levied upon Russia will be

collected of China on account of the territory returned to the dominion

of the Chinese Emperor. Should Russia win, Japan will be unable to pay

a heavy indemnity, and China will be required to reimburse Russia for

the expense to which she will have been put in repelling the Japanese

invasion of Chinese territory. China’s protests will be futile in

either event.

The material gain Japan expects to win by the war may be summarized as

follows:--

(_a_) Saghalien and the sealing islands to become Japanese territory.

(_b_) The port and harbour of Vladivostok to be occupied by Japan

indefinitely.

(_c_) Port Arthur to be dismantled and made over to China on conditions.

(_d_) The rights of Russia in the Chinese Eastern Railway and in the

territory leased from China by Russia.

(_e_) The opening of Manchuria to Japanese trade and exploitation.

(_f_) The opening of the Amur and its tributaries to international

navigation.

(_g_) A war indemnity of unknown amount, to be paid by China.

These requirements are for the most part immaterial to European Powers.

The supporters of Japanese policy may expect to share in the privileges

Japan secures for her own people as traders in Manchuria, and in the

right of way in Siberian waters.

They will be neither gainers nor losers by the transference of

Saghalien, and the Russian islands in the Pacific, nor by the change in

the ownership of Vladivostok. Whilst some nationals will be losers by

the dismantling of Port Arthur and the disappearance from the Pacific

of the Russian naval stations, in all probability the world will be

distinctly the gainer, if, as is proposed, Manchuria and “Japanese

Siberia,” are opened to free commerce.

The empire of China expects to benefit largely if Japan wins, but if

this benefit is to be paid for by the Chinese people in extra taxes

levied in order that Japan may be paid out her share in the reconquered

Manchuria, then the Chinese people will have good reason to curse a war

which has added to their burdens and in no other way ameliorated their

condition.

China is as corrupt as her empire is vast; even the Japanese with whom

I have conversed on the subject declared that the task of regenerating

China was too great for them to attempt; the Chinese were hopelessly

incorrigible.

The bulk of the Chinese, though bound by tradition and the slaves of

their environment, are sensible, law-abiding people, whose greatest

need is a good government. It is not that there is one law for the rich

and another for the poor--there are laws for any and every class--but

there is justice for no one, only the foreigner.

I will take an instance. A rich corporation had a difference with a

rich contractor as to the quality of certain material supplied. In

England it would have been a case for a civil court, but in order to

obtain the return of their money they put the man in the _yamen_, and

being rich, paid the expected cumshaws, and in the course of time the

sum they demanded was extorted from the contractor. By that time the

_yamen_ officials had discovered that he was wealthy, and he was not

released until he was not only beggared, but his daughters had been

sold into slavery. The handful of snow thrown at the man became an

avalanche which overwhelmed him.

The magistrates are appointed for a term of three years, and count upon

receiving in cumshaws the first year as much as they paid in order to

secure the position; double that sum the second year, and the third

year double the second year’s income.

Is there any crime which justifies the State in flaying a woman to

death?

Perchance the visitor to a big Chinese city may happen on such an

execution in one of its streets. He may shut his eyes to the horrible

spectacle and pass by as the foreign resident does, or as a tourist he

may stay and watch, and as a souvenir buy at a German photographer’s a

set of snap-shots showing the various stages of the ghastly performance

of tearing the skin from the sentient flesh of a writhing human being

tied to the stake.

Only last September in modern Shanghai, a man was slowly starved to

death whilst exhibited in a wooden cage outside the gates of the city,

but only one English newspaper in the settlement thought the affair

called for mention. And Shanghai is the model settlement possessing a

municipal council which recently thought “shocking” an application to

permit newspapers to be sold in the streets!

A woman employed at one of the mills stole a small quantity of cotton

which she said she wrapped round her body in order to keep herself

warm; she was sentenced to 100 blows for this offence at the Mixed

Court, when the American assessor was on the bench with the Chinese

magistrate. The case is reported, without comment, in the _North China

Daily News_, January 20, 1904. This is a punishment which would not be

inflicted in England, and British mill owners in China ought to work

with conditions similar to those made in this country.

In another case, a British boy, name not published, was prosecuted

in the Consular Court for a long series of petty thefts from his

employers. In order not to spoil his future career he was ordered one

day’s imprisonment and immediately set free.

There are different punishments for an identical offence, the variation

being due to the nationality of the culprit. The penalty inflicted

upon a Chinese offender also varies in accordance with the nationality

of the accuser, or the assessor. The purpose of a European assessor

sitting conjointly with a Chinese magistrate is that a guilty person

shall not escape sentence, but the magistrate is not influenced by

Chinese law or the gravity of the offence so much as the consideration

of the penalty which will satisfy the foreigner. A convict may get 100,

200, or 500 blows, the number depending upon whether the assessor is

British, French, or German.

Generations of foreign intercourse, and the establishment of great

foreign settlements at her ports do not seem to have affected in the

least the essentially barbaric legal customs of China, or to have

ameliorated appreciably the condition of her people.

Missionary effort has not been much more successful. The very afternoon

that I sat with the Rev. John Ross in his beautiful home at Mukden,

outside the west gate of the city a woman of twenty-two was being

cruelly hacked into a thousand pieces before the eyes of an indifferent

concourse of idlers. For thirty years Mr. Ross has laboured valiantly

in Manchuria, but the customs, the laws and the barbarity of the people

continue as of old. And Mr. Ross is only one of some 4,000 missionaries

in China, men who strive and work on year after year, and hope, but

see no marked change in the masses, or prospect of changes to be

inaugurated by their rulers.

One reason for this failure is that Chinese converts are for the most

part men of poor station, men without power and possessing little or no

influence with the high officials. Indeed many of them are destitute,

the “rice-Christians” maintained by foreign charity, and despised by

their fellows.

The status of a Christian convert in China is similar to that of an

avowed atheist in this country. His relations plead with him and

reproach him, the bulk of the people contemn him, the officials despise

him and are not ready to help him. If persuasion will not win him back

to the conventions of the public his family try threats; the rage of

his ancestors at his apostasy, the dishonour he has brought upon them

and upon his living relatives; such wickedness as the gods will not

allow to go unpunished. If he remain obdurate they tell him of the fate

of other Christian converts, ask him if he wishes to be a tortured

martyr, hint that there is a strong secret body of the orthodox faith,

the old true believers of China, who mean to drive out of China the

foreign devils, and destroy all who believe as the foreigners believe,

and have forsaken the sacred faith of their forefathers and mock

the true religion. And the Chinaman, timid by nature, is influenced

at last; terrorized by these hints he goes to the missionary with a

story of a secret society of blood-thirsty vegetarians, the fearful

_tsiliti_, who are plotting to murder the missionaries and their

converts. The same story in various forms comes from so many converts

that the missionaries become alarmed, and write to the Consul, and

if the Consul has many such communications he too takes fright and

requests the presence of a gunboat, or some other drastic remedy, and

at once you have all the ingredients of an ugly international incident.

The Chinaman, of course, has not much chance if he tries to set the law

in motion against the foreigner. He has just to suffer what they put on

him.

When I was in Tientsin there was a coolie staggering under a prodigious

load of bricks, slowly pushing the barrow to which he was harnessed

along the correct side of the road, when a Cossack rode up from behind,

and finding a carriage coming the other way, so not allowing him room

to pass until it had gone by the barrow, he commenced to lash the bare

coolie with his whip for no other reason than that he was where he was,

and where he had a perfect right to be. An Englishman interfered, but

it was in the French Concession, and there, no more than in the British

or the Russian Concessions, would the coolie be likely to obtain

redress.

The future of the Chinese empire is of less moment than the fate of the

Chinese people. After so many attempts have been made to coerce the

Government, and to influence the people, it seems hopeless that any

plan will succeed.

But this war affords an opportunity for an experiment which I hope will

be tried--the establishment of a real Japanese control in China, in the

reconquered province of South Manchuria. Let the Japanese prove there

that they are not only warriors, but of a race capable of raising the

eastern people to their own level, able to instil new ideals, to imbue

others with self-respect. Let them establish in their midst courts of

justice, and schools such as exist in Japan. In the country they have

won let them govern. In China as in Japan let there be only one law,

applicable both to natives and foreigners; let there be fostered a

respect for justice and for authority; let there be a beginning made

with the real work of regenerating China, and the work done where the

Peking official will be powerless to interfere with its development, to

check its growth, or to stamp it out and reduce Manchuria to the level

of the China of to-day. If this be the outcome of the war, then Japan,

as a true civilizing force, will not have expended her strength and her

treasure in vain.

Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London.

The Russo-Japanese Conflict

Its Causes and Issues

By K. ASAKAWA, PH.D.

_Lecturer on the Civilization and History of East Asia at Dartmouth College;

Author of the “Early Institutional Life of Japan” etc._

With an Introduction by FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS

_Assistant Professor of Modern Oriental History in Yale University._

Large Crown 8vo. xvi. + 384 pages

_With 10 Full-age Illustrations and a Map._

Price 7/6 net

This book is an attempt to present in a verifiable form some of the

issues and the historical causes of the war between Russia and Japan.

The work is neither a plea for one side nor a condemnation of the

other, but is an attempt to give a clear view of the conflict of

imperative interests and of inherited instincts underlying the clash

of arms. No one else has, so far as we are aware, attempted a detailed

exposition of this kind in this impartial spirit.

After an introduction discussing the economic issues and showing the

vital necessity that Japan should have opportunity for expansion, the

Author reviews the historical and diplomatic events of the last fifty

years as they affect Japan, China, Korea, Manchuria, and Russia, and

threshes out for us the questions of Chinese neutrality and Korean

integrity. The book is written with vigour and clearness and is

illustrated with portraits of leading diplomats on either side.

A Russo-Chinese Empire

Translated from the French of A. ULAR.

Ex. Crown 8vo. Price 7/6

“It is refreshing to come across a book by a writer capable of

regarding some part of the Eastern crisis from a point of view not

aggressively anti-Chinese.... The causes which have led the Slav rulers

to turn their steps and gravitate westward are described by M. Ular

with insight and animation.... English readers are not likely to agree

with all the conclusions reached by the author of this volume; but they

will gain from it the removal of some prejudices, and the power of

seeing more clearly certain remedies for the distracting uncertainty of

Eastern politics.”--_Globe._

“The book ought to be carefully studied by every one interested in

Asiatic politics.”--_Labour Leader._

“It is a most able work which demonstrates first the author’s opinions

as to Russia’s carefully-planned intention to compass at least the

northern portion of China into the Russian Empire, and secondly his

desire to dispel the unfavourable ideas which prevail amongst Western

people _re_ the Chinese.”--_London Record._

“It is a stimulant to thought and of singular originality.”--_Standard._

“A singularly acute analysis of Chinese character.”--_Yorkshire Post._

“A strikingly able book which provides much food for thought.”--_World._

Asia and Europe

Studies presenting the conclusions formed by the Author in a long life

devoted to the subject of the relationship between Asia and Europe.

By MEREDITH TOWNSEND.

New Cheaper Edition with an additional chapter.

Crown 8vo, 5/- net.

“It would be difficult to exaggerate the interest of this remarkable

book.... An eminently suggestive book ... a very important and original

piece of work.”--_Spectator._

“This is a book which every one ought to read and ponder. It is so

well written, so intensely interesting and actual, so speculative and

suggestive, and yet, to use an overworked expression, so thoroughly

sane, that we cannot imagine any one putting it down until he has

reached the very last page; and when it is done, most people will wish

to begin it again.”--_Saturday Review._

“There is much which cannot be commended too highly.”--_Athenæum._

“The work contains enough thought to furnish a careful reader with

intellectual food for twelve months, and it is a worthy monument to a

life spent in studying a single subject, the relations between Asia and

Europe.... It is inspired throughout by a tolerant judgment.... The

book is consistently charming.”--_Morning Post._

“A fascinating group of studies entitled Asia and Europe.... The fact

that Mr. Townsend is not a philanthropist or a party politician makes

his judgment the more valuable, while the really admirable literary

gift which he possesses will certainly allure the most tepid fingerer

of volumes from the circulating library to read the book from cover to

cover.”--_Manchester Guardian._

The Story of a Soldier’s Life

By FIELD-MARSHAL VISCOUNT WOLSELEY, G.C.M.G. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. With

Portraits and Plans. Price 32/- net. 2nd Edition.

“The interest of Lord Wolseley’s admirably written book is at once

historical and practical. Regarded merely as a narrative of events,

it possesses immense value. We have here a vivid presentation at

first hand of the personal impressions of one whose experiences in

war are unsurpassed in what may be termed their intensity, while

on the point of variety they are literally unique in military

history.”--_Fortnightly Review._

The Life and Campaigns of Hugh, 1st Viscount Gough, Field-Marshal

By ROBERT S. RAIT, Fellow of New College, Oxford. Fully Illustrated,

with Portraits, Maps and Plans. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. 31/6 net.

“A complete biography. The book is one to be read by all and closely

studied by all military students.”--_Athenæum._

“Scholarly, profound, full of life and interest.... The chief

attraction of the volumes lies in the letters which make known to

us a soldier who united the loftiest daring with the most watchful

humanity and responsive affection, whose lofty ambition had no alloy

of selfishness and no taint of the feeling of rivalry.”--_Blackwood’s

Magazine._

The Second Afghan War 1878-80

By COLONEL H. B. HANNA. 2 vols. Demy 8vo. With Maps and Plans. Vol. I.,

10/- net; Vol. II., 15/- net.

Mr. S. S. Thorburn says in _The Speaker_: “His work has great value.

For soldiers the volume is full of instruction.”

“A book which soldiers and all men having authority should read.

An extremely accurate, painstaking, and clear account of a very

unsatisfactory war.”--_Pall Mall Gazette._

Transcriber’s Notes.

Italic text is indicated with _underscores_, bold text with =equals=.

Small/mixed capitals have been replaced with ALL CAPITALS.

Evident typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected

silently. Inconsistent spelling/hyphenation has been normalised.

A Half-title page has been discarded.

Text in the list of illustrations has been amended to match the

illustration captions.

The text "and Manchuria" has been added to the heading for Chapter II,

to match the table of contents.

A "tipped-in" addendum has been appended to the list of illustrations.

To improve text flow, illustrations have been relocated between

paragraphs.

A secret agent in Port Arthur · 第 15 / 15 章