CHAPTER XIX.

GALILEE.

The Philistine campaign was followed by three weeks’ rest at Jerusalem

during the east winds of May. On the 8th of June we once more marched

out with our whole expedition, intending to finish the northern

district, of 1000 square miles, within the year, if possible.

One of the principal pieces of work to be done was the running of a line

of levels from the Mediterranean to the Sea of Galilee, for which

purpose the British Association had voted £100. The line which I chose,

and which was approved, was the shortest possible, and Wâdy el Melek

afforded us a most convenient line of ascent to the Buttauf Plain,

whence we were to descend to Tiberias. Under my direction, nineteen

miles were run in 1875, and in 1877 Lieutenant Kitchener finished the

remaining seventeen miles on the low ground, which could not be entered

in summer. By this means the level of the Sea of Galilee, variously

computed at from 300 to 600 feet below the Mediterranean, has been fixed

as 682·5 feet.

Our most valuable discoveries in this part of the country included the

probable site of a synagogue at Tireh east of Shefa ’Amr, and the

recovery of Osheh, a town known to have been close to Shefa ’Amr (or

Shafram) and one of the places where the Sanhedrim sat for many years;

it seems undoubtedly to be the present ruin of Hûsheh. We also found a

very remarkable tomb at Shefa ’Amr, profusely covered with sculpture,

and with a Greek inscription and crosses. Outside the door are

sculptured lions, a grape-vine with birds in the branches, and other

designs. It appears to be a Christian sepulchre, probably of the fourth

or fifth century, but perhaps earlier. A Byzantine church also exists in

the village.

On the last day of June we marched east to the miserable little hamlet

of El B’aîneh, which, with two others, stands on the north slopes of

Jebel Tôr’an, an isolated block of mountain rising out of the plateau of

the Buttauf. Here we found the inhabitants all fever-stricken from the

malarious exhalations of the great swamp, which even as late as July

extended over half the plain. The place was evidently unhealthy, and we

were tortured by the armies of large musquitoes rendering sleep

impossible at night. The levelling operations required us to camp in the

plain, but we hastened on the work as much as possible, looking forward

to a retreat into the mountains of Upper Galilee, which, being 4000 feet

above the sea, would be cool and pleasant, and, as we hoped, safe from

the scourge of cholera, which had already devastated Damascus, and was

creeping slowly south.

The view from the summit of Tôr’an is interesting and extensive. The Sea

of Galilee is visible, and we were able to fix the direction of many

points along its shore.

On the south, separated from Tôr’an by a second plain, lay the low bare

range of the Nazareth hills, Neby S’ain, and Gath Hepher with the tomb

of Jonah, being visible, while rather farther east Kefr Kenna stood

among its olive-groves and gardens of pomegranates.

Tabor, crowned with two monasteries, was also plainly visible, east of

the Nazareth range, the slopes partly hidden by oak-groves. Through a

gap, between it and the western hills, the outline of Gilboa and part

of Jebel ed Duhy could be seen. The plain of Esdraelon was hidden, but

the cone of Sheikh Iskander was visible to the south-west.

To the west the view extended over the low wooded hills to the long

range of Carmel, which was visible, from the Peak of Sacrifice to the

white monastery where, on a little spit, stands the German wind-mill,

which showed up quite black against the gleaming sea.

The brown and fertile plain of the Buttauf, in the basaltic soil of

which tobacco, corn, maize, sesame, cotton, and every species of

vegetable grow luxuriantly, lay at our feet. The high blunt top of Jebel

Deidebeh (“mountain of the watch-tower”), crowned with its ring of

thicket, rose behind, shutting out the view. Beyond this was the chain

of hills running eastwards, with rolling grey up-lands dotted with

olives, while farther still, some ten or twelve miles away, rose the

mountain wall of Upper Galilee, culminating in Jebel Jermûk, a bare

craggy ridge which closed the view to the north. Turning yet farther

east, the large town of Safed shone white on the mountain-side, divided

into two quarters, with a double-pointed summit behind them. Beyond all,

dark and dreamlike, the great Hermon, “Sheikh of the mountains,” was

seen streaked with silver lines of snow.

But the view due east of Tôr’an was yet more interesting. A yellow

plateau shelves down from the foot of the mountains of Upper Galilee and

runs into little tongues and promontories, separated by tiny bays, along

the north-western shores of the Sea of Galilee: only in one part of this

line is there a cliff, just where the little fertile plain of Gennesaret

terminates at Khân Minieh; the rest is shelving ground almost to the

water’s edge.

The deep chasm running down from Safed, and known as “the Valley of

Doves” (W. el Hamâm), debouches into the green oasis of the

Ghŭweir--the plain of Gennesaret. East of the sea the long flat

plateau of Bashan stretches from the precipices which enclose the lake,

and reaches away to the volcanic cones and dreary lava-fields which are

backed by the peaks of Jebel ed Drûz.

Tiberias was hidden below the cliffs, and only about half the blue and

limpid lake was seen behind them; most conspicuous on this line are the

Horns of Hattin, so fatal to the Christian kingdom in 1187, and here

also, as on the east, a broad plateau runs almost to the top of the

precipices.

It is wonderful to reflect how numerous are the ancient towns which

encircled this little lake; speaking of the west side alone, they number

more than twenty. Hidden by the cliffs we have Tiberias, or Rakkath, and

Hammath (El Hummâm), Taricheæ (Kerek), Sinnabris (Sennâbreh), and

Magdala (Mejdel), with Kedîsh, the probable site of the Kadesh of Barak.

On the western plateau stand Adamah (Admah), Adami (Ed Damieh),

Bitzaanaim (Bessûm), Lasharon (Sarôna), Shihon (Sh’aîn), and other sites

of Biblical interest. Arbela, with the synagogue of Rabbi Nitai (200

B.C.), Hattîn (the ancient Zer), Yemma (the Talmudic Caphar Yama), Kefr

Sabt, (Caphar Sobthi), Seiyâdeh (the Talmudic Ziadethah), Tell M’aûn

(Beth Maon), Sha’arah (Beth Sharaim), and several other towns of later

times swell the long list of cities. The district is full of sacred

places: Rabbi Akiba, Rabbi Meir, and the great Maimonides, were buried

near Tiberias, and the supposed tombs of Jethro and Habakkuk are still

shown on the hills above.

One site alone is conspicuous by its absence--the tomb of Nahum, which

was known to the Jews in the fourteenth century, but is apparently now

lost for ever. This loss is a subject of real regret, for could we light

upon the tomb of Nahum, we could perhaps settle for ever the position of

Capernaum, “the village of Nahum.”

The various scholars and explorers who have written since Robinson are

divided into two parties, one placing Capernaum at the ruins near Khân

Minieh, the other selecting the large site at Tell Hûm. The places are

only two and a half miles apart, but modern disputants are not content

with such wide limits. There is a point which strikes one as curious in

the controversy. In all the arguments usually brought forward, no

reference is made to the information which can be deduced from Jewish

sources dating later than Bible times. To this information I would call

attention.

Identification, properly so called, is impossible when the old name is

lost; but in the case of Capernaum traces of the name may perhaps be

recovered still. It is generally granted that the Talmudic Caphar Nahum,

or “Village of Nahum,” was probably identical with the New Testament

Capernaum, and it is on this supposition that the only philological

claim of Tell Hûm is based; but the loss implied of an important radical

at the commencement of the name Hûm, if it be supposed to be a

corruption of Nahum, is a change of which we have scarcely any instance;

moreover, Hûm in Hebrew means “black,” and still retains its original

signification in Arabic. Tell Hûm was so named, no doubt, from the black

basalt which covers the site. If we are to seek for an ancient

corresponding title, I would suggest Caphar Ahim, a town mentioned in

the Talmud with Chorazin, and famous for its wheat, as being probably

the ancient name of the ruined site at Tell Hûm. Even if this town were

standing in the time of Christ, there seems no more reason why its name

should be mentioned in the Gospels, than that Taricheæ or Sepphoris

should be so noticed, or that Chorazin should be mentioned by Josephus

when speaking of the same district.

An investigation of the name Minieh is more satisfactory. In Hebrew it

is derived from a root meaning “lot,” or “chance.” In Aramaic it has an

identical meaning, and the Talmud often mentions the Minai, or

“Diviners,” under which title were included not only every kind of

sorcerer and enchanter, but also the early Jewish converts to

Christianity.

Now this word Minai is intimately connected with Capernaum. In the

Talmud there is a curious passage (quoted in Buxtorf’s great Lexicon)

where “sinners” are defined as “sons of Caphar Nahum:” and these Huta

(or sinners) we find from another passage, were none other than the

Minai.

It is evident that the Jews looked on Capernaum as the head-quarters of

the Christians, whom they contemptuously styled “sorcerers;” and the

importance thus attached by them to that town, as a Christian centre, is

in accordance with the expression in the Gospel, where Capernaum is

called Our Lord’s “own city” (Matt. ix. 1).

The Talmudic doctors speak, then, of Capernaum as the city of Minai, and

as such it continued to be regarded by the Jews down to the fourteenth

century. In 1334 A.D. Isaac Chelo travelled from Tiberias to Caphar Anan

(Kefr ’Anân), presumably by the direct road passing near the “Round

Fountain.” He was shown on his way the ruins of Caphar Nahum, and in

them the tomb of Nahum, and he remarks incidentally as to the place,

“here formerly dwelt the Minai.” It is evident that he cannot be

supposed, without twisting the narrative, to refer to any place so far

from his route as is Tell Hûm. The site at Minieh would have been within

a mile and a half of his road, and the name is apparently connected with

Capernaum by his valuable note about the Minai.

The same connection is traced in 1616 A.D., when Quaresmius speaks of

Capernaum as shown at a place called Minieh, and thus we are able to

trace back an apparently unbroken Jewish tradition connecting Capernaum

with the “Village of the Minai,” and with the ruined site of Minieh.

In addition to the Jewish tradition connecting Minieh with Capernaum,

there is a second indication which favours that identification. Josephus

speaks of the fountain which watered the plain of Gennesaret, and which

was called Capharnaum. It contained a fish named Coracinus, which was

also found in the Nile. There are two springs to which this account has

been supposed to apply, the one two and a half miles south of Minieh,

the other scarcely three quarters of a mile east of the same site. The

first irrigates a great part of the plain of Gennesaret; the Coracinus

has been found in it, and the waters are clear and fresh; this is called

’Ain-el-Madowerah, “the round spring.” The second is called ’Ain

Tâbghah, and Dr. Tristram points out that the water being warm,

brackish, and muddy, is unfit for the Coracinus, which has never as yet

been found in it.

’Ain Tâbghah is not in the plain of Gennesaret. It is a spring

surrounded by an octagonal reservoir, which was built up to its present

height by one of the sons of the famous Dhahr-el-’Amr in the last

century, and the water is thus dammed up to about fifty-two feet above

the lake. An aqueduct, of masonry apparently modern, leads from the

level of the reservoir to the cliff at Minieh, where is a rock-cut

channel three feet deep and broad, resembling more the great

rock-cutting of the Roman road at Abila, than any of the rock-cut

aqueducts of the country. The water was conducted through this channel

to the neighbourhood of the Khân, or just to the edge of the plain of

Gennesaret. It is important to notice that the spring can only have

watered the neighbourhood of Minieh after the reservoir had been built,

and that it was probably always unfitted for the presence of the

Coracinus.

As ’Ain Tâbghah is not in the plain of Gennesaret, and as it does not

irrigate that plain--the modern aqueduct being apparently constructed to

supply some mills near Minieh--it seems impossible to identify this

spring with that mentioned by Josephus as the abode of the Coracinus.

And even if the Tâbghah spring were that of Capharnaum, the case for

Tell Hûm is not thereby strengthened, the distance from the spring to

that ruin (nearly two miles) being double that from the spring to

Minieh--scarcely three quarters of a mile.

In favour of the Minieh site we have then Jewish tradition, and the

existence of a spring fulfilling the description of Josephus; but it

must not be denied that in favour of Tell Hûm we have a Christian

tradition from the fourth century downwards.

Jerome places Capernaum two miles from Chorazin. If, as seems almost

certain, by the latter place he means the ruin of Kerâzeh, the

measurement is exactly that to Tell Hûm.

The account of Theodorus (532 A.D.) is more explicit, and seems indeed

almost conclusive as to the site of his Capernaum. Two miles from

Magdala he places the Seven Fountains, where the miracle of feeding the

five thousand was traditionally held to have taken place; these, as will

presently appear, were probably close to Minieh; and two miles from the

fountains was Capernaum, whence it was six miles to Bethsaida, on the

road to Banias. These measurements seem to point to Tell Hûm as the

sixth-century Capernaum.

Antoninus Martyr (600 A.D.) speaks of the great basilica in Capernaum,

which it is only natural to identify with the synagogue of Tell Hûm,

which seems probably (by comparison with those at Meirûn) to be the work

of Simeon Bar Jochai, the Cabbalist, who lived about 120 A.D.

Arculphus (700 A.D.) visited the fountain where the five thousand were

fed, and from the hill near it he saw Capernaum at no great distance on

a narrow tract between the lake and the northern hills. His account thus

agrees with that of Theodorus, though in itself so indefinite, that it

has been brought as evidence in favour of both the sites advocated for

Capernaum.

Sæwulf (1103 A.D.) proceeded along the shore for six miles, going

north-east from Tiberias, to the mountain where the five thousand were

fed, then called Mensa, or “table,” which had a church of St. Peter at

its feet. It is evident, from the measurements, that this hill was in

the neighbourhood of Minieh, where Theodorus also seems to place the

scene of the miracle, as above noticed.

John of Würtzburg (about 1100 A.D.) speaks of the mountain called Mensa,

with a fountain a mile distant, and Capernaum two miles away.

Fetellus (1150 A.D.) is yet more explicit. Capernaum, he says, is at the

head of the lake, two miles from the descent of the mountain, and

apparently three from the fountain where the five thousand were fed,

which fountain would probably be ’Ain-et-Tîn, a large source, west of

Minieh, and not far from the hill which Sæwulf points out as being the

Mensa.

The whole of this topography is summed up by Marino Sanuto, whose

valuable chart of Palestine shows us the position of the various

traditional sites of the fourteenth century. On this chart the Mensa is

shown in a position which is unmistakable. The valleys which run down to

the plain of Gennesaret are drawn with some fidelity, and the Mensa is

placed north of them; at the border of the lake, Bethsaida is shown,

about in the position of Minieh, and Capernaum near that of Tell Hûm; in

the letter-press the account is equally clear, Capernaum being placed

near the north-east corner of the lake, and Bethsaida just where the

lake begins to curve round southward.

Christian tradition points, then, to Tell Hûm as being Capernaum, but

Jewish hatred has preserved the Jewish site under the opprobrious

epithet of Minieh; the question is simply whether--setting aside the

important testimony of Josephus--Jewish or Christian tradition is to be

accepted. A single instance will be sufficient to show the comparative

value of the two. Jerome speaks of Ajalon, for example, as three miles

north-east of Bethel, just where the ruin of ’Alya now stands; he very

honestly adds, however, that the Jews pointed out another site at a

village called Alus, which, from his description, may be proved to be

the modern Yalo. Recent discovery has shown that Jerome was wrong and

the Jews right; and yet, further, Jerome’s site cannot possibly be

reconciled with the position in which he himself correctly places Beth

Horon. This is but one instance out of many in which Jerome blunders

when differing from the Jews, and no impartial reader can study the

Onomasticon with Jerome’s translation, without seeing that in the fourth

century the topography of Palestine was only imperfectly understood.

It may be safely said that Christian tradition, though affording often

valuable indications, cannot be taken as authoritative, for the chances

are equal that it is correct or the reverse. When, as in the case of the

Temple, of the Place of Stoning, of Joseph’s Tomb, and of Jacob’s Well,

it agrees with Jewish tradition, the sites thus preserved invariably

appear to be authentic, and fulfil the required indications found in the

Bible; but when these two traditions are discordant, the Christian

ceases to be of much value, for it is evident that the traditions of the

Jews, handed down unbroken by an indigenous population which was never

driven from the country, must take precedence of the foreign

ecclesiastical traditions of comparatively later times, which can so

often be proved self-inconsistent, or founded on a fallacy.

It is a wonderful reflection that to Jewish hatred we perhaps owe our

only means of fixing one of the most interesting sites in Palestine, and

that through the opprobrious epithet of Minai or “Sorcerers,” the

position of Christ’s own city is handed down to the Christians of the

nineteenth century.

On Saturday, 10th July, 1875, the Survey party marched to Safed, where

they were endangered by a fanatical attack by the Moorish settlers of

the town. The Survey was suspended in consequence; and the spread of

cholera necessitated the withdrawal of the party from Palestine. The

chief offenders were however imprisoned at Acre, and a sum of £270 was

paid as a fine to the Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund.

[Illustration: A DERWISH.]

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