MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN:

I came here to-night simply to excuse myself for not being able, as

requested, to read a paper which I had promised your committee on

“Immigration to the United States from the Province of Ulster in

Ireland.”

If I am still honored by your Society, I will be glad to read it at a

future meeting, with a view to showing not only the influence of this

immigration on the history of the United States, but the fact that these

immigrants considered themselves Irish without any qualifying clauses,

and were so regarded in America, England and Ireland.

Modern political exigencies are playing sad havoc with ethnology. If an

Irishman becomes distinguished at home or abroad, in field, forum,

market or shop, he is immediately made an Anglo-Saxon; but if he brings

up in the police court he is simply a common Irish Celt. The

“Anglo-Saxon” race is claiming everything good in the world, and they

are bent upon leaving not much of the world for anybody else.

It is very fashionable now to be an Anglo-Saxon, even if you had an

Irish father and a Russian mother. If by some divine miracle and

phenomenal transformation, all men and women with Celtic blood in their

veins could wake up in the morning with some startling demonstration of

the fact, such as green hair and yellow eyes, there would be frightful

consternation in the ranks of Anglo-Saxondom, even in the great city of

New York, and in some of the back settlements into which the first

immigrants from Ireland wandered, and where even their names have been

transformed.

If one could run all races other than the “Anglo-Saxon” out of the

United States it would not be worth England’s while to form an alliance

with what remained, and she would treat them in that kindly,

patronizing, contemptuous way that she does the ultra-loyal Canadians.

It needs no learned historian to show us the splendid record of the

Irish in America, nor how enduringly they have stamped their highest and

noblest racial impulses on every page of American history. Some of their

critics sneeringly point to the apparent fact that they have been almost

altogether too conspicuous on the field of military action, and more or

less lacking in the more patient and plodding ways of commerce and

business. They assert that they have attained more in the intellectual

diversions and pleasing arts of speech and hand, or in the mere drudgery

of unintelligent labor, rather than in those achievements in agriculture

and manufactures, which is said to be a marked characteristic of the

heavenly Anglo-Saxon.

This is gross libel on the Irishmen of America. We have here to-night at

our board, such a thoroughly representative business Irishman who in

vast enterprise, splendid achievement, industry, and dogged

perseverance, crowned with the highest success, can give the best

Anglo-Saxon in the states or England, in any venture from building

railroads to managing them, the sharpest competition of his life; and

yet Mr. John D. Crimmins of New York is but one of a splendid army of

men of Irish birth or descent who are in the very forefront of the great

industrial armies as captains and generals of those tremendous forces

which nowhere play so important a part as in the United States, and

which nowhere have competition among them more keen, nay, more deadly,

nor requiring higher talents and greater courage. Why, in this very

metropolis you cannot point to any great field of action—leaving out the

learned professions in which the Irish race is most markedly

conspicuous—in banking, manufactures, commerce, shipbuilding, and all

kinds of industrial and railroad enterprises, in which Irish names do

not appear in the directorates, fill the managers’ offices, plan and

execute the great battles of modern finance. I say we need not speak of

the learned professions, because there the keen wit, the bright, sharp

intellectuality, wonderful racial adaptability, breadth and grasp of

mind, and love of learning, have given them most commanding influence;

the same is true of congress, in legislatures, municipal bodies, and in

every court-house of the United States. The same is true of the

professions of medicine and teaching, and on the press, where they used

to say that Mr. Bennett’s pay-roll on the _Herald_ read like the roster

of the Fenian army. At any rate, there is no newspaper office in New

York where they have not conspicuous places.

Politically, I claim for them that impulsively, by reason of their

history and experiences, they are the very best of Americans. They

oppose entangling alliances because they know better than any one else,

by reason of a long, bloody, and painful history, how false are

international promises, how hypocritical and treacherous even the great

and seraphic Anglo-Saxon can be when he once gets the upper hand. Henry

II made with them the first Anglo-Saxon alliance, and Cromwell completed

it over the graves of murdered millions; over the ruins of castle,

cabin, and church, until its climax was reached when the greatest orator

of Ireland said that the instruments of government had been simplified

to “the tax gatherer and the hangman.”

Is it any wonder, therefore, that the Irish element in the United States

should be the first to raise the cry of alarm against the plot to make

this great Republic in the very hour of its triumph a mere colonial

dependency instead of a regnant and invincible nation? For myself I

yield to no man living or dead in the quality of my Americanism. I came

to the Republic and have received with unstinted hand the usufruct of

its noble freedom, its generous institutions, its magnificent and

dazzling opportunities held out to him, however humble, who cultivates

the civic virtues, is able, industrious, courageous and honest. I yield

to the Republic no double allegiance. I stand for the United States in

its vast and tremendous interests here and everywhere against all other

countries’ fatherlands and motherlands, without stint, without

reservation or hesitation.

I am proud of my Irish birth, but above all things I glory in my

American citizenship. I glory in the Republic and the splendor of its

achievements, and I transmit to my descendants for a thousand years as a

priceless heritage, that exhibition of magnificent military courage

where American arms, in spite of the axioms of military science, in

spite of the handicaps under which they suffered, swept in magnificent

fury and heaven-born courage upon the fire-fringed hills of San Juan,

brave men dying gladly, to catch a glimpse of the blessed banner of the

great Republic; ours and theirs the glory of those ships which thundered

at Cervera, that lightened the gloom of barbarian Manila, and in those

ranks of the marines at Guantanamo, and the heroes at Santiago.

Who of Irish birth or descent can but read the rosters on sea and shore

with a discriminating eye, to find his heart aflame with pride at the

splendid and unanswerable percentage of men with the hot blood of the

Celt and the high patriotism of the American, and who, next to the flag

of our common country, revere the fact that they draw their lineage from

the historic island across the sea. Surely they were not all

Anglo-Saxons in name or race who went with Hobson in his grand and

heroic endeavor, which takes its place as outstripping the classic

legends of Greece and Rome. Surely no one will deny that the roster call

of the marines at Guantanamo and the army at Santiago fairly teems with

representatives of the historic Irish soldier.

The Sixty-ninth New York and Ninth Massachusetts would be far

outstripped in numbers by the thousands of units scattered throughout

our army and navy, regular and volunteer, for wherever the stars of the

Republic light the gloom of the battle-field, or war thunders on the

deep, there, his breast bared to her enemies, whoever they be, you find

the most loyal and valorous Americans in the sons of the expatriated

Irishman. While Anglo-Saxon statesmen may quibble in congress and

Anglo-Saxon schoolmen criticise in college, “Like lions leaping at a

fold when mad with hunger’s pang,” you will find in the forefront,

disdaining quibble and laughing at criticism, the hot tide of valor and

chivalry which, proud to be American, is not ashamed to be called Irish.

Out upon the bigots who would do it injustice! Defiance to those who

would deride its power or minimize its influence!

It asks no quarter in any field of industry, learning, or strife, and is

as great in peace as in war. If its more acknowledged glories are of the

more sanguinary fields when Mars sows in blood and night what Minerva

reaps in the dews and light of the morning, it is not because of any

undue pugnacity, any animal ferocity, but because the Irish Celt,

threatened with an extermination more cruel than that of our red

Indians, with the schoolhouse closed to his intellect, and the church to

his conscience, had to take down the stainless and invincible sword of

his fathers and become a universal soldier. In every land, from the

Shannon to the Tiber, from the Tiber to the Ganges, from the Ganges to

the Potomac, and from the Potomac to San Juan; on every battle-field

from Clontarf to Fontenoy, from Fontenoy to Waterloo, from Waterloo to

Marye’s heights, where the Irish brigade climbed steeps made slippery

with their blood; and from Fredericksburg to Santiago and Manila, Irish

valor has gleamed a star on the pages of universal history.

The journal of the American-Irish Historical Society, Vol. II, 1899 · 第 57 / 105 题