“It is in conformity with the laws of nature and, therefore, right
that a man should push his son, his relatives and friends, and I would
not blame a man for doing this; I should rather denounce him for not
doing it--always provided, of course, that said son, said relatives
or friends were qualified to fill the positions to which they are
appointed”, said Mr. Forest at our next conversation. “I remember
that I have read in certain books a great deal about the nepotism
shown at your time in the distribution of the federal patronage, and
that General Grant was accused of always preferring his relatives and
friends in making appointments. I sympathize with that great commander
in the sturdiness with which he stood by his friends, and I am inclined
to excuse the mistakes, he sometimes made in his appointments, because
they were mistakes of his heart that was always true to his friends
and sometimes was inclined to overestimate their ability, or sense of
honor. If the ties of blood and friendship are not to be considered,
what else should be? And since a man is bound to know the character
and ability of his relatives and friends better than the qualities of
other people, he should certainly first appoint those next to him to
positions for which they are qualified.”
“But the trouble with our political and social system is, that it is
bound to breed not only favoritism, but also corruption on the largest
scale. One hundred and thirteen years ago, the men at the head of the
National Government or those who were influential with them were also
sometimes filling places, where for little work a good salary was paid,
with unworthy women and men, but such sinecures were comparatively few
and far between. The number of federal officials in your days was, if I
am not mistaken about 80,000, and the postmasters of the small country
towns, who made up the largest part of the 80,000 were paid such a
beggarly commission for the sale of postage stamps, that no one could
afford to accept such positions except trades people, who kept a store,
where they had to be all day anyhow, and to whom the honor and small
profits were an object. And then the incumbents of all the offices that
could be classed as sinecures, were changed every four or eight years.
Our administrations have a very long life. The one ousted twelve years
ago lasted twenty-six years. And the number of positions at the command
of the government is very large. There is one lieutenant or overseer to
about each and every twelve men or women, not to mention the captains,
colonels, etc.; and the amount of bookkeeping done, is simply enormous.
We are keeping books as you know, I suppose, in all the producing as
well as in the distributing departments, and more than that: every
citizen has an account in the police books[16].
[16] Page 87.
“When you take into consideration our great and growing population,
you can form some idea of how enormous this work is. You are aware,
that the North American territory, formerly under British rule, has
been annexed to the United States, and that the population, according
to the census of 1990, numbered 414,000,000. It is now estimated at
500,000,000[17]. The complicated system of bookkeeping required by the
communistic plan of production, and the shortness of working hours
granted to the bookkeepers, who are all preferred men and women,
favorites of the members of the administration, made it necessary
to appoint a bookkeeper for every fifty people. Under the former
administration we had one bookkeeper for every forty-two people. This
gives to the government a chance to provide, at its own pleasure, over
10,000,000 of men and women with clean and easy work. Add to these
10,000,000 of positions about 10,000,000 officers of the industrial
army, from the lieutenantships up to the positions of colonel; add,
furthermore, the clerkships in the distributing places and many other
preferred positions, and you can see at a glance what an enormous power
the administration possesses and how tempting this power is.”
[17] The first census of the United States was taken in 1790,
when 3,929,314 people were counted. In 1880 the population
numbered 50,155,738, and in 1890 it is about 68,000,000.
In one hundred years it has been multiplied by 16. If
the rate of increase should continue to be the same, the
United States would have in 1990, without the population
of Canada, about 1,040,006,000 of people. I have figured
an increase of about twenty percent for each decade,
which would give for the year 2000 about 500 millions of
inhabitants for the United States and Canada.
“But is it not necessary for those applying for the responsible
position of a bookkeeper to have passed through a course of study in
order to be qualified for such important duties?” I inquired.
“Bookkeeping is part of the instruction in our schools”, Mr. Forest
answered, “and the bookkeeping in the public offices is not well done.
So the responsibility, resting on the shoulders of the favorites
of the members of the administration, does not harass the minds of
these preferred people very much. It is, of course, impossible for
an outsider to obtain an insight into the workings of the present
administration, and to know how the books are kept. But when the late
administration went out of office twelve years ago, an unfathomable
pool of corruption was uncovered. An inventory of the goods on hand was
taken, and it was stated that the books showed a shortage of more than
four hundred and thirty-two million dollars. The members of the ousted
administration declared this statement to be entirely false, that it
had been “doctored” by the experts of the administration, for the
purpose of casting discredit upon the members of the old government.
The accused officers admitted that shortages were possible, for the
reason, that all the clerks whose duty it was to measure goods, were
inclined to give the people good weight and large measure, but that
these shortages would not reach the figure of $432,000,000, and that
the deficiency could not be considered as a proof of want of honesty
on the part of the old officers. On the other hand, the new officers
claimed, that the enormous shortages were due to the corruption of the
members and prominent supporters of the ousted administration, who had
always overdrawn their accounts, and had not been charged with the
goods taken out in excess of their credit cards”.
I asked Mr. Forest what he thought of these charges.
“I think, they were to a large extent well founded. The temptation
under our wretched system is too great. That the leaders should give
to their relatives and next friends good positions would not be
blameworthy, if the appointees were fit to fill the places given them.
But the best places, numbering in all about twenty millions, are not
filled with the best and most able men. They go, so far as they are not
given to the relatives and friends of the leaders, to friends of the
administration, in order to keep the latter in power. They are given to
the sons and relatives and friends of the most active supporters of the
government. And even this would be tolerable, if the favoritism stopped
there, at the boundary of corruption and tyranny. But it does not”.
“Are you accusing the present administration and all its friends of
corruption and tyranny?” I asked, feeling that I should have to end my
conversations with Mr. Forest, if he should make disparaging charges,
even indirectly, against my host.
“I am speaking of a system and I am mentioning only such facts and
deeds as I can prove”, Mr. Forest answered. “I am not accusing men for
any pleasure it gives me to do so. I know that your question refers
to Dr. Leete and, though it is not a direct one, yet I will meet it
squarely. I regard Dr. Leete as one of the best and purest of men among
the party-leaders; but he, also, is making use of the advantages that
our system offers to the men in power.”
“Will you be kind enough to substantiate what you say?” I asked
quietly, but sharply.
“I will leave it to you to say, whether I am going too far in my
statement”, Forest continued. “Did not Dr. Leete inform you that he has
been “cherishing the idea of building a laboratory in the large garden
of his house?”[18] And did he not tell you that he sent for the workmen
and that they unearthed the vault in which you slept?”[19]
[18] Page 34.
[19] Page 34.
“Indeed, Dr. Leete said that he intended to build a chemical
laboratory”, I admitted; “but is not the amount of his credit-card
large enough to permit him such an expenditure?”
Forest looked somewhat amused and asked me, if I had ever looked at
the total amount the credit-card called for. I confessed that I never
had; noticing that the style of living of Dr. Leete was luxurious
enough for anybody, I had not troubled myself to ascertain how much the
country allowed each and every inhabitant per year.
“Well”, said Mr. Forest, “we will discuss the wealth of the nation at
some other time. To-day we will continue to investigate the tendency
of the communistic system to breed favoritism, corruption, servility
and suppression of opponents.--As for Dr. Leete, he is building his
laboratory in spite of the fact, that such an enterprise is entirely
against the intention and spirit of our institutions. There is a very
good laboratory of the kind in the basement of this college, and Dr.
Leete would certainly be welcome, if he should ask permission to
experiment there at his pleasure. His influence, if nothing else, would
secure him a permit. But vanity causes him to erect a superfluous
building, which will give the Radicals a new and visible argument
against the ruling clique”.
“What Radicals are you speaking of?” I asked.
“I am referring to the radical communists who object to the present
state of affairs, because they desire to abolish religious services,
matrimony and all personal-property, institutions that are at present
tolerated. We will speak of our political parties and their principles
later. I simply desired to establish to your own satisfaction, or
dissatisfaction, the fact, that Dr. Leete is erecting for his private
use and in violation of communistic principles, a chemical laboratory,
a very expensive affair, for which the credit-cards of ten men would
not pay, and thus challenging the criticism of all the enemies of the
administration”.
“Cannot Dr. Leete pay a fair rent for the laboratory?” I rejoined. “I
should think that the abundance of labor could not be used to a better
advantage than to erect buildings, the rent for which will increase the
income of the nation”.
“But there is no abundance of labor, as you will discover in due
time”, said Forest. “And if you will imagine what would happen, if
every citizen should demand a similar outlay of labor and instruments
to please his notions, you will undoubtedly see, that Dr. Leete is
assuming an exceptional position, which, not only savors of favoritism
but, also, involves an indiscreet abuse of power, calculated to create
bad blood”.
I could not very well refute the arguments of Mr. Forest, and so was
silent.
“But favoritism and the occasional abuse of power for the accommodation
of men like Dr. Leete, are not the worst features of our present form
of government”, he continued, “and the fact that influential men
frequently receive presents of silks, furs, and jewelry for their wives
and daughters, and of wine and cigars for themselves, from people
seeking the intercession of these powerful men, in order to procure
preferred positions for themselves or for relatives and friends,
could also be borne although, of course, they are proofs of political
corruption. But the worst consequences of this damnable communism are
tyranny and the possibility of brutal persecution of the opponents
of the administration on the one hand, and servility, adulation and
calumny on the other. Every man and every body of men who have gained
certain advantages or occupy desired positions will defend themselves
against all attacks of their opponents. So will political parties try
to keep themselves in power by rewarding their faithful workers and
by crowding back their opponents. It is, therefore, very dangerous
to invest a great government with arbitrary powers, which permit
the rulers to make the people dependent upon the good will of their
officers, even in their daily occupation, all their life long”.
“According to your description the present state of society appears to
be an unbearable condition of affairs”, I said.
“If you inquire among the members of the different guilds, especially
among the farmers,” Mr. Forest continued, “you will find that I am
describing things just as they are. Every member of the industrial army
knows that ability and industry alone will secure a desirable position
only in exceptional cases, if at all; that political influence is the
almighty factor in every affair of our lives, and that the industrial
army is governed by officers whom the worker must try to please, by
personal adulation, by presents, by a slavish devotion to the orders
of the superiors, and indirectly by inducing all the members of his
family and all his friends to support every measure and every member
of the administration. If the members of the industrial army could
elect their officers, the discipline would of course, not be so strict,
as it is now; but even an occasional row amongst the men would be
preferable to the present state of affairs, where every one who happens
to be unpopular with the ruling party is leading a terrible existence.
The number of suicides is therefore becoming larger every year and is
to-day four times greater than in your times”.
“The number of suicides in European armies 113 years ago was very
large”, I remarked thoughtfully, “although the men had everything they
needed in the line of lodging, food and clothing”.
“Yes,” said Forest, “the necessities of life without liberty are of
little value. The soldiers of your time threw away their lives, because
they did not consider a life without freedom worth living, and still
their term of service lasted only three or five years, and they had but
a comparatively easy duty to perform in times of peace. The service
in our industrial army lasts, at the best, 24 years of our life. The
men and women are at the mercy of their officers, and they can appeal
against maltreatment to other members of the administration only to
judges who decide definitely such cases, generally by simply sending
back the complainants to their work with an admonishment to try to win
the good will of their superiors, and thus secure promotion.”
“You have been speaking about politicians, Mr. Forest”, I said. “Do
many men take an active part in political life?”
“I should say they did”, my predecessor answered. “Many of the men
from 45 years upwards, and many women do little else, except busy
themselves with politics. They can live on their credit-cards wherever
they please, and many of them prefer to spend their time in Washington,
“hustling around” in a very lively fashion, trying to gain favors
for their friends, and for such people as address themselves to the
hustlers. The lobby in the halls of Congress in your days is described
as a bad crowd, but to compare it with the hustlers of our days, would
be like comparing a Sunday school with pandemonium. Millions of people
who desire better work or promotion, and who have nothing to hope from
the influence they are able to command at home, write to the hustlers
at Washington to secure their services.”
“But what can the seekers of favors offer to those who live in
Washington for the purpose of gaining favor for other people, and whom
we may call the lobbyists of the twentieth century?” I inquired. “In
the present day, men do not accumulate fortunes.”
“Indeed, they do not”, answered Mr. Forest with a smile. “But some
people desire to have occasionally a “high time” and to spend five or
ten times the amount of their credit-card during each year. Some of our
administration leaders keep, what we may style, a “great house”. They
receive guests and entertain them with delicacies and wine. Some of the
most prominent lobbyists do the same thing. An applicant for favors has
to give up a part or perhaps nearly all of his credit-card, and he may
look to his future subordinates for a rich compensation”.
“But why are people not satisfied with their legitimate income”? I
asked, painfully surprised to see that wire-pulling and corruption were
quite as prevalent as they had been 113 years ago. “Is not the income a
credit-card affords sufficient to support people?”
“You can never satisfy the people”, Forest said. “Nowadays the clever
and industrious part of the people feel that they are robbed for the
benefit of their lazy, awkward or stupid comrades, that they have to
submit to the impudence and blackmailing of some of their superiors,
or else undergo humiliating treatment. And even the men and women of
the lowest ability, who are benefited by our present system, are not
all of them pleased. Some of them would rather do away with personal
property and separate housekeeping. In fact, but a very small portion
of our citizens are really satisfied.--And people who are fond of good
cooking, costly meals and Havana cigars, certainly cannot pay for such
luxuries, and have to depend upon others if they desire to enjoy them.
We have in Washington, also, a great many young women, who prefer
flirtation, fine meals and a fast life to the regular employment in the
industrial army or the life of an ordinary good wife”.
“Then prostitution still flourishes in Washington”, I exclaimed with
amazement.
“Indeed it does”, Mr. Forest assented. “Of course, these girls hold
clerical positions in the different departments, but these positions
are sinecures. I understand from friends who have seen part of the
secret life at the capitol, (and it is not so very secret either) that
some of the higher officials spend fifty times the amount of their
credit cards with these women. A part of their income is obtained from
those seeking favors, who willy-nilly give up a part of their credit
cards. Another part of the values squandered by influential persons,
comes from the public storehouse, where only a small proportion of
the value taken out by the influential people, is pricked from their
credit cards by the clerks, who are fully aware what is expected of
them, if they desire to retain their positions; for if they should
treat the leaders of the ruling party like common laborers, they would
be degraded to class B of their third grade. The glitter of corruption
proves attractive to many men and women, as I have stated before, and
the population of Washington, therefore, exceeds that of any other city
on the American continent.”
“But, I cannot understand, why the people tolerate such a corrupt and
tyrannical government as you describe,” I said, “and I am satisfied
that your hypochondriac disposition is befogging somewhat the keenness
of your eyesight and the clearness of your judgment.”
“It is your own fault if you remain in doubt as to the perfect
correctness of my statements”, Mr. Forest said. “If you, for instance,
should desire to take a vacation for the purpose of giving our rulers
in Washington one of your enthusiastic lectures, you will cheerfully
be granted leave of absence from your duties as professor and will be
received at the capitol in grand style. For the enthusiasm displayed
by you for our institutions, as compared with the civilization of
the nineteenth century, will pour water on the mill wheels of our
administration. You will find the state of affairs precisely as I have
described them to be, and by conversing with the rank and file of the
supporters of the administration, you will find that they are upholding
the present state for the reason that they despair of their ability to
improve public affairs, and because they are afraid of a rule still
worse, under the radicals”.
“How could a state of public affairs be worse than the one you have
pictured to me in your conversations”, I exclaimed.
“Many people are afraid that the Radicals would prohibit marriages and
would force free love with all its consequences upon the people. In
fact, the radical newspapers--the only sheets that speak out boldly
against the administration and strike from the shoulder--are denouncing
religion, marriage, separate house-keeping and the limited amount of
property people are permitted to own”.
“But, how can the tone of the Radical press be reconciled with your
statement that the administration is treating its opponents so badly”?
I asked. “If it is the custom of the government to confine its
opponents in insane asylums, why are the Radical newspapers permitted
to advocate such abominable principles”?
Mr. Forest laughed and replied: “The Radical editors are favored
exceptions. They are doing good service for the administration in
scaring the mass of the people into submission. Whenever an election
of generals of the guilds is near at hand, the Radical press is
permitted to howl to the best ability of its editors. Then, a few days
before the election, the administration organs copy extracts from the
rabid and nonsensical utterances of such papers, and ask the people,
if they desire that kind of government, urge the voters to stand by
the administration which can, of course, not please everybody in all
points, but which is the best any people on earth ever had, and so
forth ad infinitum”.
“Then the Radical editors are simply tolerated as bugbears, while the
more moderate writers are not permitted to oppose the administration?”
“Exactly”, rejoined Mr. Forest. “But I am afraid, the government is
playing a very dangerous game. The Radicals are undoubtedly gaining
ground and have amongst their followers very desperate men, who may
at any time raise the black flag of destruction. If we had a free and
independent people, the danger would not be so great. Then the masses
of free men would rally to the defence of their beloved institutions.
But as matters now stand, the masses are accustomed to submission
under a rule of a minority, and the determined uprising of a body of
desperate men would find but a comparatively small number of citizens
ready to fight for the present order of things. And it will be a bad
day for humanity, when the Radicals come into power”.
“But, you said that about twelve years ago the government lost an
election. That shows, that it can be beaten in a square fight, and you
further said that the present rulers are better citizens than the men
that formed the last administration”.
“There is certainly some improvement, but it is nothing very
remarkable. It amounted, in substance, to a change of men, but not
to a change of system. Favoritism, corruption and prostitution have
decreased somewhat, but they have not been stamped out. They still
flourish. People who were very enthusiastic at the time of the election
and hoped for a clean and popular administration, have now lost all
confidence, that under the communistic rule there can be such a thing
as a just government. In substance, it has been, as I said, merely a
change of personalities and, therefore, the confidence of the people
in the prevailing system has been destroyed. Consequently, the change
has actually done more harm than good. The strongest and most reliable
element to-day in favor of good government is the farming population;
but although the farmers are very numerous, they represent one guild
only. They have but one general and one department chief, and are
outvoted by the representatives of the other guilds. And on account
of the opposition of the farmers to the administration they are not
treated as well as the members of the other guilds”.
“Do they not receive the same credit cards as other people”? I queried.
“They do, but they complain that they receive the poorest goods, and
that their share of public improvements and benefits is comparatively
small; and whenever there is a chance to discriminate against their
representatives, that chance is not lost. The farmers would be the
most reliable opponents to the Radicals, but the treatment they are
receiving from the administration, has created so much dissatisfaction
amongst the farming population, that we cannot count upon them in
a fight for the maintenance of the present system or the present
government. To give you an instance of the discrimination against the
farmers, I will mention the erection of music halls, theatres and
other places of evolution, recreation and amusement. It is, of course,
impossible to build a theatre or a concert hall at every country
crossroad, but the number of such public places erected in the cities
is entirely out of proportion to those erected in the country towns
and villages. The administration relies for its support upon the city
people, upon such guilds as are recruited from the population of the
cities, and, therefore bends all its energies to benefitting them.
Then there is another thing to be taken into account. The nation is
frequently left with small lots of goods on its hands, through changes
of taste, unseasonable weather and various other causes. These have to
be disposed of at a sacrifice, and the loss charged up to the expenses
of the business[20]. These goods the administration can dispose of at
any time when it chooses to claim that the best prices can be realized.
The members of the administration are also judges as to what goods are
to be sold at a sacrifice. It has been charged by the representatives
of the farming population that such of these goods as are of poor
quality are largely given out to farmers, while other things that are
in first-class condition are disposed of in the storehouses of the
cities, at reduced prices, and that in such instances favoritism and
corruption are coming in. I do not care to endorse all the complaints,
our farmers make. They may lack foundation to a great extent, but they
prove the existence of a deep dissatisfaction, and such charges could
simply not be made if our administration were not clothed with power
hitherto unheard of in the history of mankind. It is the system itself
that breeds all these evils”.
[20] Page 186.
“Have you not, besides the radical and the administration parties,
other organizations fighting for the control of the government”?
“We have the temperance people who have organized themselves; but they
are simply striving within the administration party to secure the
control of the government. The administration does not discriminate
against the members of this organization. It gives them a chance to
do their very best, but so far they have not succeeded in making much
headway”.
“I notice that you are not giving the present system of society much
credit for anything done under its auspices. Don’t you think that the
abolition of absolute poverty, the elevation of all men and women to
a standard at least nearly equal, is a great and priceless gain to
humanity? I remember too well the inexpressible sufferings of some of
the poor people of my days, and while I am not sufficiently familiar
with the present state of society, to endorse or to contradict your
statements, yet I prize the abolishment of poverty so high, that I
still cling to the hope, in spite of your arguments to the contrary,
that the present form of society and of production may overcome all the
difficulties inseparable from all human efforts and institutions”.
“My dear Mr. West, I am glad to see you using now in your last remarks
in defense of communism the same arguments the defenders of the old
form of production used against the communists of your days. This
simply proves two facts, viz.: that nothing is perfect under God’s
sun, and that every form of government is forced to admit this. The
abolition of absolute poverty could have been accomplished as I can
and will prove later on, beyond a reasonable doubt, without a descent
into communism and the terrible consequences of this worst system
of production. The fact, that the members and the officers of the
administration may, at their pleasure, treat the friends of their
opponents, members of the industrial army, like slaves; that even the
friends of the government’s opponents who have gained comparatively
good positions, can be placed in the second class of the third grade
at the yearly regradings, and that favoritism is shown to all friends
of the administration, has caused adulation, servility, calumny and
corruption, and there was never a time in the history of the Saxon
race when there were in public business and social life so little
independence and manhood among the citizens. When two hundred and
thirty years ago England tried to levy a tax upon tea, the Americans
rose up in arms, because they would not permit the government to
collect a tax unless it granted to the Americans representation in the
parliament which imposed this tax. To-day the government controls the
labor of all men and women for twenty-four long years, without giving
the flower of the American people a chance to cast a vote, which shall
shape the form and policy of the government in conformity with the
wishes of those who produce the wealth of the nation. This state of
slavery which never existed before in the history of civilized nations,
can not last many years longer. It will go down in an ocean of blood.
For as the German poet Schiller says: Fear not outrages from free men;
but tremble when slaves break their chains”.