BOOK VI[60]

Journal from Paris to Venice--The Jura--The Alps--Milan--Verona--The

roll-call of the dead--The Brenta--Incidental remarks--Venice--Venetian

architecture--Antonio--The Abbé Betio and M. Gamba--The rooms in the

Palace of the Doges--Prisons--Silvio Pellico's prison--The Frari--The

Academy of Fine Arts--Titian's _Assumption_--The metopes of the

Parthenon--Original drawings by Leonardo da Vinci, Michael Angelo and

Raphael--The Church of Santi Giovanni e Paolo--The Arsenal--Henry

IV.--A frigate leaving for America--The Cemetery of San Cristoforo--San

Michele di Murano--Murano--The woman and the child--Gondoliers--Bretons

and Venetians--Breakfast on the Riva degli Schiavoni--The tomb of

Mesdames at Trieste--Rousseau and Byron--Great geniuses inspired by

Venice--Old and new courtezans--Rousseau and Byron compared.

7 _to_ 10 _September, on the road._

I left Paris on the 3rd of September 1833, taking the Simplon Road

through Pontarlier.

Salins, lately burnt to the ground, had been built up again; I

preferred it with its Spanish tumble-down ugliness[61]. The Abbé

d'Olivet[62] was born on the banks of the Furieuse; Voltaire's first

master, who received his pupil at the Academy, had nothing in common

with the paternal stream.

The great storm which caused so many shipwrecks in the Channel assailed

me on the Jura. I arrived at night on the "wastes" of the Lévier stage.

The caravanserai built of wooden planks, brilliantly lighted and filled

with travellers taking shelter suggested not a little the keeping of a

witches' sabbath. I refused to stop; they brought the horses. When it

came to closing the lanterns of the calash, a great difficulty arose;

the hostess, an extremely pretty young witch, lent a hand, laughing.

She took care to hold her candle-end, protected by a glass tube, close

up to her face, so as to be seen.

At Pontarlier, my old host, a great Legitimist during his life-time,

was dead. I supped at the inn called the National: a good omen for the

newspaper of that name. Armand Carrel is the chief of those men who did

not lie during the Days of July.

The Castle of Joux defends the approaches to Pontarlier; it has seen

two men succeed one another in its donjons, both of whom the Revolution

will bear in memory: Mirabeau and Toussaint-Louverture[63], the black

Napoleon, imitated and killed by the white Napoleon.

"Toussaint," says Madame de Staël, "was brought to a French prison,

where he died in the most wretched manner. Perhaps Bonaparte does

not so much as remember this crime, because he has been less often

reproached with it than with the others."

The hurricane increased: I encountered its greatest violence between

Pontarlier and Orbe. It increased the size of the mountains, rang the

bells in the hamlets, drowned the roar of the torrents in that of the

thunder, and swept down howling upon my calash, like a heavy squall on

the sail of a ship. When low-lying lightning-flashes cracked across the

heaths, one saw flocks of sheep stand motionless, their heads hidden

between their fore-feet, presenting their tails tucked in and their

shaggy quarters to the showers of rain and hail beaten up by the wind.

The voice of the man calling the time from the summit of a mountain

belfry sounded like the cry of the last hour.

At Lausanne, all was smiling-again: I had often visited that town

before; I no longer know a soul there.

At Bex, while they were harnessing to my carriage the horses which had

perhaps drawn the bier of Madame de Custine, I stood leaning against

the door of the house where my hostess of Fervacques died. She had been

celebrated before the revolutionary tribunal for her long hair. In

Rome, I have seen beautiful fair hair taken from a tomb.

In the Rhone Valley, I met an almost naked little girl, dancing with

her goat; she asked for alms of a rich young man, well-dressed, who

was posting past with a laced courier in front and two footmen sitting

behind the glittering chariot. And you imagine that such a distribution

of property can exist? You think that it does not justify popular

risings?

Sion brings back to me an epoch in my life: after being secretary of

embassy in Rome, I was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the Valais

by the First Consul[64].

At Brigg, I left the Jesuits struggling to raise up again what cannot

be raised up[65]: uselessly established at the foot of time, they are

crushed beneath its mass, like their monastery beneath the weight of

the mountains.

This was the tenth time of my crossing the Alps: I had told them

all that I had to tell them in the different years and different

circumstances of my life. Ever regretting what he has lost, ever rapt

in memories, ever marching towards the grave in tears and isolation:

that is man.

The images borrowed from mountain scenery have particularly sensible

relations with our fortunes: this one passes in silence, like the

outpouring of a spring; that one attaches a noise to his course, like

a torrent; that other flings away his existence, like a cataract that

appeals and disappears.

[Sidenote: The Simplon.]

The Simplon already wears an abandoned air, even as the life of

Napoleon; even as that life, it has nothing left but its glory: it

is too great a work to belong to the little States upon which it has

devolved. Genius has no family; its inheritance falls by right of

escheat to the common crowd, which nibbles at it and plants a cabbage

where a cedar grew.

The last time that I crossed the Simplon, I was going as Ambassador

to Rome; I fell; the herds whom I had left on the top of the mountain

are there yet: snows, clouds, tumble-down rocks, pine-forests and the

turmoil of waters incessantly encompass the hut threatened by the

avalanche. The most living person in those chalets is the goat. Why

die? I know. Why be born? I cannot tell. Still, admit that the foremost

sufferings, moral sufferings, the torments of the mind are wanting

among the dwellers in the region of the chamois and the eagles. When I

went to the Congress of Verona, in 1822, the station on the peak of the

Simplon was kept by a Frenchwoman: in the middle of a cold night and of

a squall of wind which prevented me from seeing her, she talked to me

of the Scala in Milan; she was expecting ribbons from Paris: her voice,

the only thing about that woman that I know, was very sweet through the

darkness and the gale.

The descent to Domo d'Ossola appeared to me more and more wonderful;

a certain play of light and shadow increased its magic. One was

caressed by a little breath which our old tongue called the _aure_: a

sort of early morning-breeze, bathed and scented with the dew. I once

more beheld the Lago Maggiore, on which I was so melancholy in 1828

and of which I caught sight from the Valley of Bellinzona in 1832.

At Sesto-Calende, Italy presented herself: a blind Paganini sang and

played the fiddle at the edge of the lake as I crossed the Ticino.

On entering Milan, I again saw the magnificent avenue of tulip-trees

of which no one speaks; the travellers apparently take them for

plane-trees. I protest against this silence, in memory of my savages:

it is surely the least that America can do, to give shade to Italy.

One might also plant magnolias at Genoa, mixed with palm-trees and

orange-trees. But who dreams of such a thing? Who thinks of beautifying

the earth? That care is left to God. The governments are occupied

with their fall, and men prefer a card-board tree on the stage of a

_fantoccini_ theatre to the magnolia-tree whose roses would scent the

cradle of Christopher Columbus.

In Milan, the annoyance about the passports is as stupid as it is

brutal. I did not pass through Verona without emotion; it was there

that my active political career had its real beginning. My mind thought

on what the world might have become if that career had not been

interrupted by a contemptible jealousy.

Verona, so lively in 1822, thanks to the presence of the sovereigns of

Europe, had, in 1833, returned to silence; the Congress had passed as

completely in its lonely streets as the Court of the Scaligers and the

Senate-house of the Romans. The arenas whose benches I had seen filled

with a hundred thousand spectators yawned deserted; the buildings which

I had admired under the illuminations embroidered on their architecture

wrapped themselves, grey and bare as they were, in an atmosphere of

rain.

[Sidenote: The roll-call of the dead.]

How many ambitions were stirring among the actors at Verona! How many

destinies of nations were examined, discussed and weighed! Let us call

the roll of those wooers of dreams; let us open the book of the Day of

Wrath: _Liber scriptus proferetur_[66]; monarchs, princes, ministers,

here is your ambassador, your colleague returned to his post: where are

you? Answer.

The Emperor of Russia, Alexander?

"Dead."

The Emperor of Austria, Francis I.[67]?

"Dead."

The King of France, Louis XVIII.?

"Dead."

The King of France, Charles X.[68]?

"Dead."

The King of England, George IV.?

"Dead."

The King of Naples, Ferdinand I.?

"Dead."

The Duke of Tuscany[69]?

"Dead."

Pope Pius VII.?

"Dead."

The King of Sardinia, Charles Felix[70]?

"Dead."

The Duc de Montmorency, French Foreign Minister?

"Dead."

Mr. Canning, English Foreign Minister?

"Dead."

M. de Bernstorff, Prussian Foreign Minister?

"Dead."

M. de Gentz, of the Austrian Chancery?

"Dead."

Cardinal Consalvi, Secretary of State to His Holiness?

"Dead."

M. de Serre, my colleague on the Congress[71]?

"Dead."

M. d'Aspremont, my secretary of embassy?

"Dead."

Count Neipperg, the husband of Napoleon's widow?

"Dead."

Countess Tolstoi?

"Dead."

Her tall young son?

"Dead."

My host in the Lorenzi Palace?

"Dead."

If so many men inscribed with me on the roll of the Congress have had

their names inserted in the obituary; if nations and royal dynasties

have perished; if Poland has succumbed; if Spain is again annihilated;

if I have been to Prague to enquire after the flying remnants of the

great House whose representative I was at Verona: what, then, are

earthly things? No one remembers the speeches which we made round the

table of Prince Metternich; but, O power of genius, no traveller will

ever hear the lark sing in the fields of Verona without recalling

Shakespeare! Each of us, by digging to different depths in his memory,

finds another layer of dead, other extinct sentiments, other illusions

which uselessly he suckled, like those of Herculaneum, at the breast of

Hope.

On leaving Verona, I was obliged to change my measure to compute the

time that was past; I was going back twenty-seven years, for I had

not made the journey from Verona to Venice since 1806. At Brescia, at

Vicenza, at Padua, I passed by the walls of Palladio, Scamozzi[72],

Franceschini, Nicholas of Pisa[73], Friar John.

The banks of the Brenta disappointed my hopes; they had remained more

smiling in my imagination: the dykes raised along the canal conceal

the marches too much. Several villas have been demolished; but a

few very elegant ones still remain. There, perhaps, lives Signor

Pococurante[74], whom the city ladies with their sonnets disgusted, to

whom the two pretty girls began to grow very indifferent, to whom music

grew tiresome after half an hour, who thought Homer mortally tedious,

who detested the pious. Æneas, the boy Ascanius, the silly King

Latinus, the ill-bred Amata and the insipid Lavinia, who saw nothing

extraordinary in Horace' journey to Brundusium and his account of

his bad dinner, who declared that he never read Tully and still less

Milton, that barbarian who spoiled Tasso's hell and the devil.

"'Alas!' said Candid softly to Martin, 'I am afraid this man holds

our German poets in great contempt[75].'"

In spite of my semi-disappointment and many gods in the little gardens,

I was charmed with the mulberry-trees, the orange-trees, the fig-trees

and the softness of the air, I who, such a short time before, was

travelling through the fir-groves of Germany and over the mountains of

the Czechs, where the sun looks ill.

[Sidenote: I arrive in Venice.]

I arrived on the 10th of September, at break of day, at Fusina, which

Philippe de Comines[76] and Montaigne call "Chaffousine." At half

past ten, I had landed in Venice. My first care was to send to the

post-office: there was nothing addressed to me direct, nor indirectly

to Paolo; of Madame la Duchesse de Berry, no news at all. I wrote to

Count Griffi, the Neapolitan Minister in Florence, to ask him to let me

know the movements of Her Royal Highness.

Having everything in order, I resolved patiently to await the Princess:

Satan sent me a temptation. I longed, at his diabolical suggestion, to

stay alone, for a fortnight, at the Hôtel de l'Europe, to the detriment

of the Legitimate Monarchy. I wished the august traveller bad roads,

without reflecting that my restoration of King Henry V. might be

delayed for half a month! Like Danton, I crave pardon for it of God and

men.

VENICE, HÔTEL DE L'EUROPE, 10 _September_ 1833.

Salve, Italuni Regina....

. . . . .

Nec tu semper eris[77].

O d'Italia dolente

Eterno lumine....

Venezia[78]!

In Venice, one can imagine one's self on the deck of a superb galley

lying at anchor, on the _Bucentaur_, where a feast is being given in

your honour and from whose side you see wonderful things all around.

My inn, the Hôtel de l'Europe, is situated at the entrance to the

Grand Canal, opposite the Dogana di Mare, the Giudecca and San Giorgio

Maggiore. When one goes up the Grand Canal, between its two rows of

palaces, so marked by their centuries, so varied in architectural

style, when one moves from the Piazza to the Piazzetta, when one

contemplates the basilica and its domes, the Palace of the Doges, the

Procuratie Nuove, the Zucca, the Torre dell' Orologio, the campanile

of St Mark's and the Column of the Lion, all mingled with the sails

and masts of the shipping, the movement of the crowd and the gondolas,

the azure of the sky and sea, the freaks of a dream or the frolics

of an Oriental imagination present nothing more fantastic. Sometimes

Cicéri[79] paints and collects upon a canvas, for the illusions of the

stage, monuments of all shapes, all times, all countries, all climates:

it is still Venice.

Those double-gilt edifices, so profusely embellished by Giorgione[80],

Titian, Paul Veronese[81], Tintoretto[82], Giovanni Bellini[83], Paris

Bordone[84], the two Palmas[85], are filled with bronzes, marbles,

granites, porphyries, precious antiques, rare manuscripts; their

internal magic is equal to their external magic; and when, in the bland

light that illumines them, one discovers the illustrious names and

noble memories attached to their vaults, one cries with Philippe de

Comines:

"'Tis the most triumphant city that ever I saw!"

[Sidenote: The glories of Venice.]

And yet it is no longer the Venice of the Minister of Louis XI.; the

Venice the Bride of the Adriatic and mistress of the seas; the Venice

that gave emperors to Constantinople, kings to Cyprus, princes to

Dalmatia, the Peloponnesus, Crete; the Venice that humiliated the

German Cæsars and received the Popes as suppliants at her inviolable

hearths; the Venice of whom monarchs esteemed it an honour to be the

citizens, to whom Petrarch[86], Pletho[87], Bessarion[88] bequeathed

the remnants of Greek and Latin literature saved from the shipwreck of

barbarism; the Venice, a republic in the midst of Feudal Europe, that

served as a buckler to Christianity; the Venice, the "setter-up of

lions," that trampled on the ramparts of Ptolemaïs[89], Ascalon[90],

Tyre[91] and overthrew the Crescent at Lepanto[92]; the Venice whose

doges were men of learning and whose merchants knights; the Venice

that laid low the Orient or bought its perfumes, that brought back

from Greece conquered turbans or recovered master-pieces; the Venice

that issued victorious from the ungrateful League of Cambrai; the

Venice that triumphed through her feasts, her courtezans and her arts,

as through her arms and her great men; the Venice that was at once

Corinth, Athens and Carthage, adorning her head with rostral crowns and

floral diadems.

It is no longer even the city through which I passed when I went to

visit the shores that had witnessed her glory; but, thanks to her

voluptuous breezes and agreeable waters, she retains a charm: it

is especially to declining countries that a beautiful climate is a

necessity. There is civilization enough in Venice to lend a niceness to

existence. The seduction of the sky prevents one from requiring greater

human dignity: an attractive virtue is exhaled from those vestiges of

greatness, those traces of the arts which surround one. The ruins of an

old state of society which produced such things as these, while giving

you a distaste for a new state of society, leave you no desire for a

future. You love to feel yourself die with all that is dying around

you; you have no other care than to adorn what remains of your life

as it is gradually laid aside. Nature, which causes young generations

to reappear amongst ruins as quickly as it covers those ruins with

flowers, keeps for the most enfeebled races the habit of the passions

and the enchantment of pleasure.

Venice never knew idolatry: she grew up Christian in the island where

she was reared, far from the brutality of Attila. The women descended

from the Scipios, the Pauli and the Eustochie escaped from Alaric's

violence in the Grotto of Bethlehem. Standing apart from all other

cities, the eldest daughter of ancient civilization without ever

having been dishonoured by conquest, Venice contains neither Roman

remains nor monuments of the Barbarians. Nor does one see there what

one sees in the north and west of Europe, in the midst of industrial

progress: I refer to those new structures, those whole streets built

in a hurry, in which the houses remain either unfinished or empty.

What could one build here? Wretched dens which would show the poverty

of conception of the sons after the magnificence of the genius of the

fathers; white-washed hovels which would not reach to the first storey

of the gigantic residences of the Foscaris and the Pesaros. When one

sees the trowel of mortar and the handful of plaster that have had

to be applied, for an urgent repair, against a marble capital, one

is shocked. Better the rotten planks boarding up Grecian or Moorish

windows, the rags hung out to dry on graceful balconies, than the

imprint of the mean hand of our century.

[Sidenote: The view from my windows.]

Why cannot I lock myself up in this town which harmonizes so well with

my destiny, in this city of poets, where Dante, Petrarch, Byron passed!

Why cannot I finish writing my Memoirs by the light of the sun that

falls upon these pages! At this moment the luminary is still burning my

Floridan savannahs and is setting here at the end of the Grand Canal.

I can no longer see it; but, through an opening in this wilderness

of palaces, its rays strike the ball of the Dogana, the lateen-sails

of the boats, the yards of the ships and the porch of the convent of

San Giorgio Maggiore. The tower of the monastery, changed into a rosy

column, is reflected in the waves; the white front of the church is

so brightly lighted that I can pick out the smallest details of the

chisel. The outlines of the shops of the Giudecca are painted with a

Titian light; the gondolas on the canal and the harbour are swimming in

the same light. Venice is there, seated on the shore, like a beautiful

woman about to die away with the day-light: the evening breeze lifts

up her balmy tresses; she dies saluted by all the graces and all the

smiles of nature.

VENICE, _September_ 1833.

In Venice, in 1806, there was a young Signor Armani, the Italian

translator or a friend of the translator of the _Génie du

Christianisme._ His sister, as he said, was a nun: _monaca._ There was

also a Jew, on his way to the farce of Napoleon's Grand Sanhedrim[93],

who had his eyes on my purse; then M. Lagarde, the chief of the French

spies, who gave me dinner: my translator, his sister, the Jew of the

Sanhedrim are either dead or no longer live in Venice. At that time,

I was staying at the Hotel of the Golden Lion, near the Rialto; that

hotel has changed its position. Almost opposite my old inn is the

Palazzo Foscari, which is falling. Back, all that old lumber of my

life! I should go mad with ruins: let us speak of the present.

I have tried to depict the general effect of the architecture of

Venice; in order to receive an impression of the details, I have been

up and down and again up the Grand Canal, I have visited and revisited

the Piazza San Marco. It would need volumes to exhaust that subject.

Count Cicognara's[94] _Fabbriche più conspicue di Venezia_ supply the

features of the monuments; but the exposition is not clear. I will

content myself with noting down two or three of the most frequently

recurring arrangements.

From the capital of a Corinthian column is described a semicircle, the

point of which descends upon the capital of another Corinthian column:

exactly in the middle of those shafts rises a third, of the same

dimensions and the same order; from the capital of that central column

two epicycles spring to right and left, the ends of which also come

to lie upon the capitals of other columns. The result of this design

is that the arches, in crossing each other, give birth to ogives at

their point of intersection[95], so that a charming admixture is formed

of two architectural styles, the full Roman arch and the ogive of

Arab-Gothic or "Mediæval" origin; but it is certain that the latter

exists in the so-called Cyclopean monuments; I have seen very pure

specimens of it in the tombs of Argos[96].

The Ducal Palace presents twines reproduced in some other palaces,

particularly in the Palazzo Foscari: the columns support pointed

arches; those arches leave voids between them: between those voids the

architect has placed two roses. The rose depresses the extremity of the

two ellipses. Those roses, which meet at a point of their circumference

in the fore front of the building, become a kind of row of wheels upon

which the rest of the edifice is carried.

In every structure, the base is commonly broad; the monument diminishes

in thickness as it encroaches on the sky. The Ducal Palace is the exact

opposite of that natural scheme of architecture: the base, pierced by

light porticoes surmounted by a gallery of arabesques indented with

four-leaved open trefoils, supports an almost bare square mass: one

would say it was a fortress built upon pillars, or rather an inverted

building planted on its light coping with its thick root in the air.

Remarkable in the Venetian monuments are the architectural masks and

heads. In the Palazzo Pesaro, the entablature of the first storey,

of the Doric order, is decorated with heads of giants; the Ionic

order of the second storey is bound by heads of knights which stretch

horizontally from the wall, with their faces looking towards the

water: some are wrapped in a chin-piece, others have their visors

half-lowered; all wear helmets whose plumes bend round into ornaments

under the cornice. Lastly, on the third storey, of the Corinthian

order, we see heads of female statues with their hair differently

knotted.

[Sidenote: Venetian architecture.]

In St. Mark's, embossed with domes, encrusted with mosaics, loaded with

incoherent spoils of the East, I found myself at the same time in San

Vitale at Ravenna, in St. Sophia in Constantinople, in St. Saviour's in

Jerusalem and in those lesser churches of the Morea, Chios and Malta:

St. Mark's, a monument of Byzantine architecture, composite of victory

and conquest raised to the Cross, is a trophy, as is the whole of

Venice. The most remarkable effect of its architecture is its darkness

under a brilliant sky; but to-day, the loth of September, the deadened

light from the outside harmonized with the gloomy basilica. They were

completing the Forty Hours ordered to obtain fine weather. The fervour

of the faithful praying against rain was great: the Venetians look upon

a grey and watery sky as the plague.

Our prayers were granted: the evening became charming; at night I went

for a walk on the quay. The sea lay smooth; the stars mingled with

the scattered lights of the boats and ships anchored here and there.

The cafés were full, but one saw no _Pulcinelli_, Greeks nor Moors:

everything comes to an end. A Madonna, brightly illuminated at the

crossing of a bridge, attracted the crowd: young girls were devoutly

telling their beads on their knees; they made the Sign of the Cross

with their right hand and stopped the passers-by with their left.

Returning to my inn, I went to bed and to sleep to the singing of the

gondoliers stationed under my windows.

I have as my guide Antonio, the oldest and best-informed of the

_ciceroni_ of the place; he knows the palaces, statues and pictures by

heart

On the 11th of September, I paid a visit to the Abbé Betio and M.

Gamba[97], the keepers of the Library: they received me with extreme

politeness, although I had no letter of recommendation.

As one goes through the rooms of the Ducal Palace, one passes from

wonders to wonders. There the whole history of Venice unrolls itself,

painted by the greatest masters: their pictures have been described a

hundred times.

Among the antiques, I remarked, like everybody else, the group of

_Leda and the Swan_ and the _Ganymede_ ascribed to Praxiteles. The

Swan is prodigious in its embrace and its voluptuousness; Leda is too

compliant. The eagle of the _Ganymede_ is not a real eagle; it looks

the best-tempered beast in the world. Ganymede, charmed at being

carried off, is enchanting: he talks to the eagle, which talks to him.

Those antiques are placed at either end of the magnificent rooms of

the Library. I contemplated, with the sacred respect of the poet, a

manuscript of Dante's and gazed, with the greed of the traveller, upon

the map of the world of Fra Mauro[98] (1460). Africa, however, does not

appear to be traced upon it so correctly as they say. They ought, above

all, in Venice, to explore the archives: they would find invaluable

documents there.

From the painted and gilded halls, I passed to the prisons and the

dungeons; the same palace presents the microcosm of society, joy and

sorrow. The prisons are under the leads, the dungeons on the level of

the water of the canal and on two storeys. A thousand tales are told

of strangulations and secret beheadings[99]; by way of compensation we

hear that a prisoner left those dungeons fat, plump and rosy, after

eighteen years spent in captivity: he had lived like a toad inside a

rock. All honour to the human race! What a fine thing it is!

Plenty of philanthropic phrases stain the vaults and walls of the

underground cells, since the day when our Revolution, so adverse to

blood,

. . . . . . . dans cet affreux séjour

D'un coup de _hache_ a fait entrer le jour[100].

[Sidenote: The Venetian prisons.]

In France, the gaols were crammed with victims who were got rid of by

cutting their throats; but, in the prisons of Venice, they set free the

shades of men who had, perhaps, never been there. The gentle butchers

who sliced the throats of children and old men, the kind spectators who

assisted at the guillotining of women were melted at the progress of

humanity, so well proved by the opening of the Venetian dungeons. As

for me, I have a hard heart; I am not like those heroes of sensibility.

No old headless ghosts appeared before my eyes in the Palace of the

Doges; only it seemed to me that I saw in the cells of the aristocracy

what the Christians saw when they shattered the idols: nests of mice

escaping from the heads of the gods. That is what happens to every

power that is disembowelled and exposed to the light: it lets out the

vermin which we used to adore.

The Bridge of Sighs connects the Ducal Palace with the prisons of the

town; it is divided into two separate passages: through one of these,

the ordinary prisoners entered; through the other, the State prisoners

went before the tribunal of the Inquisitors or the Ten. This bridge

presents a graceful exterior, and the façade of the prison is admired:

beauty cannot be dispensed with in Venice, even for tyranny and

misfortune! Pigeons make their nests in the windows of the gaol; little

doves, all covered with down, flutter their wings and moan at the bars,

while waiting for their mother. In former days, innocent creatures used

to be cloistered almost on leaving the cradle; their parents never saw

them again except through the gratings of the parlour or the wicket of

the door.

VENICE, _September_ 1833.

You can readily imagine that, in Venice, I necessarily thought of

Silvio Pellico[101]. M. Gamba had told me that the Abbé Betio was the

master of the Palace and that, by applying to him, I should be able to

make my researches. The excellent librarian, to whom I had recourse one

morning, took a big bunch of keys and led me, along several passages

and up various stair-cases, to the garrets of the author of _Le mie

Prigioni._

M. Silvio Pellico has made only one mistake; he has spoken of his gaol

as of one of those famous prison-cells high up in the air, marked by

their roofing _sotto i piombi._ Those prisons are, or rather were

five in number, in that portion of the Ducal Palace which adjoins the

Ponte della Paglia and the canal of the Bridge of Sighs. Pellico did

not dwell there; he was incarcerated at the other end of the Palace,

near the Ponte degli Canonici, in a building contiguous to the Palace,

which building had been transformed, in 1820, into a gaol for political

prisoners. However, he was also "under the leads," for a plate of that

metal formed the roofing of his hermitage.

The description which the prisoner gives of his first and second room

is exact to the last particular. Through the window of the first room,

one looks out on the roof of St. Mark's; one sees the well in the inner

yard of the Palace, a corner of the Piazza, the different steeples of

the town and, beyond the lagoons, on the horizon, mountains in the

direction of Padua. The second room is recognised by its big window and

by another smaller and higher window: it was through the big one that

Pellico used to perceive his companions in misfortune in a detached

building opposite and, on the left, above, the dear children who used

to talk to him from their mother's casement.

To-day all those chambers are deserted, for men remain nowhere, not

even in the prisons; the bars of the windows have been removed and the

walls and ceilings white-washed. The gentle and learned Abbé Betio,

living in this abandoned part of the Palace, is its peaceful and

solitary guardian.

[Sidenote: Silvio Pellico.]

The rooms which immortalize Pellico's captivity are lofty and airy;

they command a splendid view; they are the prison for a poet; there

would not be much to say about them, admitting the tyranny and

absurdity: but the death sentence for a speculative opinion! The

Moravian[102] dungeons! Ten years taken from life, youth and talent!

And the gnats, those nasty animals by which I myself am being eaten up

at the Hôtel de l'Europe, hardened though I be by the weather and the

mosquitoes of Florida! For the rest, I have often been worse lodged

than was Pellico in his belvedere in the Ducal Palace, notably in the

prefecture of the doges of the French Police, where I was obliged to

climb up on a table to enjoy the light.

The author of _Francesca da Rimini_ thought of Zanze in his gaol; I, in

mine, sang of a young girl whom I had just seen die. I was very anxious

to know what became of Pellico's little guardian. I have set persons to

make researches: if I find out anything, I will tell you.

VENICE, _September_ 1833.

A gondola landed me at the Frari, where we French, accustomed as we

are to the Grecian or Gothic exteriors of our own churches, are not

much struck by those outsides of basilicas in brick, ungrateful and

common to the eye; but, in the inside, the harmony of the lines and

the disposition of the masses produce a simplicity and a calmness of

composition that enchant one.

The tombs in the Frari, placed in the lateral walls, decorate the

building without obstructing it The magnificence of the marbles blazes

forth on every side, charming foliage bears witness to the finish of

the old Venetian sculpture. On one of the squares of the pavement in

the nave are these words:

HERE LIES TITIAN, THE RIVAL OF ZEUXIS AND APELLES

This stone is opposite one of the painter's master-pieces. Canova

has his gorgeous sepulchre not far from Titian's flag-stone; this

sepulchre is the replica of the monument which he had conceived for

Titian himself and which he executed afterwards for the Archduchess

Maria Christina[103]. The remains of the sculptor of the _Hebe_ and the

_Magdalen_ are not all collected in this work: thus Canova inhabits the

representation of a tomb made by himself, not for himself, which tomb

is but his semi-cenotaph.

From the Frari, I proceeded to the Manfrini Gallery. The portrait

of Ariosto is speaking. Titian painted his mother, an old matron of

the people, squalid and ugly: the artist's pride shows itself in the

exaggeration of this woman's years and poverty.

At the Academy of Fine Arts, I hurried fast to the picture of the

_Assumption_, discovered by Cicognara[104]: ten large male figures at

the bottom of the picture; observe the man rapt in ecstasy on the left,

watching Mary. The Virgin, above this group, rises in the centre of a

semicircle of cherubs; there is a multitude of admirable faces in that

glory: a woman's head, on the right, at the point of the crescent, of

unspeakable beauty; two or three heavenly spirits flung horizontally

across the sky, in the bold, picturesque manner of Tintoretto. I am not

sure that a standing angel does not experience some feeling of a too

terrestrial love. The Virgin is largely proportioned; she is clad in

a red drapery; her blue scarf floats in the air; her eyes are raised

towards the Eternal Father, who appeared at the zenith. Four positive

colours, brown, green, red and blue, cover the picture: the aspect of

the whole is sombre, the character unideal, but of an incomparable

truth and natural vivacity. Nevertheless, I prefer the _Presentation of

the Virgin in the Temple_, by the same painter, which hangs in the same

room.

Facing the _Assumption_ and very cleverly lighted is Tintoretto's

_Miracle of St. Mark_, a vigorous scene which seems dug out of the

canvas with the chisel and mallet rather than the brush.

I went on to the plaster-casts from the metopes of the Parthenon; these

plasters had a three-fold interest for me: in Athens, I had seen the

voids left by the ravages committed by Lord Elgin[105] and, in London,

the kidnapped marbles of which I found the mouldings in Venice. The

roving destiny of those master-pieces was linked with mine, and yet

Phidias did not fashion my clay.

I was unable to tear myself away from the original drawings by Leonardo

da Vinci, Michael Angelo and Raphael. Nothing is more interesting than

those sketches of genius abandoned alone to its studies and its whims:

it admits you to its intimacy; it initiates you into its secrets;

it informs you by what steps and by what efforts it has attained

perfection: one is enraptured at seeing how it was mistaken, how it

perceived its error and corrected it. Those pencil-strokes drawn on

the corner of a table on a wretched piece of paper retain a marvellous

richness and natural artlessness. When you reflect that Raphael's hand

has passed over those immortal scraps, you are angry with the glass

which prevents you from kissing those holy relics.

[Sidenote: Santi Giovanni e Paolo.]

I refreshed myself, after my admiration at the Academy of Fine Arts,

with an admiration of a different kind at Santi Giovanni e Paolo, even

as one rests one's mind by a change of reading. This church, whose

unknown architect followed in the foot-steps of Niccola Pisano, is rich

and spacious. The apse into which the high altar retires represents

a kind of erect shell; two other sanctuaries accompany this shell

laterally: they are tall and narrow, with many-centred vaultings, and

are separated from the apse by rabbeted channels.

The ashes of the Doges Mocenigo[106], Morosini[107], Vendramin[108]

and several other heads of the Republic[109] rest here. Here also is

the skin of Antonio Bragadino[110], the defender of Famagusta, to

whom Tertulliano expression may be applied: "a living skin." Those

illustrious remains inspire a great and painful sentiment: Venice

herself, the magnificent catafalco of her warlike magistrates, the

two-fold coffin of their ashes, is now no more than a living skin.

Stained-glass windows and red curtains, while veiling the light in

Santi Giovanni e Paolo, increase the religious effect. The numberless

columns brought from the East and from Greece have been planted in

the basilica, like avenues of exotic trees. A storm rose while I

was roaming in the church: when will the trumpets sound that shall

rouse all these dead? I said as much under Jerusalem, in the Valley

of Jehoshaphat. Returning to my hotel after those visits, I thanked

God for having transported me from the porkers of Waldmünchen to the

pictures of Venice.

VENICE, _September_ 1833.

After my discovery of the prisons in which material Austria tries

to stifle Italian intellects, I went to the Arsenal. No monarchy,

however powerful it be or have been, has presented a similar nautical

compendium.

An immense space, enclosed by crenellated walls, contains four docks

for large ships, yards for building those ships, establishments for all

that concerns the military and merchant navy, from the rope-yard to the

gun-foundry, from the work-shop where they carve the oar of the gondola

to that where they square the keel of a seventy-four, from the rooms

devoted to the old armour captured in Constantinople, in Cyprus, in the

Morea, at Lepanto to the rooms in which modern armour is exhibited: the

whole mingled with galleries, columns, works of architecture raised and

designed by the chief masters.

In the naval arsenals of Spain, England, France, Holland, one sees only

that which is connected with the objects of those arsenals; in Venice,

the arts are allied to industry. The monument to Admiral Emo[111], by

Canova, awaits you beside the carcass of a ship; rows of guns meet your

eye through long porticoes: the two colossal lions from the Piræus

keep the gate of the dock from which a frigate is about to issue for a

world which Athens did not know and which was discovered by the genius

of modern Italy.

[Sidenote: The Arsenal.]

In spite of those fine remains of Neptune, the Arsenal no longer

recalls those lines of Dante:

In the Venetians' arsenal as boils

Through wintry months tenacious pitch, to smear

Their unsound vessels; for the inclement time

Sea-faring men restrains, and in that while

His bark one builds anew, another stops

The ribs of his that hath made many a voyage,

One hammers at the prow, one at the poop,

This shapeth oars, that other cables twirls,

The mizen one repairs, and main-sail rent[112].

All this animation is over: the emptiness of seven-eighths of the

arsenal, the extinct furnaces, the boilers gnawed with rust, the

rope-walks without wheels, the dock-yards without shipwrights bear

witness to the same death that has smitten the palaces. Instead of

the throng of carpenters, sail-makers, seamen, caulkers, ship's lads,

one sees a few galley-slaves dragging their fetters: two of them were

eating off the breech of a gun; at that iron table they could at least

dream of liberty.

When formerly those galley-slaves rowed on board the _Bucentaur_, they

wore a purple tunic thrown over their branded shoulders, to make them

look like kings cleaving the waves with gilded paddles; they gladdened

their toil with the clank of their chains, even as in Bengal, at the

Feast of the Durga, the nautch-girls, dressed in gold gauze, accompany

their dances with the sound of the rings with which their necks, arms

and legs are adorned. The Venetian convicts married the doge to the sea

and themselves renewed their indissoluble union with slavery.

Of those many fleets which bore the crusaders to the shores of

Palestine and forbade any foreign sail to be displayed to the winds

of the Adriatic, there remain a model of the _Bucentaur_, Napoleon's

cutter, a savages' canoe and some designs of ships drawn in chalk on

the black-board of the school of the Naval Guard.

A Frenchman coming from Prague to Venice and expecting the mother of

Henry V. must needs be touched at seeing the armour of Henry IV. in

the Venice Arsenal. The sword which the Bearnese wore at the Battle of

Ivry[113] used to be joined to that armour: that sword is no longer

there.

By a decree of the Grand Council of Venice, dated 3 April 1600:

"_Enrico di Borbone IV., re di Francia e di Navarra, con li

figluoli e discenditi suoi, sia annumerato tra il nobli di questio

nostro maggior consiglio._"

Charles X., Louis XIX. and Henry V., descendants of "Enrico di

Borbone," are therefore nobles of the Republic of Venice, which no

longer exists, even as they are Kings of France in Bohemia, even as

they are canons of St. John Lateran in Rome, and always by right of

Henry IV.; I have represented them in this last quality: they have lost

their president's cap and their amice, and I have lost my embassy. And

yet I was so well off in my stall in St. John Lateran! What a beautiful

church! What a beautiful sky! What admirable music! Those songs have

lasted longer than my grandeurs and those of my Canon-King.

My glory annoyed me greatly at the Arsenal; it shines on my

forehead unknown to myself: Field-marshal Pallucci, Admiral and

Commandant-General of the Navy, recognised me by my horns of fire. He

hastened up to me, himself showed me several curiosities and then,

excusing himself for his inability to accompany me any longer, because

of a council over which he had to preside, he placed me in the hands of

a superior officer.

We met the captain of the frigate which was on the point of sailing.

He accosted me without ceremony and said to me, with that sailor's

frankness which I like so much:

"Monsieur le vicomte"--as though he had known me all his life--"have

you any message for America?"

"No, captain: be sure to give her my compliments; it is long since I

saw her!"

I cannot see a vessel without dying of longing to go with her: if I

were free, the first ship sailing for the Indies would have a chance of

carrying me away. How I regretted not to have been able to accompany

Captain Parry[114] to the Arctic regions! My life is at its ease only

in the midst of the clouds and the seas: I always cherish the hope that

it will disappear under a sail. The weighty years which we heave into

the waves of time are not anchors: they do not delay our course.

[Sidenote: The Isola di San Cristoforo.]

VENICE, _September_ 1833.

In the Arsenal, I was not far from the Isola di San Cristoforo, which

serves to-day as a cemetery. This island used to contain a convent of

Capuchins; the convent has been pulled down and its site is nothing

more than a square enclosure. The tombs are not very many in number, or

at least they are not raised above the level and grassy ground. Against

the west wall are fixed five or six stone monuments; little black

wooden crosses, with a white date, are scattered about the enclosure:

that is how they now bury the Venetians whose forefathers rest in the

mausoleums of the Frari and Santi Giovanni e Paolo. Society, as it

grows larger, has humbled itself: democracy has overtaken death.

On the edge of the cemetery, on the east side, one sees the vaults of

the Schismatic Greeks and those of the Protestants; they are separated

from each other by a wall and again separated from the Catholic burials

by another wall: sad dissents whose memory is perpetuated in the asylum

where all quarrels end! Close by the Greek cemetery is another recess

which protects a hole into which the still-born children are thrown

to Limbo. Happy creatures! You have passed from the darkness of the

maternal womb into everlasting darkness, without going through the

light!

Near this hole lie bones dug into the ground like roots, as each new

grave is cleared: some, the older ones, are white and dry; others, more

recently disinterred, are yellow and damp. Lizards run about those

remains, glide in between the teeth, through the eyes and nostrils,

come out through the mouth and ears of the skulls, their houses or

nests. Three or four butterflies hovered over the mallow-flowers

entwined with those bones, an image of the soul under that sky which

resembles that under which the story of Psyche was invented. One skull

still had a few hairs of the same shade as my own. Poor old gondolier!

Did you at least steer your bark better than I have steered mine?

A common grave remains open in the enclosure; they had just lowered

a physician beside his old practice. His black coffin was covered

with earth only at the top and its naked side awaited the side of

another dead man to warm it Antonio had stuffed his wife in there, a

fortnight ago, and it was the defunct doctor who had dispatched her:

Antonio blessed a requiting and avenging God and bore his misfortune

patiently. The coffins of private individuals are taken to that dismal

dwelling-place in private gondolas, followed by a priest in another

gondola. As the gondolas look like hearses, they suit the ceremony. A

larger wherry, an "omnibus" of Cocytus, performs the service of the

hospitals. Thus we find renewed the Egyptian burials and the fables of

Charon and his ferry-boat.

In the cemetery beside Venice stands an octagonal chapel dedicated to

St. Christopher[115]. This saint, taking a child on his shoulders at

the ford of a river, found it heavy; now the child was the Son of Mary,

who holds the globe in His hand: the altar-picture represents this fair

adventure.

And I too have tried to carry a child-king, but I did not perceive that

he was sleeping in his cradle with ten centuries: a load too heavy for

my arms.

I observed in the chapel a wooden candle-stick: the taper was

extinguished; a holy-water font for blessing the burials; and a

little book: _Pars Ritualis Romani pro usu ad exsequianda corpora

defunctorum_; when we are already forgotten, Religion, our immortal and

never wearied kinswoman, mourns us and follows us: _exsequor fugam._ A

tinder-box contained a steel; God alone disposes of the spark of life.

Two quatrains written on common paper were fastened up on the inner

panels of two of the three doors of the building:

Quivi dell' uom le frali spoglie ascoce

Pallida morte, O passegier, t'addita, etc.

The only somewhat striking tomb in the cemetery was raised in advance

by a woman who subsequently delayed eighteen years in dying: the

inscription informs us of this circumstance; thus this woman for

eighteen years hoped in vain for her sepulchre. What sorrow nourished

this hope within her?

On a little black wooden cross appears this other inscription:

VIRGINIA ACERBI, ANNO 72, 1824.

MORTA NEL BACIO DEL SIGNORE.

The years are harsh to a fair Venetian woman.

[Sidenote: San Michele di Murano.]

Antonio said to me:

"When this cemetery is full, they will give it a rest and bury the dead

in the Isola di San Michele di Murano[116]."

The expression was a correct one: when the harvest is gathered, one

lets the soil lie fallow and ploughs other furrows elsewhere.

VENICE, _September_ 1833.

We have been to see that other field awaiting the Great Husbandman.

San Michele di Murano is a smiling monastery with a graceful church,

porticoes and a white cloister. The windows of the convent give a view,

over the porticoes, of Venice and the lagoons; a garden filled with

flowers meets the turf whose compost is still being prepared under the

fresh-coloured skin of some young girl. This charming retreat is given

over to Franciscans; it would better suit nuns singing like the little

pupils of Rousseau's _Scuole_:

"How happy are they," says Manzoni, "who have taken the holy veil

before fixing their eyes on a man's face."

Give me, I entreat you, a cell here in which to finish my Memoirs.

Fra Paolo[117] is buried at the entrance to the church; that seeker

after noise must be very wroth at the silence that surrounds him.

Pellico, when sentenced to death, was lodged at San Michele before

being transported to the fortress of the Spielberg. The president of

the tribunal before which Pellico appeared takes the poet's place at

San Michele; he is buried in the cloister; he will not leave that

prison.

Not far from the tomb of the magistrate is that of a foreign woman

married at the age of twenty-two years, in the month of January; she

died in the month of February following. She did not want to go beyond

the honeymoon; her epitaph says:

CI REVEDREMO.

If it were true!

Back, that doubt; back, the thought that no anguish rends annihilation!

Atheist, when death buries its nails into your heart, who knows but

that, in the last moment of consciousness, before the destruction

of the _ego_, you will feel an atrocity of pain capable of filling

eternity, an immensity of suffering of which a human being can have no

idea in the circumscribed limits of time! Ah yes, _ci revedremo!_

I was too near the island and town of Murano not to visit the factories

whence came the mirrors in my mother's room at Combourg[118]. I did not

see those factories, which are now closed; but they spun out before my

eyes, like the thread of our frail lives, a slender cord of glass: it

was of that glass that the bead was made that hung from the nose of the

little Iroquois at the Falls of Niagara: the hand of a Venetian girl

had rounded off the ornament of a savage girl[119].

I met a finer sight than Mila. A woman was carrying a swaddled child;

the delicate complexion, the captivating glance of that Muranese are

idealized in my memory. She looked sad and preoccupied. Had I been

Lord Byron, this would have been a favourable opportunity for making

an experiment with seduction on poverty; a little money goes a long

way here. Then I should have played the desperate solitary beside

the waves, intoxicated with my success and my genius. Love seems a

different thing to me: I have lost sight of René since many a year; but

I doubt if he sought the secret of his pains in his pleasures.

Every day, after my excursions, I sent to the post, but there was

nothing there: Count Griffi did not reply from Florence; the public

papers permitted to exist in this land of independence would not

have dared to state that a traveller had alighted at the White Lion.

Venice, where the gazettes[120] were born, is reduced to reading the

placards which advertise on the same bill the opera of the day and the

Exposition of the Blessed Sacrament. The Alduses[121] will not come

forth from their tombs to embrace, in my person, the defender of the

liberty of the press. I had therefore to wait Returning to my inn, I

dined and amused myself with the company of the gondoliers stationed,

as I have said, under my window at the entrance to the Grand Canal.

[Sidenote: The gondoliers.]

The gaiety of those sons of Nereus never forsakes them: clothed by

the sun, they are fed by the sea. They do not lie about idly like the

_lazzaroni_ in Naples: ever stirring, they are sailors who lack ships

and work, but who would still carry on the trade of the world and win

the Battle of Lepanto, if the days of Venetian liberty and glory were

not past.

At six o'clock in the morning, they come to their gondolas, fastened

to posts with their prows aground. Then they begin to scrape and wash

their _barchette_ at the _Traghetti_, just as dragoons curry, brush and

sponge their horses on picket. The ticklish sea-horse is restive and

refuses to stand still under the movements of its horseman, who draws

water in a wooden vessel and pours it over the sides and into the well

of the craft. He several times repeats the aspersion, taking care to

discard the water from the surface of the sea in order to obtain the

cleaner water below. Then he scrubs the oars, polishes the brasses

and the glass of the little black deck-house, dusts the cushions and

carpets and rubs up the iron head of the prow. The whole is not done

without a few words of humour or affection addressed, in the pretty

Venetian dialect, to the skittish or docile gondola.

When the gondola's toilet is completed, the gondolier proceeds to make

his own. He combs his hair, shakes out his jacket and his blue, red

or grey cap, washes his face, feet and hands. His wife, daughter or

mistress brings him a bowl containing a mess of vegetables, bread and

meat. Breakfast over, each gondolier awaits Fortune, singing: he has

her before his eyes, one foot in the air, holding out her scarf to the

wind and serving as a weather-cock, at the top of the monument of the

Dogana di Mare. Does she give the signal? The favoured gondolier, with

oar upraised, starts out at the back of his craft, even as Achilles

used to fly in former days, or as one of Franconi's[122] circus-riders

gallops to-day on the crupper of a fiery steed. The gondola, shaped

like a skate, glides over the water as over ice: "_Sia, stati! Sta

longo!_" that does for the whole day. Then night comes, and the _calle_

will see my gondolier singing and drinking with his _zitella_ the

half-sequin which I leave him, as I go off most certainly to replace

Henry V. on the throne.

VENICE, _September_ 1833.

I was trying to find out, when I woke, why I liked Venice so much,

when I suddenly remembered that I was in Brittany: it was the force of

kindred that found utterance within me. Was there not, in Cæsar's

time, in Armorica, a country of the Veneti[123]: _civitas Venetorum,

civitas Venetica?_ Has not Strabo "said that they said" that the

Veneti[124] were the descendants of the Veneti of Gaul?

It has been contradictorily held that the fishermen of Morbihan were

a colony of the _pescatori_ of Palestrina: Venice, then, would be the

mother and not the daughter of Vannes[125]. One can reconcile this by

supposing, which for that matter is very probable, that Vannes and

Venice were mutually brought to bed of one another. I therefore look

upon the Venetians as Bretons; the gondoliers and I are cousins, sprung

from the horn of Gaul: _cornu Galliæ._[126]

[Sidenote: On the Riva degli Schiavoni.]

Delighted with this thought, I went to breakfast in a café on the

Riva degli Schiavoni. The bread was new, the tea scented, the cream

as in Brittany, the butter as in the Prévalais; for butter, thanks to

the progress of enlightenment, has improved everywhere: I have eaten

excellent butter at Granada. The bustle of a harbour always delights

me: barge-masters were picnicking; vendors of fruit and flowers offered

me lemons, grapes and nosegays; fishermen got ready their tartans;

naval cadets, stepping into a long-boat, went off to their lessons in

naval tactics on board the flag-ship; gondolas were taking passengers

to the Trieste steam-boat. Yet it was that same Trieste which was like

to have had me cut down on the steps of the Tuileries by Bonaparte,

as he threatened when, in 1807, I took it upon myself to write in the

_Mercure_:

"It was reserved for us to find at the back of the Adriatic the

tomb of two king's daughters[127] whose funeral oration we had

heard delivered in an attic in London. Ah, at least the grave

that holds those noble ladies will have once heard its silence

broken; the sound of a Frenchman's foot-steps will have made

two Frenchwomen start in their coffins! The respects of a poor

gentleman, at Versailles, would have been nothing to princesses;

the prayer of a Christian, on foreign soil, will perhaps have been

agreeable to saints."

Some few years, it seems to me, have passed, since I began to serve the

Bourbons: they have enlightened my fidelity, but they will not tire it

I am breakfasting on the Riva degli Schiavoni, while waiting for the

exile.

VENICE, _September_ 1833.

From the little table at which I sit, my eyes wander over all the

roads: a breeze from the offing cools the air; the tide is rising; a

three-master is coming in. The Lido on one side, the Doge's Palace on

the other, the lagoons in the middle: that is the picture. It is from

this port that so many glorious fleets set sail; old Dandolo sallied

forth in all the pomp of naval chivalry, of which Villehardouin[128],

who began our language and our Memoirs, has left us a description:

"And when the ships were laden with arms, and meats, and knights, and

sergeants, and the shields were arrayed all round in the form of a

frieze, and the banners waved, of which there were so many fair ones,

never did fairer fleets sail from any port."

The morning scene in Venice also puts me in mind of the story of

Captain Olivet and Zulietta, which was so well told:

"The gondola lay to, and I saw a dazzlingly beautiful young woman

step out, coquettishly dressed and very nimble. In three bounds

she was in the cabin and seated at my side, before I perceived

that a place had been laid for her. She was a brunette of twenty

years at the most, as charming as she was lively. She could speak

only Italian; her accent alone would have been enough to turn my

head. While eating and chatting, she fixed her eyes on me and then,

exclaiming, 'Holy Virgin! O my dear Brémond, how long it is since I

saw you!1 she threw herself into my arms, sealed her lips to mine

and pressed me almost to suffocation. Her large, black, Oriental

eyes darted shafts of fire into my heart; and although surprise

at first diverted my senses, my amorous feelings very rapidly

overcame me.... She told us that I was the image of M. de Brémond,

the director of the Tuscan custom-house; that she had been madly

in love with this M. de Brémond; that she was still madly in love

with him; that she had left him because she was a fool; that she

took me in his place; that she wanted to love me, since it suited

her; that, for the same reason, I must love her as long as it

suited her; and that, when she left me in the lurch, I must bear it

patiently as her dear Brémond had done. No sooner said than done....

"In the evening, we escorted her back to her apartments. While we

were talking, I noticed two pistols on her dressing-table.

"'Ah, ah!' said I, taking one up, 'here is a patch-box of a new

construction; may I ask what it is used for?'

"She said, with an ingenuous pride which made her still more

charming:

"'When I am complaisant to those whom I do not love, I make them

pay for the weariness they cause me: nothing can be fairer; but,

although I endure their caresses, I will not endure their insults,

and I shall not miss the first man who shall be wanting in respect

to me.'

'When I left her, I made an appointment for the next day. I did not

keep her waiting. I found her _in vestito di confidenza_, in a more

than wanton undress, which is known only in southern countries and

which I will not amuse myself with describing, although I remember

it too well.... I had no idea of the delights that awaited me.

I have spoken of Madame de Larnage, in the transports which the

recollection of her still sometimes awakens in me; but how old,

ugly, and cold she was, compared with my Zulietta! Do not attempt

to imagine the charms and graces of this bewitching girl; you would

be too far from the truth. The young virgins of the cloister are

not so fresh, the beauties of the harem are not so lively, the

houris of paradise are not so piquant.[129]"

This adventure ended with an eccentricity on the part of Rousseau and

Zulietta's phrase:

"_Lascia le donne e studia la matematica._"

[Sidenote: Zulietta, Margherita Cogni.]

Lord Byron also gave up his life to paid Venuses: he filled the

Mocenigo Palace with those Venetian beauties, who had " taken refuge,"

according to him, "under the _fazzioli._" Sometimes, perturbed by a

feeling of shame, he fled, and spent the night on the water in his

gondola. He had, as his favourite sultana, Margherita Cogni, surnamed,

from her husband's condition, the Fornarina[130]:

"Very dark, tall"--it is Lord Byron who speaks--"the Venetian face,

very fine black eyes. She was two-and-twenty years old....

"In the autumn, one day, going to the Lido... we were overtaken

by a heavy squall. . . . . . . ....On our return, after a tight

struggle, I found Margarita on the open steps of the Mocenigo

Palace, on the Grand Canal, with her great black eyes flashing

through her tears, and the long dark hair, which was streaming,

drenched with rain, over her brows and breast. She was perfectly

exposed to the storm; and the wind blowing her hair and dress about

her thin tall figure, and the lightning flashing round her, and

the waves rolling at her feet, made her look like Medea alighted

from her chariot, or the sybil of the tempest that was rolling

around her, the only living thing within hail at that moment except

ourselves. On seeing me safe, she did not wait to greet me.... but

calling out to me, '_Ah! can' della Madonna, ne este il tempo per

andar' al' Lido!_--Ah! dog of the Virgin, is this a time to go to

the Lido?' ran into the house," etc.

In these two stories of Rousseau and Byron, one feels the difference

in social position, character and education between the two men.

Through the charm of the style of the author of the _Confessions_ peeps

something vulgar, cynical, in bad form, in bad taste; the obscenity of

expression peculiar to that period still further spoils the picture.

Zulietta is superior to her lover in elevation of feeling and in

habitual elegance: it is almost a fine lady smitten with the puny

secretary of a paltry ambassador[131]. The same inferiority appears

again when Rousseau arranges to bring up, with his friend Carrio, at

their common expense, a little girl of eleven years whose favours, or

rather whose tears, they were to share.

Lord Byron bears himself differently: he shines forth with the manners

and the fatuousness of the aristocracy; a peer of Great Britain,

playing with the woman of the people whom he has seduced, he raises her

to himself by his caresses and the magic of his talent Byron arrived

in Venice rich and famous: Rousseau landed there poor and unknown;

everybody knows the palace that blabbed the errors of the noble heir of

the English commodore[132]: no _cicerone_ could point out to you the

house in which the plebeian son of the humble clock-maker of Geneva hid

his pleasures. Rousseau does not even speak of Venice; he seems to have

lived in it without seeing it: Byron has sung it admirably[133].

You have seen in these Memoirs what I have said of the relations

of imagination and destiny that seem to have existed between the

historian of _René_ and the poet of _Childe Harold._ Here I point to

another of those conjunctures so nattering to my pride. Does not the

dark-haired Fornarina of Lord Byron bear a certain family likeness to

the fair-haired Velléda of the _Martyrs_, her elder?

[Sidenote: Velléda.]

"'Hidden among the rocks, I waited some time, but nothing appeared.

Suddenly, my ear was struck by sounds which the wind carried to

me from the middle of the lake. I listened and distinguished the

accents of a human voice; at the same time I discovered a skiff

poised on the crest of a wave; it came down again, disappeared

between two billows, and then showed itself once more on the

summit of a heavy swell; it approached the shore. A woman was

steering; she sang as she struggled against the storm and seemed

to sport amidst the winds: one would have thought that they were

in her power, from the manner in which she seemed to defy them. I

saw her throw into the lake by turns, as a sacrifice, pieces of

linen, sheep's fleeces, cakes of wax and little gold and silver

grindstones.

"Soon she touched land, sprang on shore, fastened her bark to the

trunk of a willow and darted into the wood, leaning on the poplar

oar which she held in her hand. She passed quite close to me

without seeing me. Her figure was tall; a dark, short, sleeveless

tunic scarce served to veil her nudity. She carried a golden sickle

slung from a brass girdle and her head was encircled with an oaken

branch. The whiteness of her arms and complexion, her blue eyes,

her rosy lips, her long fair hair that waved dishevelled in the

air bespoke the daughter of the Gauls and contrasted, by their

gentleness, with her proud and fierce gait She sang words full of

terror in a melodious voice, and her uncovered breast rose and fell

like the foam of the waves[134].'"

I should blush to show myself between Byron and Jean-Jacques, without

knowing what place posterity will award me, if these Memoirs were to

appear during my life; but, when they see the light, I shall have gone

and for all time, like my illustrious predecessors, to a distant shore;

my shade will be delivered to the breath of opinion, vain and light

like the little that will remain of my ashes.

Rousseau and Byron had one feature in common in Venice: neither showed

any feeling for the arts. Rousseau, who had wonderful gifts for music,

does not seem to know that, near Zulietta, there existed pictures,

statues, monuments; and yet with what charm do those master-pieces mate

with love, whose object they divine and whose flame they increase! As

to Lord Byron, he "loathes the infernal din" of Rubens' colours, he

"spits upon" all the pictures of saints with which the churches are

glutted; he never met a picture or statue coming within a league of

his thought. He prefers to those deceitful arts the beauty of a few

mountains, a few seas, a few horses, a certain Morean lion and a tiger

which he saw supping in Exeter Change. Is there not a little prejudice

in all this?

Que d'affectation et de forfanterie[135]!

VENICE, _September_ 1833.

But what, then, is this town in which all the lofty intelligences have

arranged to meet? Some have visited it themselves; others have sent

their Muses there. Something would have been lacking to the immortality

of those talents, if they had not hung pictures on that temple of

voluptuousness and glory. Without again recalling the great poets of

Italy, the geniuses of the whole of Europe placed their creations

there: there breathed Shakespeare's Desdemona, very different from

Rousseau's Zulietta and Byron's Margherita, that chaste Venetian who

declares her love to Othello:

And bade me, if I had a friend that lov'd her,

I should but teach him how to tell my story,

And that would woo her[136].

There appeared Otway's[137] Belvidera, who says to Jaffeir:

Oh smile, as when our loves were in their spring.

. . . . . . . . .

Oh lead me to some desert wide and wild,

Barren as our misfortunes, where my soul

May have its vent, where I may tell aloud

To the high heavens, and every list'ning planet,

With what a boundless stock my bosom's fraught;

Where I may throw my eager arms about thee,

Give loose to love, with kisses kindling joy,

And let off all the fire that's in my heart[138].

Goethe, in our time, has celebrated Venice, and the gentle Marot[139],

who first made his voice heard at the awakening of the French Muses,

took refuge in Titian's native place. Montesquieu wrote:

"Although one had seen all the cities of the world, there might

still be a surprise in store for him in Venice[140]."

When, in too undraped a picture, the author of the _Lettres persanes_

depicts a Mussulman woman surrendered in Paradise to two "heavenly

men," does he not seem to have painted the courtezan of Rousseau's

_Confessions_ and her of Byron's Memoirs? Was not I, between my two

Floridans, like Anaïs between her two angels[141]? But the "painted

girls" and I were not immortal.

[Sidenote: And Corinne.]

Madame de Staël gives Venice over to the inspiration of Corinne: the

latter hears the sound of the cannon that announces "the obscure

sacrifice of a young girl[142] ...a solemn counsel, which a woman

resigned to her fate gives to those who still struggle with destiny."

...Corinne climbs to the top of the tower of St. Mark's, contemplates

the city and the waves, turns her eyes towards Greece "enveloped in

clouds;" at night she sees "nothing but the reflection of the lanterns

which light the gondolas:" they give her the idea of "spectres gliding

upon the water, guided by a little star[143]."

Oswald departs; Corinne darts out of the room to recall him: "The rain

then fell in torrents, a most violent wind arose;" Corinne descends to

the banks of the canal:

"The night was so dark that not a single bark was to be seen....

Corinne called to the gondoliers, who took her cries for those

of some wretch drowning in the tempest; nevertheless none dared

approach to offer assistance, so formidable were the waves of the

Grand Canal[144]."

There again you have Lord Byron's Margherita.

I find an unspeakable pleasure in meeting the masterpieces of those

great masters in the very place for which they were made. I breathe

freely in the midst of the immortal band, like a humble traveller

admitted to the hospitable hearth of a rich and beautiful family.

[60] This book was written on the road from Paris to Venice, between

the 7th and 10th of September 1833, and in Venice, from the 10th to the

15th of September 1833.--T.

[61] Salins suffered from a terrible conflagration in 1825. It was

rebuilt, with regular streets, by public subscription.--T.

[62] Pierre Joseph Thoulier, Abbé d'Olivet (1682-1768) was born at

Salins, on the Furieuse, a tributary of the Loire. He first joined the

Jesuits, where he was known as the Père Thoulier, but soon left the

Company, in order to follow a literary career. Meantime Voltaire had

been his pupil at the college of Louis-le-Grand. He became a member of

the French Academy in 1723; Voltaire in 1746. D'Olivet is the author

of an _Histoire de l'Académie française_, up to 1700, and of several

important grammatical works and translations, and he worked much on the

Dictionary of the French Academy.--T.

[63] Mirabeau was imprisoned in the Castle of Joux, at his father's

instance, in 1775; Toussaint-Louverture (_cf._ Vol. III., p. 191,

n. 3) died there on the 27th of April 1803, after a ten months'

confinement--T.

[64] _Cf._ Vol. II., pp. 246-250.--T.

[65] "When, on the 7th of August 1814, the Bull of _Sollicitudo

omnium ecclesiarum_, came to sanction the work of restoration of the

Company of Jesus, the primitive cantons of Switzerland did not remain

insensible to the joys of Catholicism. Ignace Brocard, Jacques Roh,

Gaspard Rothenflue and several of their fellow-countrymen enlisted

under the banner of the newly-reinstated Order. The Valais gave back to

the Jesuits their old college of Brigg." (CRÉTINEAU-JOLY, _Histoire du

Sunderbund_, Vol. I., p. 428.)--B.

[66] _Dies Iræ_, Stanza 5:

Liber seri plus proferetur,

In quo totum continetur,

Unde mundus judicetur.--T.

[67] Francis I. lived till 1835.--T.

[68] Charles X. lived till 1836.--T.

[69] Ferdinand III. Grand-duke of Tuscany (1769-1824). _Vide supra_ p.

12, n. 1.--T.

[70] Charles Felix I. King of Sardinia (1765-1831) succeeded to the

throne on the abdication of his brother, Victor Emanuel I., in 1821,

the year before the Congress of Verona.--T.

[71] Pierre François Hercule Comte de Serre (1777-1822). He died as

Ambassador to Naples.--T.

[72] Vincenzo Scamozzi (1552-1616), the architect of many of the finest

buildings in North Italy.--T.

[73] Niccola Pisano (_circa_ 1206-1278), one of the greatest Italian

architects.--T.

[74] And not Signor Procurante, as the earlier editions of the Memoirs

have it.--T.

[75] VOLTAIRE: _Candide, ou l'Optimisme_, Part I., Chap. XXV.: _Candid

and Martin pay a Visit to Seignor Pococurante, a Noble Venetian._--T.

[76] Philippe de Comines (_circa_ 1445-1511), the statesman and

historian, author of the valuable _Cronique et hystoire faicte et

composée par messire Philippe de Comines._--T.

[77] JACOPO SANNAZARO.--_Author's Note._

[78] GABRIELLO CHIABRERA, _Canzoni eroiche_, III.: _Per Vittorio

Cappello, Generale de' Veneziani nella Morea_, 10-12.--T.

[79] Pierre Luc Charles Cicéri (1782-1868), a famous French

scene-painter, who executed numbers of stage-scenes for the Royal

Academy of Music, or grand Opera-house, in Paris.--B.

[80] Giorgio Barbarelli (_circa_ 1477-1511), known as Giorgione,

the great Venetian colourist and pupil of Giovanni Bellini (_vide

infra._)--T.

[81] Paolo Cagliari (1528-1588), of Verona, known as Paul Veronese, one

of the most celebrated painters of the Venetian School, went to Venice

in 1555 and remained there. He executed the decorations of the Library

of St. Mark in 1563 and the ceiling of the council-chamber in the

Palace of the Doges in 1577.--T.

[82] Jacopo Robusti (1518-1594), called Tintoretto from the trade of

his father, a dyer, received his first important order in 1546, for the

decoration of Santa Maria dell' Orto. In 1560, he began to paint the

Scuola di San Rocco and the Doges' Palace and, in the same year, seems

to have taken Titian's place as Court painter to the Doges.--T.

[83] Giovanni Bellini (_post_1427-1516), the founder of the Venetian

School of painting and the greatest of the fifteenth-century artists.

Titian and Giorgione were both his pupils.--T.

[84] Paride Bordone (_circa_ 1500-1571), one of Titian's greatest

pupils.--T.

[85] Jacopo Palma the Elder( _circa_ 1480-1528) and Jacopo Palma the

Younger (_circa_ 1544-1628), uncle and nephew.--T.

[86] Francesco Petrarca (1304-1374) settled in Venice and presented the

city with his library (1362).--T.

[87] George Gemistus Pletho (_b._ 1390), the celebrated Byzantine

Platonic philosopher and scholar.--T.

[88] Johannes Cardinal Bessarion (1395-1472), Archbishop of Nicæa

(1437), a cardinal (1439), Archbishop of Siponto and Bishop of Sabina

and Tusculum, and Patriarch of Constantinople (1463). Bessarion was a

disciple of Plethon and author of, among many other works of Platonic

philosophy, the famous _Adversus Calumniatorem Platonis_ (1469).--T.

[89] Or Acre: 1104.--T.

[90] 1176.--T.

[91] 1124.--T.

[92] 10 October 1571.--T.

[93] The so-called Grand Sanhedrim of 1806 was a council summoned

by Napoleon for the 20th of October of that year, consisting of

representatives of the chief synagogues of France, Italy and Europe.

The object of its deliberations was to point out to the Government

means of enabling the Jews to participate in the civil and political

rights of England, by modifying such of their habits and doctrines as

kept them isolated from their fellow-citizens. The sittings of the

Grand Sanhedrim, which consisted of 71 members, opened on the 9th of

February and ended on the 9th of March 1807. The most notable clause,

from Napoleon's point of view, in the solemn public declaration issued

on the latter date, is that dispensing Jews who are performing military

service from all religious observances that are irreconcilable with

such military service.--T.

[94] Leopoldo Conte Cicognara (1767-1834), a distinguished diplomatist

and antiquarian. He became President of the Academy of Fine Arts of

Venice in 1812. His principal work, the _Storia della Scultura_, was

published in 1813-1818.--T.

[95] It is clear to my eyes that the ogive, whose so-called mysterious

origin men go so far to seek, was born casually of the intersection

of two semicircular arches; therefore it is found everywhere. Later

architects have done no more than release it from the designs in which

it originally figured.--_Author's Note._

[96] See the previous note.--_Author's Note._

[97] Bartolommeo Gamba (1780-1841), a learned Italian bibliographer and

biographer. His chief work is the _Serie dell' Edizioni dei Testi di

Lingua Italiana_ (1812-1828).--T.

[98] Fra Mauro (_fl._ 15th Century), a monk of the Camaldule Order, who

drew his famous map of the world between 1457 and 1459.--T.

[99] Here for instance, is Charles Dickens' lurid description of the

_Pozzi_, or Prisons, which he pretends to see in a dream:

"I descended from the cheerful day into two ranges, one below

another, of dismal, awful, horrible stone cells. They were quite

dark. Each had a loophole in its massive wall, where, in the

old time, every day a torch was placed--I dreamed--to light the

prisoners within, for half an hour. The captives, by the glimmering

of these brief rays, had scratched and cut inscriptions in the

blackened vaults. I saw them. For their labour with the rusty

nail's point had outlived their agony and them, through many

generations.

"One cell I saw in which no man remained for more than

four-and-twenty hours; being marked for dead before he entered

it. Hard by another, and a dismal one, whereto, at midnight, the

Confessor came--a monk brown-robed and hooded--ghastly in the day

and free bright air, but in the midnight of that murky prison,

Hope's extinguisher and Murder's herald. I had my foot upon the

spot where, at the same dread hour, the shriven prisoner was

strangled; and struck my hand upon the guilty door--low-browed

and stealthy--through which the lumpish sack was carried out into

a boat, and rowed away, and drowned where it was death to cast a

net." (_Pictures from Italy: An Italian Dream._)--T.

[100]

. . . . . . "Into that hideous den,

With one blow of the axe, admitted light again."--T.

[101] Silvio Pellico (1788-1854) was imprisoned in Milan and Venice

from 1820 to 1822 and at the Spielberg, near Brünn, from 1822 to

1830. His _Mie Prigioni_ had only lately been published (1833)

and Chateaubriand was much struck with them. During his previous

journey to Italy, in a letter dated Basle, 17 May 1833, he wrote to

Madame Récamier:

"Here I am at Basle, safe and sound. You have seen that fine river

pass which is going, for a moment, to bring news of me to you in

France. Travelling always gives me back my strength, sentiment and

thought; I am very busy writing _a new prologue to a_ BOOK. I nave

read the whole of Pellico, cursorily. I am delighted with it; I

should like to write an account of that work, the saintliness of

which will prevent its success with our revolutionaries, who are

free after Fouché's fashion. Are you not enchanted with _Zanze

sotto i Piombi?_ And the little deaf-and-dumb person? And Schiller,

the old gaoler, and the religious conversations through the

window, and our poor Maroncelli? And that poor young wife of the

_sopr'intendente_, who dies so sweetly? And the return to beautiful

Italy?"--B.

[102] Bruno, near which the Spielberg stands, is the capital of

Moravia.--T.

[103] Maria Christina Josephs Johanna Antonia of Austria, Duchess of

Saxe-Teschen (1742-1798), married to Albert Duke of Saxe-Teschen in

1766. The Archduchess Maria Christina's monument, by Canova, is in the

church of the Augustines in Vienna.--T.

[104] Titian's _Assumption_, one of the most renowned of existing

pictures, was discovered by Count Cicognara in the church of the Frari,

for which it had been painted as an altar-piece. It was restored and

removed to the _Accademia di Belle Arti_, where it still hangs.--T.

[105] Thomas Bruce, seventh Earl of Elgin and eleventh Earl of

Kincardine (1766-1841) was British Envoy to Constantinople from 1799

to 1802. Between 1801 and 1803, he removed to England from Athens the

so-called Elgin marbles, comprising the bulk of the surviving plastic

decoration of the Parthenon, executed under the direction of Phidias

about 440 B.C. These stolen goods were purchased by the nation in 1816

and are now in the British Museum.--T.

[106] Tommaso Mocenigo, Doge from 1414 to 1423; Giovanni Mocenigo, Doge

from 1475 to 1485; and Luigi Mocenigo, Doge from 1570 to 1577, are all

buried in Santi Giovanni e Paolo.--T.

[107] Michele Morosini, Doge of Venice for a few months in 1382.--T.

[108] Andrea Vendramin, Doge of Venice (_d._ 1478), became Doge in

1476.--T.

[109] Seventeen doges in all are buried in Santi Giovanni e Paolo or

"Zanipolo," as the Venetians pronounce it.--B..

[110] Marco Antonio Bragadino (_d._ 1571), flayed alive by the Turks

after his valiant defense of Famagusta, in Cyprus.--T.

[111] Angelo Emo (1731-1792), the last of the Venetian admirals. He

bombarded Tunis and forced it to sign a truce with the Republic--T.

[112] Cary's DANTE: _Hell_, Canto XXI. 7-15.--T.

[113] Henry IV. defeated the Leaguers at Ivry-la-Bataille on the 14th

of March 1590.--T.

[114] Sir William Edward Parry (1790-1855) started on his second polar

expedition in 1821 and his third in 1824. These two expeditions,

neither of which was specially successful, are referred to by

Chateaubriand on page 136 of Vol. I. of the Memoirs. A later

expedition, by way of Spitsbergen, was likewise unsuccessful. From 1823

to 1829, Parry was Acting Hydrographer to the Navy. In 1852, he was

made a rear-admiral and, in 1853, Governor of Greenwich Hospital.--T.

[115] St. Christopher (_fl._ 3rd Century) is said to have lived in

Syria and to have been of prodigious height and strength. As a penance

for having been a servant of the devil, he devoted himself to the

task of carrying pilgrims across a river where there was no bridge.

Christ came to the river one day in the form of a child and asked to be

carried over, but His weight grew heavier and heavier till His bearer

was nearly broken down in the midst of the stream. When they reached

the shore:

"Marvel not," said the Child, "for with Me thou hast borne the sins of

the world."

St. Christopher is usually represented as bearing the Infant Christ and

leaning upon a staff. He was martyred under the Emperor Decius _circa_

250. The Church celebrates the Feast of St. Christopher on the 25th of

July.--T.

[116] The Isola di San Michele contains the modern burying-ground of

Venice.--T.

[117] Pietro Paolo Sarpi (1552-1623), known as Fra Paola and surnamed

Servita, a noted Venetian historian, entered the Order of the Servites

in 1565. In 1570, he was made professor of philosophy in the Servite

Monastery in Venice. He was distinguished, in the controversy with Pope

Paul V. (1606-1607), as the champion of free thought. His chief work is

the _Istoria del Concilio di Trento_, published in London in 1619. Fra

Paolo was a member of the Council of Ten and consulting theologian to

the Venetian Republic.--T.

[118] _Cf._ VOL I., p. 76.--T.

[119] _Cf._ Vol. I., p. 236.--T.

[120] The _gazetta_ was a Venetian coin, worth about three farthings,

the sum charged for a reading of the first Venetian newspaper, a

written sheet which appeared about the middle of the sixteenth century

during the war with Soliman II.--T.

[121] Aldus Manutius (_circa_ 1450-1515), the celebrated printer

and founder of the Aldine Press in Venice; his son, Paulus Manutius

(1511-1574); and the latter's son, Aldus Manutius the Younger

(1547-1597). All three were distinguished Classical scholars as well as

noted printers.--T.

[122] Antonio Franconi (1738-1836), a native of Venice, began life as a

tumbler and travelling physician. Afterwards he instituted bull-fights

in Lyons and, later, at Bordeaux; and, lastly, went into partnership,

in 1783, with Astley, the English circus-proprietor, who had opened

a theatrical riding-school in Paris, and founded the circus which he

called the Cirque Olympique and which obtained a prodigious success.--T.

[123] The Veneti were an ancient Celtic people living in Brittany, near

the coast of the Bay of Biscay. They were subdued by Cæsar, after a

severe maritime war, in 56 B.C.--T.

[124] A people dwelling near the head of the Adriatic, between the Po

and the Adige.--T.

[125] Vannes, or, in Breton, Gwened is the capital of the Department

of Morbihan and is the ancient Civitas Venetorum, the capital of the

Veneti.--T.

[126] _Cornu Galliæ_, Cornouailles, Cornwall.--T.

[127] Madame Adélaïde (1732-1800) and Madame Victoire (1733-1799),

daughters of Louis XV.--T.

[128] Geoffroi de Villehardouin (_circa_ 1160--_circa_ 1215),

the author of a famous chronicle: _Histoire de la conquête de

Constantinople, ou Chronique des empereurs Baudouin et Henri de

Constantinople._ Villehardouin's Chronicle is not only trustworthy

from an historical point of view, but is even more deserving for

its literary excellence, while being one of the oldest monuments of

original French prose. The Fourth Crusade, in which Villehardouin took

part, left Venice in October 1203.--T.

[129] ROUSSEAU: _Confessions_, Part I., Book VII.--T.

[130] The baker's wife.--T.

[131] M. de Montaigu.--T.

[132] Hon. John Byron (1723-1786), second son of William fourth Lord

Byron and grand-father of the poet, entered the Navy as a boy. In 1764,

he was promoted to commodore and commanded two vessels in a voyage of

exploration round the world; he returned in 1766, having accomplished

little beyond some curious observations on the Indians of Patagonia

and the discovery of some small islands in the Pacific Ocean. He was

Governor of Newfoundland from 1769 to 1772; became a vice-admiral

in 1778; and on the 6th of July 1779 fought an engagement with the

French fleet off Grenada, in the West Indies, the result of which was

doubtful.--T.

[133] _Cf._ BYRON, _Childe Harold's Pilgrimage_, Canto IV.--T.

[134] CHATEAUBRIAND, _Les Martyrs_, Book IX.: _The Story of

Eudorus._--T.

[135] MOLIÈRE, _Tartufe_, Act III. Sc. ii.:

"What affectation and blind real is this!"--T.

[136] SHAKESPEARE: _Othello, the Moor of Venice_, Act I. Sc. iii.--T.

[137] Thomas Otway (1652-1685), the principal tragic poet of the

English classical school. The most famous of his tragedies, _Venice

Preserved_, from which the following quotation is taken, appeared in

1682.--T.

[138] OTWAY: _Venice Preserved, or The Plot Discovered_, Act I. Sc.

i.--T.

[139] Clément Marot (1497-1544), the poet, when compelled to fly from

France on account of his scandalous life, took refuge in Béarn (1535),

then at the Court of Ferrara, where he was secretary to Renée of

France, and, finally, in Venice (1536).--T.

[140] MONTESQUIEU: _Lettres persanes._ Letter XXXI.: _Rhédi à Usbek, à

Paris._--T.

[141] The incident of Anals will be found in the _Lettres persanes._

Letter CXLI.: _Rica à Usbek à <sup>***</sup>_--T.

[142] The cannon was fired when a nun took the veil.--T.

[143] _Corinne_: Book XV., Chaps, VII. and IX.--T.

[144] _Corinne_: Book XVI., Chap. III.--T.

The Memoirs of François René Vicomte de Chateaubriand sometime Ambassador to England. Volume 6 (of 6) Mémoires d'outre-tombe volume 6 · 第 2 / 8 章