[Importance of Chinese.] An important portion of the population
remains to be discussed, viz. the Chinese, who are destined to play a
remarkable part, inasmuch as the development of the land-cultivation
demanded by the increasing trade and commercial intercourse can be
affected only by Chinese industry and perseverance. Manila has always
been a favorite place for Chinese immigrants; and neither the hostility
of the people, nor oppressing and prohibitory decrees for a long time
by the Government, not even the repeated massacres, have been able
to prevent their coming. The position of the Islands, south-east of
two of the most important of the Chinese provinces, must necessarily
have brought about a trade between the two countries very early, as
ships can make the voyage in either direction with a moderate wind,
as well in the south-west as the north-east monsoon. [Early Chinese
Associations.] In a few old writers may even be found the assertion
that the Philippine Islands were at one time subject to the dominion of
China; and Father Gaubil (Lettres Edifiantes) mentions that Jaung-lo
(of the Ming dynasty) maintained a fleet consisting of 30,000 men,
which at different times proceeded to Manila. The presence of their
ships as early as the arrival of Magellan in the extreme east
of the archipelago, as well as the China plates and earthenware
vessels discovered in the excavations, plainly show that the trade
with China had extended far earlier to the most distant islands of
the archipelago. It formed the chief support of the young Spanish
colony, and, after the rise of the Encomiendas, was nearly the only
source of its prosperity. It was feared that the junks would offer
their cargoes to the Dutch if any obstacle was put in the way of
their coming to Manila. The colony certainly could not maintain its
position without the "Sangleys," [246] who came annually in great
numbers in the junks from China, and spread all over the country and
in the towns as [Industrial and commercial activity.] shopkeepers,
artisans, gardeners, and fishermen; besides which, they were the
only skillful and industrious workers, as the Filipinos under the
priestly domination had forgotten altogether many trades in which
they had engaged in former times. I take these facts from Morga.
[Unsuccessful attempts at restriction.] In spite of all this, the
Spaniards have, from the very commencement, endeavored rigorously to
limit the number of the Chinese; who were then, as they are now, envied
and hated by the natives for their industry, frugality, and cunning, by
which means they soon became rich. They were an abomination, moreover,
in the eyes of the priests as being irreclaimable heathens, whose
example prevented the natives from making progress in the direction
of Christianity; and the government feared them on account of the
strong bond of union existing between them, and as being subjects of
so powerful a nation, whose close proximity threatened the small body
of Spaniards with destruction. [247] Fortunately for the latter, the
Ming dynasty, which at that time was hastening to its downfall, did
not think of conquest; but wickedly disposed powers which sprang into
existence upon their downfall brought the colony into extreme danger.
[Limahong and the Mandarins' visit.] In the attack of the noted pirate,
Limahong, in 1574, they escaped destruction only by a miracle; and
soon new dangers threatened them afresh. In 1603 a few mandarins came
to Manila, under the pretence of ascertaining whether the ground
about Cavite was really of gold. They were supposed to be spies,
and it was concluded, from their peculiar mission, that an attack
upon the colony was intended by the Chinese.
[Early massacre of Chinese.] The archbishop and the priests incited
the distrust which was felt against the numerous Chinese who were
settled in Manila. Mutual hate and suspicion arose; both parties feared
one another and prepared for hostilities. The Chinese commenced the
attack; but the united forces of the Spaniards, being supported by
the Japanese and the Filipinos, twenty-three thousand, according
to other reports twenty-five thousand, of the Chinese were either
killed or driven into the desert. When the news of this massacre
reached China, a letter from the Royal Commissioners was sent to the
Governor of Manila. That noteworthy document shows in so striking a
manner how hollow the great government was at that time that I have
given a literal translation of it at the end of this chapter.
[Chinese laborers limited.] After the extermination of the Chinese,
food and all Chinese other necessaries of life were difficult to
obtain on account of the utter unreliability of the natives for work;
but by 1605 the number of Chinese [248] had again so increased that
a decree was issued limiting them to six thousand, "these to be
employed in the cultivation of the country;" while at the same time
their rapid increase was taken advantage of by the captain-general
for his own interest, as he exacted eight dollars from each Chinaman
for permission to remain. In 1539 the Chinese population had risen to
thirty thousand, according to other information, to forty thousand,
when they revolted and were reduced to seven thousand. "The natives,
who generally were so listless and indifferent, showed the utmost
eagerness in assisting in the [Another massacre.] massacre of the
Chinese, but more from hatred of this industrious people than from
any feeling of friendship towards the Spaniards." [249]
[The pirate Kog-seng.] The void occasioned by this massacre was
soon filled up again by Chinese immigrants; and in 1662 the colony
was once more menaced with a new and great danger, by the Chinese
pirate Kog-seng, who had under his command between eighty and one
hundred thousand men, and who already had dispossessed the Dutch
of the Island of Formosa. He demanded the absolute submission of
the Philippines; his sudden death, however, saved the colony, and
occasioned a fresh outbreak of fury against the Chinese settlers in
Manila, a great number of whom were butchered in their own "quarter"
(ghetto). [250] Some dispersed and hid themselves; a few in their
terror plunged into the water or hanged themselves; and a great number
fled in small boats to Formosa. [251]
[Another expulsion.] In 1709 the jealousy against the Chinese once
more had reached such a height that they were accused of rebellion,
and particularly of monopolizing the trades, and, with the exception
of the most serviceable of the artisans and such of them as were
employed by the Government, they were once again expelled. Spanish
writers praise the salutariness of these measures; alleging that
"under the pretence of agriculture the Chinese carry on trade; they
are cunning and careful, making money and sending it to China, so that
they defraud the Philippines annually of an enormous amount." Sonnerat,
however, complains that art, trade, and commerce had not recovered
from these severe blows; though, he adds, fortunately the Chinese,
in spite of prohibitory decrees, are returning through the corrupt
connivance of the governor and officials.
[Thrifty traders.] To the present day they are blamed as being
monopolists, particularly by the creoles; and certainly, by means
of their steady industry and natural commercial aptitude, they
have appropriated nearly all the retail trade to themselves. The
sale of European imported goods is entirely in their hands; and the
wholesale purchase of the produce of the country for export is divided
between the natives, creoles, and the Chinese, the latter taking about
one-half. Before this time only the natives and creoles were permitted
to own ships for the purpose of forwarding the produce to Manila.
In 1757 the jealousy of the Spaniards broke out again in the form
of a new order from Madrid, directing the expulsion of the Chinese;
and in 1759 the decrees of banishment, which were repeatedly evaded,
were carried into effect: but, as the private interests of the
officials did not happen to coincide with those of the creole traders,
the consequence was that "the Chinese soon streamed back again in
incredible numbers," and made common cause with the English upon
their invasion in 1762. [252] [Anda's and 1819 massacres.] Thereupon,
Sr. Anda commanded "that all the Chinese in the Philippine Islands
should be hanged," which order was very generally carried out. [253]
The last great Chinese massacre took place in 1819, when the aliens
were suspected of having brought about the cholera by poisoning
the wells. The greater part of the Europeans in Manila also fell
victims to the fury of the populace, but the Spaniards generally were
spared. The prejudice of the Spaniards, especially of the creoles,
had always been directed against the Chinese tradesmen, who interfered
unpleasantly with the fleecing of the natives; and against this class
in particular were the laws of limitation aimed. They would willingly
have let them develop the country by farming but the hostility of
the natives generally prevented this.
[Expulsion of merchants from Manila.] A decree, issued in 1804,
commanded all Chinese shopkeepers to leave Manila within eight days,
only those who were married being allowed to keep shops; and their
residence in the provinces was permitted only upon the condition
that they confined themselves entirely to agriculture. Magistrates
who allowed these to travel in their districts were fined $200; the
deputy-governor $25; and the wretched Chinese were punished with from
two to three years' confinement in irons.
In 1839 the penalties against the Chinese were somewhat mitigated,
but those against the magistrates were still maintained on account
of their venality. In 1843 Chinese ships were placed upon terms of
equality with those of other foreign countries (Leg. Ult., II.,
476). In 1850 Captain-General Urbiztondo endeavored to introduce
Chinese colonial farming, and with this object promised a reduction
of the taxes to all agricultural immigrants. Many Chinese availed
themselves of this opportunity in order to escape the heavy poll-tax;
but in general they soon betook themselves to trading once more.
[Oppressive taxation.] Of late years the Chinese have not suffered
from the terrible massacres which used formerly to overtake them;
neither have they suffered banishment; the officials being content to
suppress their activity by means of heavy and oppressive taxes. For
instance, at the end of 1867 the Chinese shopkeepers were annually
taxed $50 for permission to send their goods to the weekly market;
this was in addition to a tax of from $12 to $100 on their occupations;
and at the same time they were commanded thenceforth to keep their
books in Spanish (English Consular Report, 1859).
[Excellent element in population.] The Chinese remain true to their
customs and mode of living in the Philippines, as they do everywhere
else. When they outwardly embrace Christianity, it is done merely to
facilitate marriage, or from some motive conducive to their worldly
advantage; and occasionally they renounce it, together with their
wives in Manila, when about to return home to China. Very many of
them, however, beget families, are excellent householders, and their
children in time form the most enterprising, industrious, and wealthy
portion of the resident population.
[Formidable competitors.] Invigorated by the severe struggle for
existence which they have experienced in their over-populated
country, the Chinese appear to preserve their capacity for labor
perfectly unimpaired by any climate. No nation can equal them in
contentedness, industry, perseverance, cunning, skill, and adroitness
in trades and mercantile matters. When once they gain a footing, they
generally appropriate the best part of the trade to themselves. In
all parts of external India they have dislodged from every field
of employment not only their native but, progressively, even their
European competitors. Not less qualified and successful are they in
the pursuance of agriculture than in trade. The emigration from the
too thickly peopled empire of China has scarcely begun. As yet it is
but a small stream, but it will by-and-by pour over all the tropical
countries of the East in one mighty torrent, completely destroying all
such minor obstacles as jealous interference and impotent precaution
might interpose.
[Sphere of futureinflunce.] Over every section of remote India,
in the South Sea, in the Indian Archipelago, in the states of South
America, the Chinese seem destined, in time, either to supplant every
other element, or to found a mixed race upon which to stamp their
individuality. In the Western States of the Union their number is
rapidly on the increase; and the factories in California are worked
entirely by them, achieving results that cannot be accomplished by
European labor.
[Mongolian vs. Caucasion in America.] One of the most interesting of
the many questions of large comprehensiveness which connect themselves
with the penetration of the Mongolian race into America, which up
till now it had been the fashion to regard as the inheritance of the
Caucasians, is the relative capacity of labor possessed by both these
two great races, who in the Western States of America have for the
first time measured their mutual strength in friendly rivalry. Both
are there represented in their most energetic individuality; [254]
and every nerve will be strained in carrying on the struggle, inasmuch
as no other country pays for labor at so high a rate.
[Efficiency and reliability of Chinese labor.] The conditions, however,
are not quite equal, as the law places certain obstacles in the way of
the Chinese. The courts do not protect them sufficiently from insult,
which at times is aggravated into malicious manslaughter through
the ill-usage of the mob, who hate them bitterly as being reserved,
uncompanionable workers. Nevertheless, the Chinese immigrants take
their stand firmly. The western division of the Pacific Railway has
been chiefly built by the Chinese, who, according to the testimony of
the engineers, surpass workmen of all other nationalities in diligence,
sobriety, and good conduct. What they lack in physical power they
make up for in perseverance and working intelligently together. The
unique and nearly incredible performance that took place on April 28,
1859, when ten miles of railway track were laid in eleven working
hours along a division of land which had in no way been prepared
beforehand, was accomplished by Chinese workmen; and indeed only by
them could it have been practicable. [255]
[Chinese cleverness and industry.] Of course, the superiority of the
European in respect Chinese of the highest intellectual faculties is
not for a moment to be doubted; but, in all branches of commercial
life in which cleverness and perservering industry are necessary to
success, the Chinese certainly appear entitled to the award. To us
it appears that the influx of Chinese must certainly sooner or later
kindle a struggle between capital and labor, in order to set a limit
upon demands perceptibly growing beyond moderation.
[Chinese problem in America.] The increasing Chinese immigration
already intrudes upon the attention of American statesmen questions of
the utmost social and political importance. What influence will this
entirely new and strange element exercise over the conformation of
American relations? Will the Chinese found a State in the States, or go
into the Union on terms of political equality with the other citizens,
and form a new race by alliance with the Caucasian element? These
problems, which can only be touched upon here in a transitory form,
have been dealt with in a masterly manner by Pumpelly, in his work
Across America and Asia, published in London in 1870.
Letter of the Commissary-General of Chinchew to Don Pedro De Acuña,
Governor of the Philippines
To the powerful Captain-General of Luzon:
"Having been given to understand that the Chinese who proceeded to
the kingdom of Luzon in order to buy and sell had been murdered by
the Spaniards, I have investigated the motives for these massacres,
and begged the Emperor to exercise justice upon those who had engaged
in these abominable offences, with a view to security in the future.
"In former years, before my arrival here as royal commissioner, a
Chinese merchant named Tioneg, together with three mandarins, went
with the permission of the Emperor of China from Luzon to Cavite,
for the purpose of prospecting for gold and silver; which appears to
have been an excuse, for he found neither gold nor silver; I thereupon
prayed the Emperor to punish this imposter Tioneg, thereby making
patent the strict justice which is exercised in China.
"It was during the administration of the ex-Viceroy and Eunuchs
that Tioneg and his companion, named Yanglion, uttered the untruth
already stated; and subsequently I begged the Emperor to transmit
all the papers bearing upon the matter, together with the minutes
of Tioneg's accusation; when I myself examined the before-mentioned
papers, and knew that everything that the accused Tioneg had said
was utterly untrue.
"I wrote to the Emperor and stated that, on account of the untruth
which Tioneg had been guilty of, the Castilians entertained the
suspicion that he wished to make war upon them, and that they,
under this idea, had murdered more than thirty thousand Chinese in
Luzon. The Emperor, complying with my request, punished the accused
Yanglion, though he omitted to put him to death; neither was Tioneg
beheaded or confined in a cage. The Chinese people who had settled in
Luzon were in no way to blame. I and others discussed this with the
Emperor in order to ascertain what his pleasure was in this matter,
as well as in another, namely, the arrival of two English ships on
the coast of Chinchew (Fukien or Amoy district)--a very dangerous
circumstance for China; and to obtain His Imperial Majesty's decision
as to both these most serious matters.
"We also wrote to the Emperor that he should direct the punishment of
both these Chinese; and, in acknowledging our communication, he replied
to us, in respect to the English ships which had arrived in China,
that in case they had come for the purpose of plundering, they should
be immediately commanded to depart thence for Luzon; and, with regard
to the Luzon difficulty, that the Castilians should be advised to give
no credence to rogues and liars from China; and both the Chinese who
had discovered the harbor to the English should be executed forthwith;
and that in all other matters upon which we had written to him, our
will should be his. Upon receipt of this message by us--the Viceroy,
the Eunuch, and myself--we hereby send this our message to the Governor
of Luzon, that his Excellency may know the greatness of the Emperor
of China and of his Empire, for he is so powerful that he commands
all upon which the sun and moon shine, and also that the Governor of
Luzon may learn with what great wisdom this mighty empire is governed,
and which power no one for many years has attempted to insult, although
the Japanese have sought to disturb the tranquillity of Korea, which
belongs to the Government of China. They did not succeed, but on the
contrary were driven out, and Korea has remained in perfect security
and peace, which those in Luzon well know by report.
"Years ago, after we learnt that so many Chinese perished in Luzon
on account of Tioneg's lies, many of us mandarins met together,
and resolved to leave it to the consideration of the Emperor to
take vengeance for so great a massacre; and we said as follows:--The
country of Luzon is a wretched one, and of very little importance. It
was at one time only the abode of devils and serpents; and only
because (within the last few years) so large a number of Chinese
went thither for the purpose of trading with the Castilians has it
improved to such an extent; in which improvement the accused Sangleyes
materially assisted by hard labor, the walls being raised by them,
houses built, and gardens laid out, and other matters accomplished
of the greatest use to the Castilians; and now the question is, why
has no consideration been paid for these services, and these good
offices acknowledged with thanks, without cruelly murdering so many
people? And although we wrote to the King twice or thrice concerning
the circumstances, he answered us that he was indignant about the
before-mentioned occurrences, and said for three reasons it is not
advisable to execute vengeance, nor to war against Luzon. The first
is that for a long time till now the Castilians have been friends
of the Chinese; the second, that no one can predict whether the
Castilians or the Chinese would be victorious; and the third and last
reason is, because those whom the Castilians have killed were wicked
people, ungrateful to China, their native country, their elders,
and their parents, as they have not returned to China now for very
many years. These people, said the Emperor, he valued but little for
the foregoing reasons; and he commanded the Viceroy, the Eunuch, and
myself, to send this letter through those messengers, so that all in
Luzon may know that the Emperor of China has a generous heart, great
forbearance, and much mercy, in not declaring war against Luzon; and
his justice is indeed manifest, as he has already punished the liar
Tioneg. Now, as the Spaniards are wise and intelligent, how does it
happen that they are not sorry for having massacred so many people,
feeling no repentance thereat, and also are not kinder to those of the
Chinese who are still left? Then when the Castilians show a feeling of
good-will, and the Chinese and Sangleyes who left after the dispute
return, and the indebted money is repaid, and the property which was
taken from the Sangleyes restored, then friendship will again exist
between this empire and that, and every year trading-ships shall come
and go; but if not, then the Emperor will allow no trading, but on the
contrary will at once command a thousand ships of war to be built,
manned with soldiers and relations of the slain, and will, with the
assistance of other peoples and kingdoms who pay tribute to China, wage
relentless war, without quarter to any one; and upon its conclusion
will present the kingdom of Luzon to those who do homage to China.
"This letter is written by the Visitor-General on the 12th of the
second month."
A contemporary letter of the Ruler of Japan forms a somewhat notable
contrast:--
Letter of Daifusama, Ruler of Japan
"To the Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, in the year 1605:
"I have received two letters from your Excellency, as also all the
donations and presents described in the inventory. Amongst them was
the wine made from grapes, which I enjoyed very much. In former years
your Excellency requested that six ships might come here, and recently
four, which request I have always complied with.
"But my great displeasure has been excited by the fact that of the four
ships upon whose behalf your Excellency interposed, one from Antonio
made the journey without my permission. This was a circumstance of
great audacity, and a mark of disrespect to me. Does your Excellency
wish to send that ship to Japan without my permission?
"Independently of this, your Excellency and others have many times
discussed with me concerning the antecedents and interests of Japan,
and many other matters, your requests respecting which I cannot comply
with. This territory is called Xincoco, which means 'consecrated to
Idols,' which have been honored with the highest reverence from the
days of our ancestor until now, and whose actions I alone can neither
undo nor destroy. Wherefore, it is in no way fitting that your laws
should be promulgated and spread over Japan; and if, in consequence
of these misunderstandings, your Excellency's friendship with the
empire of Japan should cease, and with me likewise, it must be so,
for I must do that which I think is right, and nothing which is
contrary to my own pleasure.
"Finally, I have heard it frequently said, as a reproach, that many
Japanese--wicked, corrupt men--go to your kingdom, remaining there
many years, and then return to Japan. This complaint excites my anger,
and therefore I must request your Excellency henceforth not to allow
such persons to return in the ships which trade here. Concerning the
remaining matters, I trust your Excellency will hereafter employ your
judgment and circumspection in such a manner as to avoid incurring
my displeasure for the future."