CHAPTER II

THE TURNING POINT

It is not easy to say whether the policy of peaceful penetration which was

pursued in Ireland in the nineteenth century was planned beforehand,

whether Pitt actually carried the Union with a comprehensive assimilating

policy in his mind. The probabilities are against that, and in favour of

the supposition that, the one vital step of the Union having been taken,

the rest of the policy followed inevitably. At any rate, once it did get

going, its operations continued and developed logically and methodically,

with ever-increasing ramifications, until it had the whole of Ireland in a

strangle grip, a grip mental as well as physical. And while the political

fervour of the people, under Parnell, seemed to be most strongly and

determinedly pro-Irish, yet in reality they were becoming less and less

Irish with every year. Silently but relentlessly English culture flowed in

and attacked every artery of Ireland's national life.

Up to the Sinn Fein Movement Irish Patriotic Movements have all been

specialist rather than comprehensive. They aimed at political freedom, or

they aimed at the control of the land, or they had some definite one

object which at the time stood for everything, and often they mistook the

one thing for the whole. Their non-comprehensiveness has been made a

reproach to them in certain Nationalist speculations of recent years, but

this cannot with justice be done. The first thing which Ireland lost was

her political independence and naturally it was the thing she then tried

to recover. She had not lost her language, or her culture, or her memory,

and naturally she could only frame a movement for the recovery of what she

had actually lost. In the eighteenth century, which in some ways was the

darkest, she was yet much more of a Nation than ever she was in the

nineteenth; for, even though her thoughts in that century were directed to

the bare hope of keeping herself alive, of not starving and not becoming a

herd of illiterates and degenerates, even then her full National

consciousness went on, _en rapport_ with her past and undisturbed in the

broad sense by the froth and fustian of the Garrison persecutions: and at

the end of the century she had lost nothing but her political independence

and her ownership of the land. The nineteenth century, therefore, saw her

devoted to the recovery of these two things, of the loss of which she was

conscious; and the closing years of the century, which brought her the

perception of the loss of other things, of language and all that goes with

it, brought with them for the first time the possibility of a

comprehensive movement for the recovery of everything lost, for an attack

upon the dominant civilisation at every point of contact. And the

twentieth century brought the movement itself in the Sinn Fein movement.

There were throughout the nineteenth century various short and ineffective

attempts at a revival of Irish industries, but the first evidence of a

sense of spiritual loss was the successful attempt in the eighties at a

revival and strengthening of Irish games and athletics, which resulted in

the removal of English games and athletics from the dominant position and

their gradual decline to their proper position as the games of a Garrison.

But the turning point of all modern Irish development was the foundation

of the Gaelic League in 1893. That definitely and irrevocably,

insignificant though it seemed at the time and for a long time, arrested

the assimilating process, provided a last fortification, as it were,

behind which the still unassimilated forces of the Nation gathered

strength, and unity, and courage, and turned the mind of Ireland away from

everything foreign and inward towards herself and her own concerns. There

had always been in Ireland Archaeological Associations and learned persons

who studied Irish as a dead language, and there actually was in existence

at the time the present "Society for the Preservation of the Irish

Language": but the Gaelic League was a League of common men and women who

took up Irish not for antiquarian or academical reasons, but because it

was the national language of Ireland, and because they were convinced that

Ireland would be irrevocably lost if she lost it. They were seers and

enthusiasts, not archaeologists, and in twenty years they had all Ireland,

all Nationalist Ireland at any rate, behind their banner.

It would be difficult to over-emphasise the influence which the Gaelic

League has had upon Ireland. It may be said with absolute truth that it

stemmed the onflowing tide of assimilation to English civilisation, and

not alone stemmed it but turned it back. Its fight for the Irish language

reacted upon everything else in Ireland, set up influences, currents, out

of nowhere, which fought firmly for this or that Irish characteristic,

dinned into the ears of the people everywhere an insistence upon things

Irish as apart from things foreign. And it gave the first great example of

the support of a thing because it is Irish. The Gaelic Leaguer had, and

has, many weapons in his armoury, and the reasons for the revival of Irish

are many. But although in case of necessity he is prepared to justify the

revival upon utilitarian grounds, upon philological grounds, and upon

historical grounds, the chief weapon in his armoury is a sentimental one,

being "[Gaelic: Ar dteanga fein]"--Our own language. That is the

battle-cry which has appealed irresistibly to the man in the street, and

the principle behind it, first enunciated as a fighting principle by the

Gaelic League, has come to be applied to all Irish questions and

practically to mould the thoughts of the present generation.

The foundation of the Gaelic League has been attributed to the _debacle_

which had just then overwhelmed the Parliamentarian Movement, but the two

things had no connexion. The young men who founded the Gaelic League, and

who did the desperate work of its early years, were men whose interests

were intellectual rather than political, and who neither had, nor were

likely to have, any intimate connexion with any political movement such as

the then Parliamentarian Movement. The origin of the Gaelic League goes

farther back, back to the early days of the century when the Nation began

to lose the language. Once the people began to shed their own language a

movement for its recovery was inevitable if the Nation was not to be

wholly annihilated; and as in other things a perception of loss rarely

arises until a thing is either lost or well on the way to it, so in this

case a perception of the meaning of the loss of the language did not come

until the language was almost lost. But it did come. And to a few young

men it was given to see that Ireland might gain riches, gain empire, gain

everything, but that if she lost her language she lost her soul. And they

raised their battle-cry accordingly, and led their Nation out of the bog

of Anglicisation, took the people's eyes from the ends of the earth and

turned them towards the West, where their language still lived and their

national life kept its continuity.

The Gaelic League was not, is not, a mere movement for the revival of a

language. Literally it is that, but philosophically it is a movement for

the revival of a Nation. Resurrecting, as it did, the chief essential to

Nationality, it inevitably resurrected also the subsidiary ones. Its

constitution debars it from taking any part in politics, and it holds

within its ranks men and women of all parties, but no constitution can

prevent the leaven of the language working on the individual to its

fullest extent once it gets into him. And the language brought with it old

ideas, old values, old traditions. There is in the very sound of Irish

music a quality which wipes out at once the whole of the nineteenth

century and brings one face to face with the days when Ireland had an

individuality and a proud civilisation: the roots of the language are away

back in the very golden age of Irish civilisation; and the enthusiast who

began with the language has been irresistibly impelled to a quest which

embraces many things besides, industries, games, government--everything

which concerns a Nation.

Since its inception the Gaelic League has influenced, in one way or

another, the best of the young men and women of Ireland. It has set them

thinking, with the language firm in them. And it has led them irresistibly

to disregard altogether the whole current of Irish evolution since 1800,

to realise that when Ireland began to lose her language she began to lose

her Nationality, and to send them back to take up the broken thread of

Irish civilisation where the English onrush broke it, and rebuild it.

That force has worked just as all-embracingly as the English aggressive

onrush of the nineteenth century worked. It has neglected nothing. And

while the older politicians went on in their well-worn grooves, uneasy at

the apathy of the young people towards them, but ignorantly content so

long as they were undisturbed, the leaven of the Gaelic League

self-reliance principle was undermining their political foundations, in

common with all other foundations in Ireland which were the result of a

bastard connexion with any of the manifestations of English civilisation

in Ireland. That is also the secret of the Irish Literary Movement in

English. It gets its inspiration from Irish tradition, Irish convention,

Irish speech, and even though it expresses itself in English it is an

English which is half Irish. Its whole spirit is the spirit of an Ireland

which is looking back to Eoghan Ruadh and Keating rather than forward to a

development of the perfectly reputable, perfectly colourless, and

perfectly uninspiring work of, say, Mr. Edward Dowden. That work is the

work of a mind perfectly assimilated to English civilisation, and it has

no future save absorption. The Gaelic League leaven has driven it home to

the people of Ireland that any similar work or effort in any sphere has no

future save absorption, and it has sent them, in everything, in

literature, politics, economics, back to their native culture and its

traditions.

Sinn Fein: An Illumination · 第 2 / 8 章