PART II--AMERICAN ECONOMIC PROBLEMS

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PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

BY

THAMES ROSS WILLIAMSON

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY IN SMITH COLLEGE;

EDITOR OF "READINGS IN AMERICAN DEMOCRACY."

_Problems are the growing pains of civilization, offering

opportunities for personal achievement and pointing the way to

national progress._

TO

My Mother

WHOSE NAME APPEARS IN NO HALL OF FAME, BUT WHOSE LIFE IS AN UNBROKEN

RECORD OF SERVICE TO HER HOME AND TO HER COUNTRY [Blank Page]

PREFACE

There is an increasing demand for a textbook which will bring the

student into direct contact with the great current issues of American

life, and which will afford practical training to those who soon must

grapple with the economic, social, and political problems of our own

time. It is with the hope of meeting such a demand that this text has

been prepared.

The plan of the book calls for a word of explanation. It is poor

pedagogy to expect the student to attack the defects of American life,

and at the same time to place in his hands a book which deals

predominantly with the mechanism of government. As well send a boy to

a hardware store to buy tools before he is told whether he is to make

a mouse-trap or a boat. Furthermore, to spend much more time on the

mechanism of government than on the actual problems of democracy is a

mistake in emphasis. Government is a means, not an end. It is a tool

by means of which we attack and solve our problems.

Therefore the student of this text begins, not with the mechanism of

government, but with the historical background of American democracy,

its origin, development, and promise for the future. Following this is

a brief survey of the economic life of the nation, because that

economic life constitutes the fundamental basis of our problems.

Considerable space has been devoted to a problem growing directly out

of economic conditions, _i.e._ the question of social justice or

industrial reform. This is the most pressing question before any

modern people, but strangely enough one which heretofore has been

neglected by our schools.

Because they tend to arise primarily from a bad economic situation,

such social problems as industrial relations, health in industry, and

immigration are next considered. From social problems the text passes

to the economic and social functions of government, and thence to the

question of making government effective. The mechanism of government

has been placed last, and for the reason already given, _i.e._ because

a knowledge of the framework of government is valuable only after the

citizen knows something of the needs which that mechanism must be made

to fill.

It has not been easy to compress into a single volume the most

important of our national problems. Obviously, a rigid selection has

been necessary. In this selection the aim has been to discuss the more

important issues of American life, whether economic, social, or purely

political. In dealing with these issues, the attempt has been made to

keep in mind the student's previous preparation; on the other hand,

the civic demands which the future will make upon him have not been

ignored. Some of the problems are difficult, but they are also of

vital importance. Very shortly the student will be confronted, in his

everyday activities, with such puzzling matters as socialism, the

control of immigration, and taxation reform. If the school does not

prepare him to grapple with these questions intelligently, he can only

partially fulfill the obligations of citizenship.

Throughout the text the aim has been to go directly to the heart of

the problem under consideration. The student is not burdened with a

mass of data which would prove confusing, and which would be out of

date before he is out of school. Instead, an effort has been made to

outline, first the essential nature of the problem, and second the

fundamental principles which affect its solution. Care has been taken

to cultivate the problem attitude, and to encourage the spirit of

independent investigation and open-minded judgment on the part of the

student.

It goes without saying that the success of this book will depend

largely upon the use which the teacher makes of it. The text aims to

supply the basic facts and the fundamental principles involved in

specific problems, but the teacher must interpret many of those facts

and principles, and ought, in addition, to furnish illustrative

material. The book is not intended to be an encyclopedia, but rather a

suggestive guide.

The text covers the fundamentals of three distinct fields: economics,

sociology, and government. Sufficient reference and topic work is

offered to enable teachers to expand the text along particular lines.

Thus Part II might serve as a nucleus around which to build up a

special course in economics, while Part III would serve as a basis for

a similar course in applied sociology, if for some reason it were not

feasible to take up other parts of the book.

Though the text is the result of the co÷perative efforts of a

considerable number of specialists, its treatment of the problems of

American life is neither dogmatic nor arbitrary. The effort has been

to treat all of our problems sanely and hopefully, but at the same

time to make it clear that many of these questions are still unsettled

and the best method of disposing of them is yet hotly debated. This

fact has strongly influenced the manner in which the problems have

been treated.

TOPICS AND READINGS

Following each chapter are suggestions for work to supplement the

text. These suggestions are of six kinds, and are intended to meet a

variety of needs.

A number of easy questions on the text is first supplied.

Following these is a number of required readings to supplement each

chapter of the text. The student may be asked to read a single chapter

from Williamson's _Readings in American Democracy_, collected and

arranged so as to furnish in compact form and in a single volume

supplementary material which otherwise the teacher would have to find

in a number of separate books. In case the use of the _Readings_ is

not feasible, some or all of the alternative required readings may be

available.

The required readings are followed by a number of questions thereon.

Questions on the material contained in Williamson's _Readings in

American Democracy_ will be found at the end of each chapter in that

volume; questions on the required readings cited as alternative to

this volume will be found at the end of each chapter in the text.

Topic work is provided in two groups. Topics in the first group form a

link between the text and the everyday experience of the student on

the one hand, and between the activities of the student's local

community and national problems on the other. The student is called

upon, for example, to investigate the attitude of the local press

toward controversial questions, or to examine the administration of

local charitable relief. Topic work of this sort not only quickens the

interest of the student, but it encourages original investigation and

independent thought. It lets the student know what is going on in his

community, and it informs individuals and institutions beyond the

school that this agency is beginning to connect with the problems of

the municipality, state, and nation. This sort of topic work also

allows the student to test the accuracy of the text, and to interpret

local conditions in the light of broad, national tendencies.

The second group of topics contains material for report work. In the

case of practically all of these topics, the student is referred

specifically to books and other publications.

Beginning with Chapter XVIII of the text, the topics are followed by a

series of questions for classroom discussion. Some of these may be

turned into classroom debates. Others allow the student to challenge

statements in the text. A few of these questions have never been

satisfactorily answered by anyone, yet the student must face them in

the world outside the school, and it cannot be time wasted to

understand their content now.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

In the preparation of this text the author has received valuable

assistance from a number of sources. Though such assistance in no way

diminishes his responsibility for the shortcomings of the book, the

author desires here to acknowledge the aid extended him.

The entire manuscript has been carefully worked over and criticized by

Clarence D. Kingsley, Chairman of the Commission on the Reorganization

of Secondary Education. Payson Smith, Commissioner of Education for

the State of Massachusetts offered valuable suggestions in connection

with certain parts of the manuscript. The thanks of the author are

also due to L. L. Jackson Assistant Commissioner of Education for the

State of New Jersey.

Invaluable aid has been received from numerous members of the faculty

of Harvard University. Parts of the text were read and criticized by

A. Lawrence Lowell, President; Roscoe Pound, Dean of the Law School;

and Paul H. Hanus, Dean of the Graduate School of Education.

Professors Edward Channing and F. J. Turner, and Dr. Marcus L. Hanson

offered valuable suggestions in connection with the historical

chapters.

In the Department of Economics, helpful criticisms were contributed by

Professors F. W. Taussig, T. N. Carver, O. M. W. Sprague, C. J.

Bullock, W. Z. Ripley, and E. E. Lincoln; and by Dr. E. A. Monroe and

Dr. Mixter.

Various chapters dealing with social problems were read and criticized

by Professors Richard Cabot, James Ford, R. F. Foerster, and Dr. Niles

Carpenter of the Department of Socials Ethics, as well as by Dr. John

M. Brewer of the Department of Education. Substantial aid was received

from Professors W. B. Munro, A. B. Hart, and A. N. Holcombe; and from

Dr. A. C. Hanford, in the preparation of the chapters on political

problems.

Professor Edwin R. A. Seligman of the Department of Economics, and

Professor Lindsay Rogers of the Department of Government, in Columbia

University, contributed helpful suggestions.

Professor Irving Fisher of Yale College read and criticized some of

the material on economic subjects. Professor John L. Silberling at

Dartmouth College went over the chapters dealing with the economic

problems and pointed out numerous opportunities for their improvement.

Professor Frederick A. Cleveland of Boston University read the

chapters on political problems. Professor Abbott P. Usher of the

Department of Economic History helped with several of the chapters,

while Professor Ernest R. Groves of the same institution kindly

criticized the chapter on Rural Life.

Henry Lefavour, President of Simmons College, and Sara H. Stites, Dean

of the same institution, read various of the chapters on economic and

social problems.

Stuart Queen, Director of the Boston School for Social Workers, read

the chapters on social problems, and strengthened especially the

chapter on Dependency.

At Smith College, the author is indebted to several of his colleagues,

especially, perhaps, to Professors J. S. Basset and Sidney B. Fay of

the Department of History, and to Professors Esther Lowenthal, Julius

Drachsler, Harriette M. Dilla, and to Miss McMasters, of the

Department of Economics and Sociology.

At Amherst College the author is under great obligations to Professor

J. W. Crook of the Department of Economics, and to Dr. John M. Gaus of

the Department of Government.

At the Massachusetts Agricultural College the author is indebted to

Kenyon L. Butterfield, President, and to Professor Newell L. Sims, for

help on the chapters dealing with social problems.

A number of teachers in the West kindly helped with various portions

of the book. At the University of Wisconsin the author is under

obligations to Professors John R. Commons and Donald D. Lescohier of

the Department of Economics.

A. S. Roberts of the University of Illinois read various of the

historical chapters.

At the University of Iowa, the author is especially grateful for the

help of Professor F. E. Horack of the Department of Government.

Professor Charles Ellwood of the University of Missouri read and

criticized the Chapter on the Family.

Especially valuable were the suggestions which Professor James E. Le

Rossignol of the University of Nebraska offered with respect to the

Chapters on Socialism.

At Leland Stanford University the author acknowledges his obligations

to Professor Eliot Jones of the Department of Economics.

In the United States Department of State, the author is indebted to

Arthur N. Young for a critical reading of the Chapter on Single Tax.

In the United States Department of Labor, the author is under

obligations to John B. Andrews for many suggestions on the Chapter on

Industrial Relations.

Gifford Pinchot, President of the National Conservation Association,

kindly read and criticized the Chapter on Conservation.

Edward R. Johnstone, Superintendent of the Training School at

Vineland, N. J., kindly read and criticized several of the chapters on

social problems.

Edward T. Devine of New York City offered valuable suggestions with

regard to the Chapter on Dependency.

Owen R. Lovejoy, Secretary of the National Child Labor Committee,

strengthened the Chapter on Health in Industry.

The Chapter on Crime and Correction was notably improved by the

suggestions of Reginald Heber Smith, member of the Massachusetts Bar,

and author of the admirable _Justice and the Poor._

J. P. Warbasse, President of the Co÷perative League of America, went

over the Chapter on Profit Sharing and Co÷peration painstakingly.

The Chapter on the Negro was criticized helpfully by Dr. W. E. B.

DuBois, Editor of the _Crisis._

W. M. Steuart, Director of the United States Census, kindly supplied

advance figures on the 1920 Census.

The author is also indebted to Houghton Mifflin Company, Ginn and

Company, and the Macmillan Company, either for advance information on

certain of their new books, or for permission slightly to adapt some

of the material appearing in books copyrighted by them.

Lastly, the author is grateful to his wife for valuable assistance in

correcting the proof.

THAMES ROSS WILLIAMSON.

_Cambridge, Mass._

February 7, 1922.

CONTENTS

PART I--FOUNDATIONS IN AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

CHAPTER

I. The Background of American Democracy

II. The Origin of American Democracy

III. The Development of American Democracy

IV. Essentials of American Constitutional Government

V. The Problems of American Democracy

PART II--AMERICAN ECONOMIC PROBLEMS

A. ECONOMICS OF AMERICAN INDUSTRY

VI. The Nature of American Industry

VII. What is Meant by Production

VIII. Exchanging the Products of Industry

IX. Distributing the Income of Industry

X. Bases of the Capitalistic System

B. PROGRAMS OF INDUSTRIAL REFORM

XI. Single Tax

XII. Profit Sharing and Co÷peration

XIII. The General Nature of Socialism

XIV. Militant Socialism: The I. W. W.

XV. Militant Socialism: The Bolshevists

XVI. The Case Against Socialism

XVII. A Democratic Program of Industrial Reform

PART III--AMERICAN SOCIAL PROBLEMS

XVIII. Industrial Relations

XIX. Health in Industry

XX. Immigration and Assimilation

XXI. Crime and Correction

XXII. The Negro

XXIII. The Family

XXIV. Dependency: Its Relief and Prevention

XXV. Rural Life

XXVI. Education

PART IV--AMERICAN POLITICAL PROBLEMS

A. SOME ECONOMIC FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT

XXVII. Public Interest in Business: Regulation

XXVIII. Public Interest in Business Ownership

XXIX. The Tariff

XXX. Conservation

XXXI. Credit and Banking

XXXII. Taxation

B. MAKING GOVERNMENT EFFECTIVE

XXXIII. Who Shall Share in Government

XXXIV. The Political Party

XXXV. Choosing the Agents of Government

XXXVI. Honesty and Efficiency in Office

XXXVII. The Extension of Popular Control

XXXVIII. Public Opinion

PART V--THE MECHANISM OF GOVERNMENT

A. THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT

XXXIX. The Federal System of Government

XL. The President of the United States

XLI. The National Administration

XLIL. Nature and Powers of Congress

XLIII. Congress in Action

XLIV. The Federal Courts

B. STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT

XLV. Constitutional Basis of State Government

XLVI. The State Executive

XLVII. The State Legislature

XLVIII. The State Courts

XLIX. Municipal Government

L. Rural Local Government

Bibliography

Appendix

The Constitution of the United States

Index

PROBLEMS IN AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

PART I--FOUNDATIONS IN AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

CHAPTER I

THE BACKGROUND OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

1. THE MEANING OF NATIONAL GREATNESS.--We apply the term greatness to

nations that have made substantial contributions to civilization. By

civilization is meant a well-rounded and highly developed culture, or,

to say the same thing in different words, an advanced state of

material and social well-being.

Civilization is so vast and so many-sided that it may receive

contributions in very diverse forms. The invention of the hieroglyphic

system of writing is among the leading achievements of ancient Egypt,

but the art and literature of Greece have been no less conspicuous in

the onward sweep of human progress. The promotion of the science of

navigation by the Phoenicians, and the development of law and

architecture by Rome, illustrate a few of the forms in which peoples

may confer marked benefits upon the world. The advancement of music

and painting by Italy, France, and other European nations, and the

application and expansion of the idea of parliamentary government by

England, are further examples of ways in which nations may earn for

themselves the title of greatness.

2. THE CONDITIONS OF NATIONAL GREATNESS.--In order that a nation may

become great, _i.e._ make some distinct contribution to civilization,

two conditions must be fulfilled.

The first condition of national greatness is that the land under that

nation's control must be encouraging to man's honest, helpful efforts.

[Footnote: As used in this chapter the term "land" is held to include

not only such natural resources as soil, minerals, forests, and bodies

of water, but climate as well.] The vigorous Scandinavians have made

great advances in inhospitable Iceland and Greenland, the French have

reclaimed an important section of Algeria, and the British have worked

wonders with some of the barren parts of Australia; nevertheless, it

is with great difficulty that prosperous communities are developed in

lands relatively barren of natural resources, or unusually severe in

climate.

A high and stable civilization has rarely arisen in the tropics,

because there the overabundance of Nature renders sustained work

unnecessary, while the hot, enervating climate tends to destroy

initiative and ambition. It is no accident that the greatest nations

of modern times are located chiefly within the stimulating temperate

zones, where Nature is richly endowed, but where, too, her treasures

are rarely bestowed upon those who do not struggle consistently for

them.

The second condition of national greatness is an intelligent and

industrious population, willing to abide by the law, and devoted to

the building of homes. The combination of an unpromising land and an

inferior population effectually prevents the rise of a high

civilization. And just as the choicest of men can do relatively little

in an unfriendly land, so the most promising of countries may be

despoiled or temporarily ruined by a slothful or lawless population.

From the standpoint of civilization, the best results are obtained

when a virile and law-abiding people exercise control over a land rich

in natural resources and possessed of a stimulating climate. France

and Great Britain in Europe, and Canada and the United States in North

America, are examples of great nations which have been built up in

such lands and by such peoples.

3. THE ATTRACTIVENESS OF NORTH AMERICA.--It will be interesting to

examine North America in the light of the two conditions of national

greatness discussed in the preceding section. We may note, first of

all, that by far the greater part of the territory now comprising the

United States and Canada is distinctly favorable to settlement. This

territory lies almost entirely within the temperate zone: it has

unattractive spots, but in general it is neither so barren of

resources as to discourage the home-maker, nor so tropical in its

abundance as to reward him without his putting forth considerable

effort. Particularly within the bounds of the United States is a well-

balanced national life encouraged by the diversity of soils and the

wide variety of climate. [Footnote: For a fuller discussion of the

natural resources of the United States, see Chapter VI.] Certainly the

continent of North America fulfills the first condition of national

greatness.

4. THE COMING OF THE EUROPEAN.--The discovery of America in 1492

opened a new era in world history. The nations of western Europe were

disappointed when their earlier explorers found the way to Cathay

blocked by a new land-mass, but the Spanish discovery of treasure in

Mexico and South America soon turned disappointment into keen

interest. No magic palaces or spice islands were found, but there were

revealed two virgin continents inviting colonial expansion on a scale

previously unknown. Of the European powers which at various times laid

claim to parts of the New World, Spain, France, Holland, and England

occupy significant positions in the background of American democracy.

We may briefly notice the influence of each of these four powers upon

America.

5. SPAIN.--Though the Spanish were the first in the field, the motives

of the colonists limited their ultimate success in the new land. The

earlier Spaniards were missionaries and treasure-seekers, rather than

home builders and artisans. The early discovery of great quantities of

gold and silver had the effect of encouraging the continued search for

treasure. In this treasure-quest, often fruitless, the Spanish

practically confined themselves to Mexico and the region to the south.

In these areas they did valuable work in Christianizing and educating

the natives, but little industrial progress was made. Except for the

missionary work of the Spanish, their earlier colonization was largely

transient and engaged in for the purpose of exploitation.

6. FRANCE.--France disputed the claim of Spain to North America soon

after the opening of the sixteenth century. The French attempted to

settle in Florida and in South Carolina, but the opposition of the

near-by Spanish forced the newcomers to leave. In 1524 Verrazano

explored the North Atlantic coast for the French, and ten years later

Cartier sailed up the St. Lawrence and founded the claim of France to

that section of the New World.

Following the example of Spain, France dispatched missionaries to the

New World to convert the Indians. Soldiers and trappers were sent out

to develop the valuable fur trade by the establishment of widely

separated forts and trading posts. But the French settlers had no

popular lawmaking bodies, being completely under the power of the

king. Only along the St. Lawrence, where agricultural colonies were

planted, did the French really attach themselves to the soil.

Elsewhere there were few French women and therefore few normal French

homes, and when in 1763 all of the French possessions east of the

Mississippi were ceded to England, it was largely true that the French

colonies had not yet taken root in the country. Infinite courage,

devotion, and self-sacrifice were ultimately wasted, largely because

of the lack of homes, the absence of self-government, and the failure

to develop an industrial basis of colonization.

7. HOLLAND.--The Dutch became aware of the commercial possibilities of

the New World when in 1609 Henry Hudson discovered the river which

bears his name. Trading posts were soon established in the

neighborhood, and in 1621 the West India Company was given full

authority to plant colonies in New Netherland. A brisk trade in furs

developed, but though the Company grew rich, the colonists were not

satisfied. The agriculturists along the Hudson had the benefit of a

fertile soil and a genial climate, but they operated their farms under

a feudal land system which allowed an overlord to take most of their

surplus produce. Moreover, the Dutch governors were autocratic, and

the settlers had little voice in the government of the colony. Loyalty

to Holland waned as the Dutch saw their English neighbors thriving

under less restrictive laws and a more generous land system, so that

when in 1664 the colony passed into the possession of the English, the

majority of the settlers welcomed the change.

8. ENGLAND.--The Spanish had been in the New World a century before

the English made any appreciable impression upon the continent of

North America. In 1583 Sir Humphrey Gilbert had made an unsuccessful

attempt to found a colony on the coast of Newfoundland, and a few

years later Sir Walter Raleigh's venture at Roanoke Island proved

equally disastrous. Colonization was retarded until 1588, in which

year England's defeat of the Spanish Armada destroyed the sea power of

her most formidable rival. The English may be said to have made

serious and consistent attempts at colonization only after this event.

Like France, England desired to set herself up as a successful

colonizing rival of Spain. Impelled by this motive, the earlier

English adventurers sought treasure rather than homes. But the high

hopes of the early English joint stock companies were not justified.

Those who had looked to America for treasure were disappointed: no

gold was forthcoming, and such groups as the Jamestown settlers of

1607 very nearly perished before they learned that America's treasure-

house could be unlocked only by hard work. In spite of heavy

investments and repeated attempts at colonization, these first

ventures were largely failures.

9. THE COMING OF THE HOME-MAKER.--It may truly be said that the seeds

of national greatness were not planted in America until home-making

succeeded exploitation by governments and joint stock companies. Home-

making received little or no encouragement in the early Spanish,

French, and Dutch colonies. Almost from the first, England allowed her

colonies a large measure of self-government, but it is significant

that these colonies made little progress so long as they were

dominated by joint stock companies intent upon exploitation. It was

only when individuals, and groups of individuals, settled

independently of the companies that the colonies began to thrive. The

first really tenacious settlers on the Atlantic seaboard were groups

of families who were willing to brave the dangers of an unknown land

for the sake of religious freedom, economic independence, and a large

share of self-government. It was with the coming of these people that

our second condition of national greatness was fulfilled.

10. GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH COLONIES.--The English annexation of New

Netherland in 1664, and the concessions of the French in 1763, left

the English in undisputed possession of the greater part of the

Atlantic seaboard. The English colonies in this area grew with

astonishing rapidity. Cheap land, religious freedom, and the privilege

of self-government attracted settlers from all parts of northern

Europe. At the close of the seventeenth century there were 260,000

English subjects in North America; in 1750 there were approximately

1,000,000; and in 1775 there were probably 3,000,000.

Although in most sections the dominant element was of English

extraction, other nationalities contributed to the population. Along

the Delaware, Swedes were interspersed with the English, while in

Pennsylvania there were large groups of Germans. Numerous Dutch

settlers had continued to live along the Hudson after New Netherland

had passed into English hands. Some of the most frugal and industrious

of the settlers of Georgia and South Carolina were French Huguenots,

while along the seaboard and inland the Scotch-Irish were found

scatteringly in agriculture and trade. Such was the composition of the

people who were destined to begin an unexampled experiment in

democracy, an experiment upon the successful termination of which

rests our chief claim to national greatness.

QUESTIONS ON THE TEXT

1. What is meant by civilization?

2. What two conditions must be fulfilled in order that a nation may

become great?

3. In what way does America fulfill the first condition?

4. Discuss the character of the early Spanish colonization.

5. What were the chief reasons for the failure of the French in

America?

6. What were the chief defects of the Dutch colonial system in

America?

7. Compare the earlier English colonization with that of Spain,

France, and Holland.

8. When were the seeds of national greatness planted in America?

9. Who were the first really tenacious settlers on the Atlantic

seaboard?

10. Outline the growth of the English colonies.

11. Upon what does our chief claim to national greatness depend?

REQUIRED READINGS

1. Williamson, _Readings in American Democracy,_ chapter i.

Or all of the following:

2. Bogart, _Economic History of the United States,_ chapter ii.

3. Coman, _Industrial History of the United States,_ chapter i.

4. Huntington and Gushing, _Principles of Human Geography,_ chapters i

and xii.

5. Smith, _Commerce and Industry,_ introduction.

QUESTIONS ON THE REQUIRED READINGS

1. Discuss the statement, "Civilization is a product of adversity."

(Smith, page 2.)

2. What is the effect of tropic abundance upon civilization? (Smith,

page 2.)

3. What is the relation of efficiency to climate? (Huntington and

Cushing, page 6.)

4. In what way is civilization related to density of population?

(Huntington and Cushing, page 10.)

5. What is an ideal climate, and where is such a climate found?

(Huntington and Cushing, page 254.)

6. How does national progress depend upon beasts of burden? (Smith,

page 8.)

7. Name some of the political motives of colonization in America.

(Bogart, pages 29-30.)

8. Name the chief religious motives of colonization. (Bogart, page

30.)

9. What were the chief economic motives of colonization? (Bogart,

pages 31-34.)

10. Why did the English finally prevail in the struggle for the

Atlantic seaboard? (Coman, pages 19-21.)

TOPICS FOR INVESTIGATION AND REPORT

I

1. Check up your own experience carefully in order to determine during

what season of the year you work most effectively. What light does

your answer throw upon Topic 5?

2. To what extent is the climate of your section favorable to an

energetic life? To what extent, if to any, is it discouraging to

initiative and ambition?

3. Trace the influence of the geography of your section upon the

economic life of your community.

4. The nature of civilization.

II

5. Relation of civilization to climate. (Huntington, _Civilization and

Climate,_ pages 148-182.)

6. The relation of cheap food to the growth of population. (Carver,

_Sociology and Social Progress,_ pages 235-243.)

7. The effect of desert life upon health and spirits. (Carver,

_Sociology and Social Progress,_ pages 273-275.)

8. Effect of the climate of North America upon persons of European

descent. (Bullock, _Selected Readings in Economics,_ pages 1-22.)

9. The influence of the Appalachian barrier upon American colonial

history. (Semple, _American History and Its Geographic Conditions_

chapter iii.)

10. The Spanish in America. (Consult any standard history text.)

11. The French in America. (Consult any standard history text.)

12. The Dutch in America. (Consult any standard history text.)

13. The English in America. (Consult any standard history text.)

14. The qualities of an ideal people. (Carver, _Elementary Economics,_

chapter iv.)

CHAPTER II

THE ORIGIN OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

11. THE NATURE OF GOVERNMENT.--A government may be defined as an

agency through which the purposes of a state or nation are formulated

and carried out. This agency develops where men live in groups. One of

the chief objects of government is to adjust individual interests, or,

to say the same thing in slightly different words, to control members

of the group in their social relations.

Where groups are small and culture is at a low level, government may

consist in little more than the arbitrary rules of a self-appointed

chieftain. From this stage there are numerous gradations up to the

great complex governments of the leading nations of to-day. With the

origin and general development of government we are not here

concerned, and we may accordingly confine our attention to those types

of modern government which throw light upon the development of

American democracy.

12. THE ABSOULUTE MONARCHY.--An absolute monarchy may be defined as a

government in which supreme power or sovereignty is lodged in one

individual. This monarch holds his position for life, generally with

hereditary succession. Often the absolute monarchy arose out of the

ancient chieftainship, when, as the result of territorial expansion

and cultural development, the chief of a group of tribes became the

king of a settled and civilized people. The absolute monarchy existed

in most of the countries of Europe previous to the end of the

eighteenth century. In its most extreme form the absolute monarchy

rested upon the claim of the monarch that he ruled by "divine right,"

_i.e.,_ that God had authorized him to rule. France in the era of

Louis XIV is one of the best known examples of a modern nation ruled

by a "divine right" monarch.

13. THE LIMITED MONARCHY.--When a monarch has been restricted in his

powers a limited or constitutional monarchy is said to exist. Almost

always the establishment of a limited monarchy has been preceded by a

series of struggles between king and people. In many cases these

struggles have been precipitated or intensified by the monarch's abuse

of power. A striking example is offered by English history. As the

result of his arbitrary rule, King John was in 1215 obliged to sign

the Magna Charta, by which act he gave up many important powers. The

limits thus set upon the kingly power were affirmed and extended by

the Petition of Right of 1628 and by the Bill of Rights of 1689. A

similar limiting process has gone on in other countries, either by the

framing of constitutions, or by the enlargement of the powers of

legislatures, or by both methods. To-day the absolute monarchy is

practically unknown among civilized nations.

14. THE REPUBLIC.--The republic is a form of government in which

ultimate power or sovereignty resides with the people as a whole

rather than with a single individual. Instead of a monarch there is

generally an elective president, with varying powers. The republic is

a very old form of government, but in the republics of Greece, Rome

and Venice the powers of government were exercised by a class composed

of a small minority of the people. In modern republics a larger

proportion of the adult population participates in government.

A republic may arise in any one of several ways, but most of the

republics of modern times have grown out of monarchical conditions,

either directly or indirectly. Our republic arose as a reaction

against English monarchy, while the French republic came into being as

the result of the destruction of a monarchical government. Most of the

republics of Latin America date from the throwing off of the Spanish

yoke in the first half of the nineteenth century. More recently, the

World War has given rise to a number of European republics, composed

of peoples formerly under the control of monarchical governments.

15. DEMOCRACY AS A POLITICAL IDEA.--The term democracy is derived from

two Greek words which taken together mean "control by the people."

Strictly speaking, democracy is a _form_ of government only where a

small group governs itself directly, _i.e.,_ without making use of the

representative device. This "pure" democracy, such as existed in the

early New England town, becomes a representative democracy, or a

republic, when a greater population and an increasing political

complexity require the people to act through their representatives,

rather than as a body. In the sense that democracy is popular control,

the term democracy may conceivably be applied to any form of

government. The present government of Great Britain, for example, is

technically a limited monarchy, yet the gradual extension of popular

control has made it one of the most democratic governments in the

world. Nevertheless, the modern republic is so generally associated

with the democratic movement that many authorities speak of a

democracy as identical with a republic. For the time being we may use

the term democracy to describe a form of government in which

considerable control is exercised by the people. More briefly,

democracy may be thought of as self-government.

16. WHY DEMOCRACY DEVELOPED IN AMERICA.--There are four reasons why

democracy developed early in America.

The first is to be found in the conditions of pioneer life in the

colonies. The wilderness forced self-government upon the settlers.

Clearing the forests, subduing the Indians, and conquering animal foes

was stern work, which weeded out the indolent and inefficient, and

rewarded the capable and self-reliant. Pioneer conditions did not

encourage a cringing or submissive spirit, but fostered independence

and individualism. The spirit of equality tended to become a dominant

feature of American life, for despite the existence of social classes,

the great majority of the population had to rely for their living upon

their own efforts. Under such conditions self-reliance and self-

government were natural developments.

The selected character of the colonists is a second reason for the

rise of democracy in America. Restless spirits who had chafed under

the restraints of monarchy in Europe, thronged to the new land. Once

here they often found the older American communities intolerant, and

so struck out into the wilderness to found new and, to them, more

democratic colonies. The founding of Rhode Island by Roger Williams,

and the settlement of the Connecticut valley by Thomas Hooker,

illustrate this tendency.

It should be remembered, thirdly, that the English colonists brought

with them very definite ideas as to the rights of man. The concessions

granted by the Magna Charta were made an essential part of their

political philosophy. The belief that all men were born free and

equal, and that government derives its just powers from the consent of

the governed, became prominent in early American politics. Where the

democratic tendencies of the settlers were reinforced by such

traditions, an oppressive government could not last. In Carolina in

1670, for example, an attempt to set up an undemocratic government

failed, and when half a century later a similar attempt was made in

Georgia, the settlers objected so ardently that the founders of the

colony were obliged to grant the privilege of self-government.

A fourth explanation of the rise of democracy in America is that, left

to themselves, the settlers came to feel that self-government was

morally right. Largely removed from the traditions of monarchy, they

soon realized the elemental significance of government. Seeing

government as a device to help people get along together, they

concluded that that government is best which most helps the masses of

the people. The existence of a British monarch was a small factor in

the everyday life of the early settlers, and from this it was a short

step to asserting that his control over them was unjust. Living under

primitive economic conditions, the minds of the people turned

naturally to freely formed agreements as a basis of group action.

Under such conditions democracy appeared to the colonists as moral,

just, and natural.

17. APPLYING THE DEMOCRATIC IDEA.--Partly because of the isolation of

early American life, and partly because England was busy with European

politics, the settlers were left relatively free to work out their

ideas of democracy. The Pilgrims had not yet set foot upon the new

land when they drew up the Mayflower Compact, by the terms of which

they agreed to establish a pure democracy in their new home. In 1639

the inhabitants of three Connecticut towns came together in a mass

meeting, and drew up the Connecticut Fundamental Orders, which many

authorities regard as the first written constitution in this country.

Aside from the fact that the Orders created a small republic in the

heart of the wilderness, they are of importance because they issued

directly from the people, without suggestion from, or direction by,

any outside agency. Elsewhere in New England, too, local self-

government was a spontaneous growth. Usually the settlers grouped

themselves in small, compact communities known as towns, the freemen

coming together in the town meeting for the purpose of passing laws

and electing officials. The town meeting constituted a pure democracy,

in which the freemen governed themselves consciously and directly.

18. SPREAD OF THE REPRESENTATIVE IDEA.--The principle of

representative government appeared very early in English history,

expressing itself most clearly in the houses of Parliament. The

principle was early transplanted to America, for in 1619 we find the

London Company establishing in Virginia a House of Burgesses, the

first representative assembly in the New World. The representative

democracy spread rapidly through the colonies, in many cases replacing

the pure democracy as a form of local government. In Massachusetts

Bay, for example, the population of the colony became so dispersed,

and the complexity of its government so great, that it was necessary

for most freemen to remain at home, and to content themselves with

choosing a small number of individuals to represent their interests.

These representatives gathered in the General Court and transacted the

business of the colony.

19. THE SEPARATION OF POWERS.--As government develops in scope and

complexity, there is a tendency for the agents of government to

specialize in various types of work. A more or less recognizable

separation of the governmental machinery into legislative, executive,

and judicial branches had long been a feature of English government.

Early in the seventeenth century this principle was transferred to the

government of the English colonies in America. There was established

in each colony a legislative branch for the enactment of laws, an

executive branch to see that the laws were enforced, and a judicial

branch for the interpretation of the laws. This separation of

functions was more definite in America than in England because the

jealousy existing between colonial legislature and colonial executive

tended sharply to separate their powers. In America, too, the

judiciary was more clearly an independent branch of government than in

England.

20. THE COLONIES AS SELF-GOVERNING STATES.--It has often been said

that for a considerable period prior to the American Revolution, the

thirteen colonies were in reality self-governing states. For most

practical purposes they were independent, indeed, some American

patriots insisted that they were only nominally subject to England. In

each colony there was an assembly chosen by a restricted number of

voters. This popular assembly championed the cause of the colonists

against the governor, who in most of the colonies was primarily an

agent of the Crown. After the middle of the eighteenth century, the

struggles between assembly and governor increased in number and in

intensity, and victory rested more and more often with the assembly.

[Footnote: For the similarities existing among the various colonial

governments see Chapter XXXIX.]

21. EFFECT OF THE REVOLUTION UPON AMERICAN GOVERNMENTS.--The

Revolution did not greatly affect the character of American

governments. Democracy, at first weak and ill diffused, had been

spreading steadily during the preceding century, and when at last the

break with England came, it found the states trained in self-

government and able to conduct their own affairs. In many cases the

Revolution simply erased the name of the king from documents and

institutions already American in spirit and character. The states

either retained their old charters as constitutions, as in the case of

Connecticut and Rhode Island, or framed new constitutions based upon

the experience of colonial government. The popular legislative

assembly was everywhere retained. The common law of England continued

in force, and the system of courts was retained in practically its

pre-Revolution form. The basis of state government had been laid long

before the Revolution, the new states simply accepting the basic

political principles with which they, as colonies, had long been

familiar. The defeat of English claims was only an incident in the

irresistible progress of American democracy.

QUESTIONS ON THE TEXT

1. What is one of the chief objects of government?

2. What is the essential feature of the absolute monarchy?

3. Give an example of a country once ruled by a "divine right"

monarch.

4. Explain the difference between an absolute and a limited monarchy.

5. What is the distinction between a monarchy and a republic?

6. Name some modern republics and explain their origin.

7. Explain clearly the nature of political democracy, and show its

relation to the monarchy and to the republic.

8. What are the four reasons for the rise of democracy in early

America?

9. Trace the early application of the democratic idea in America.

10. Where in America was the representative principle first applied?

11. Explain the principle of the "separation of powers."

12. To what extent were the colonies self-governing states?

13. Explain the effect of the Revolution upon American governments.

REQUIRED READINGS

1. Williamson, _Readings in American Democracy,_ chapter ii.

Or all of the following:

2. Bryce, _Modern Democracies,_ vol. i, chapters i and xii.

3. Beard, _American Government and Politics,_ chapter i.

4. McLaughlin, _Steps in the Development of American Democracy,_

chapter i.

5. Turner, _The Frontier in American History,_ chapter i.

QUESTIONS ON THE REQUIRED READINGS

1. What was the extent of democracy in the world a century ago?

(Bryce, page 3.)

2. Why is the study of democracy increasingly important? (Bryce, pages

4-5.)

3. What is the fundamental significance of local self-government?

(Bryce, pages 131-133.)

4. In what way has the advance of the frontier meant a steady movement

away from the influence of Europe? (Turner, page 4.)

5. How did the frontier promote individualism? (Turner, page 30.)

6. What intellectual traits are fostered by pioneer life? (Turner,

pages 37-38.)

7. Explain the significance of the Virginia House of Burgesses.

(McLaughlin, pages 11-13.)

8. Discuss the character of the colonial governor. (Beard, pages 3-7.)

9. What were the chief powers of the colonial legislature? (Beard,

page 8.)

10. Describe the colonial judiciary. (Beard, pages 12-14.)

11. What was the extent of the suffrage in colonial times? (Beard,

pages 8-10.)

TOPICS FOR INVESTIGATION AND REPORT

I

1. Illustrate the nature of government by tracing the origin and

development of a club or society of which you are a member, or with

which you are familiar.

2. Early pioneer life in your community, with

particular reference to social and economic conditions. (Consult local

histories, or, where possible, interview an old settler in your

section.)

3. Origin and development of local government in your section.

(Proceed as with Topic 2.)

4. The origin of the first constitution of your State.

5. A classification of the present-day governments of the world on the

basis of their democratic character.

II

6. Genesis of the limited monarchy. (White, _The Making of the English

Constitution,_ pages 253-285.)

7. Origin and development of Parliament. (White, _The Making of the

English Constitution,_ pages 298-322.)

8. Origin and development of the English judiciary. (White, _The

Making of the English Constitution,_ pages 122-252.)

9. Historical evolution of democracy. (Bryce, _Modern Democracies,_

vol. 1, chapter iv.)

10. Theoretical basis of democracy. (Bryce, _Modern Democracies,_ vol.

1, chapter v.)

11. Difficulty of defining the term "democracy." (Bryce, _Modern

Democracies,_ vol. 1, chapter iii.)

12. American political theory before the Revolution. (Beard,

_Readings in American Government and Politics,_ pages 14-16.)

13. Contributions of the West to American Democracy. (Turner, _The

Frontier in American History,_ chapter ix.)

14. Development of the General Court in Massachusetts. (Osgood, _The

American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century,_ vol. i, pages 141-166.)

15. A Boston town meeting. (Beard, _Readings in American Government

and Politics,_ pages 11-13.)

16. Local government in Virginia. (Bruce, _Economic History of

Virginia in the Seventeenth Century,_ vol. ii, chapter xx. Beard,

_Readings in American Government and Politics,_ pages 13-14.)

CHAPTER III

THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

22. LOCAL VERSUS NATIONAL SPIRIT.--The outbreak of the American

Revolution proved that the colonies were so deeply attached to

democracy that they were willing to fight for it. But the spirit which

animated the Revolution was local, rather than national. The colonial

protests which in 1776 reached their climax in the Declaration of

Independence, had to do almost entirely with the rights of the

colonies as individual states, and with the determination of those

states to defend the principle of self-government. The war created

thirteen practically independent states, among which the spirit of

state sovereignty was much stronger than was the inclination to form

an indissoluble union. The Revolution emphasized local and state

interests rather than intercolonial co÷peration, and however much the

colonists appreciated local democracy in 1776, they had yet to learn

to think in terms of a national patriotism. A brief review of the

attempts at union before 1787 will serve to illustrate this important

point.

23. EARLY ATTEMPTS AT UNION.--The first notable attempt at union was

made in 1643, when Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New

Haven formed a league, chiefly for the purpose of mutual defense. This

league was in force for forty years, and rendered effective service in

the Indian wars.

In 1754 delegates from seven of the colonies met at Albany and adopted

a plan of union proposed by Benjamin Franklin. The plan provided for a

colonial army, the control of public lands, legislation affecting the

general welfare, and the levying of taxes for intercolonial projects.

In America Franklin's plan was regarded with considerable favor, but

it was never given serious consideration by the British Parliament.

The project fell through.

Still later (1765) delegates from nine of the colonies met in the

Stamp Act Congress, for the purpose of drawing up a protest against

the taxation policy of the mother country.

The two continental congresses may also be regarded as steps toward

union. The first of these met in 1774 and concerned itself chiefly

with a declaration of rights and grievances. The second (1775-1781)

assumed revolutionary powers, and, with the consent of the people,

exercised those powers during the greater part of the war period.

24. THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION.--Nothing so clearly illustrates the

sectional feeling of that era as the history of the Articles of

Confederation. The Articles were adopted by the Second Continental

Congress in 1777, but on account of the tardiness with which some of

the states ratified them, they were not put into actual operation

until March 1, 1781. By the terms of the Articles the states yielded

some of their powers, the central government being given the right to

declare war, borrow and coin money, establish post offices, and

otherwise act for the general good. On the other hand, the Articles

declared that "each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and

independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right which is not by

this federation delegated to the United States."

Thus the new government was a confederation or league of states,

rather than a federal government such as we have to-day. There was no

national executive, and no judiciary. All authority was concentrated

in a one-chambered congress, in which each state was represented by

not fewer than two and not more than seven members. The delegates were

subject to recall by the legislatures of their respective states. Each

state had one vote, which was determined by a majority of the state's

delegates who were present when the vote was taken.

25. DEFECTS OF THE CONFEDERATION GOVERNMENT.--The government

established by the Articles of Confederation had a number of grave

defects. The fundamental difficulty was that the central government

had no real authority or power. The Congress of the Confederation

could reach individuals only through the action of the state

governments, and these it could not coerce. Thus the Congress could

declare war, and make requisitions upon the states for troops, but it

could not enlist a single soldier. It could make laws, but had no

power to enforce them. It could make treaties with foreign

governments, but could not oblige the states to respect those

agreements. The central government could not levy taxes, but was

obliged to accept whatever sums the states chose to contribute. The

Confederation government could not even protect itself, or the states,

against violence. It lacked force, and without the ability to exert

force, a government is a government in name only.

Not only did the central government fail to enlist the respect and

support of the states, but it could not induce the states to respect

or support one another. Congress had no power to regulate either

foreign or domestic commerce, each state being free to control the

commercial activities of its citizens as it saw fit In many cases the

states engaged in trade wars, that is, they levied heavy duties upon

the commerce of one another, or even refused to allow their citizens

to buy goods from, or sell goods to, persons in neighboring states.

Matters calling for unity of action and friendly co÷peration, such as

roads and canals, were ignored or neglected because of interstate

jealousy. Whereas they should have united against the grave dangers of

the period immediately following the war, the states often wasted time

and energy in controversy and strife.

26. FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERATION GOVERNMENT.--The Confederation

government, established in 1781, functioned weakly during the

remaining two years of the war, and then declined rapidly in power and

influence. The defects of the Articles could not be remedied, for

amendment was by unanimous consent only, and on every occasion that an

amendment was proposed, one or more states refused their assent.

According to John Fiske, the five years following the peace of 1783

constituted the most critical period in the history of the American

people. Business was demoralized. Most of the states were issuing

worthless paper money, and several of them passed laws impairing the

obligation of contracts. In a movement known as Shay's Rebellion

(1786-1787), a portion of the debtor class of Massachusetts attempted

to prevent the collection of debts. Paper money depreciated so greatly

that in many places it ceased to pass as currency. The central

government could not raise money to meet its ordinary expenses, and in

1783 Congress was forced to flee Philadelphia to escape the wrath of

some eighty Pennsylvania soldiers whom it could not pay.

Demoralization and civil strife at home were matched by ridicule and

suspicion abroad. Congress could not pay the interest on the national

debt. As early as 1783 our foreign credit was gone. Many European

statesmen scoffed at the American government. France denied the

existence of a general government in America. In England our

diplomatic representatives suffered numerous humiliations. They were

told, for example, that the British would not relinquish the western

forts promised us by the Treaty of Paris until our national government

was able to force the several American states to observe the treaty.

27. OBSTACLES TO UNION.--There are three important reasons why the

states failed to draw together into a firm union before 1787.

In the first place, each state considered itself a sovereign body, and

of governments above and beyond itself it was naturally suspicious.

Many of the Americans had regarded the British government as a super-

government, imposed against the will of the American people, and

maintained in spite of their protests. The Dominion of New England,

which, prior to the adoption of the Articles of Confederation, had

been the nearest approach to union, was recalled with anger and in

fear. This plan, forced upon the Americans in 1686 by the king, united

eight of the colonies under the rule of Governor Andros. The union was

dissolved by the Bloodless Revolution of 1688, but the arbitrary rule

of Andros was long cited by the Americans as proof of the despotic

character of any government beyond that of the individual states.

A second explanation of the failure of the states to unite before 1787

is to be found in the social and economic differences existing among

the states. Most of the inhabitants of New England were grouped in

small, compact communities, and were engaged in shipbuilding and

commerce, rather than in agriculture. There was an aristocratic group,

but most of the people belonged to the middle class, and were simple

and even severe in their tastes. In the middle colonies, on the other

hand, most of the people were small farmers of mixed religious and

racial character. Social classes existed to a considerable extent.

Finally, the South was devoted to large plantations, cultivated by

black slaves. Social lines were sharply drawn, and a genuine

aristocratic class was already well formed.

A third reason for the weakness of the co÷perative spirit among the

states is to be found in the lack of means of transportation and

communication. Travel was mostly confined to natural waterways, or to

rude paths over which horses proceeded with great difficulty. As late

as 1800 it often took a horseman longer to go from Boston to New York

than it now takes to go by rail from New York to San Francisco and

back again. There were no railroads in those days, no telephones, no

telegraph, and practically no postal service. Life was primarily

rural, even on the seacoast. Most interests centered about the local

community, or at farthest, about the colony or state. In many sections

there was little exchange of products or of ideas. From the resulting

isolation there developed a strong feeling of localism or

provincialism. Ignorance and suspicion of intercolonial affairs gave

rise to misunderstandings, and emphasized differences and disputes

which in themselves were unimportant. Thus jealousy and hostility

often sprang up where mutual confidence and co÷peration were sorely

needed.

28. NEGATIVE FORCES FAVORING UNION.--The failure of the Articles of

Confederation is one of the most discouraging chapters in the

development of American democracy. And yet it is an indispensable

chapter, for it demonstrated, far more convincingly than could any

theoretical argument, that there must be one great American nation

rather than thirteen or more unrelated republics. Six years of

practical experience with the Articles of Confederation taught the

absolute necessity of a strong central government. The weaknesses of

the Confederation government constituted the most spectacular of the

forces favoring union in 1787, and yet these forces were negative in

character: the states accepted the Constitution of 1787 not so much

because they were attracted by it, as because they saw little chance

of getting along without it.

29. POSITIVE FORCES FAVORING UNION.--It should be noted, on the other

hand, that for a long period previous to the adoption of the

Constitution of 1787, certain positive forces were impelling the

states toward union. In their Old World homes most of the settlers had

occupied somewhat the same social position, and had been used to

somewhat the same economic conditions. This common background

constituted, in their New World homes, a unifying force of great

importance. Long before 1787, too, the great majority of the settlers

were of English descent, speaking the English language, and, except

for the Roman Catholics of Maryland, professing some form of

Protestantism.

In spite of the numerous jealousies and rivalries among the various

sections of the country, there were at work forces which tended to

break down the spirit of localism or provincialism. Though the

Revolution established thirteen separate states, the war had

encouraged the Americans to feel that they were a single people with a

common destiny. The soldiers of various sections had rubbed elbows

with one another during the French and Indian wars, and during the

Revolution. This had served to encourage a feeling of comradeship

between the inhabitants of different communities. The population of

the country was doubling every twenty years, and groups previously

isolated were coming into contact with one another. Interstate

co÷peration was not only more necessary than ever before, but it was

less difficult to bring about. Highways were being improved, and the

postal service gradually extended, with the result that a more

wholesome social life was made possible.

In an economic sense the American people were increasingly

interdependent. Especially on the frontier many communities were still

economically self-sufficing, but to an increasing extent the

development of commerce and manufacturing was everywhere calling for a

closer co÷peration between various sections of the country. The

Annapolis Convention of 1786, indeed, was called for the purpose of

promoting commercial co÷peration among the states. According to

Professor Beard, the formation of the Federal Constitution itself may

in large measure be traced to the desire throughout the country for

interstate co÷peration in industry and commerce.

30. AMERICAN DEMOCRACY IN 1787.--The constitutional convention of 1787

expanded American democracy from a local idea to a political concept

of national proportions. But though this was an important step

forward, American democracy had not yet been fully developed.

Religious freedom, indeed, had been guaranteed by the Constitution,

but the suffrage was still narrowly restricted. The adoption of the

Constitution was due primarily to negative forces; the full

development of the positive forces, upon which the ultimate integrity

of the union rests, was to be delayed for almost a century. The states

technically abandoned state sovereignty when they accepted the

Constitution of 1787, but not until the Civil War had been won was

permanent union assured. Most important of all, American democracy was

in 1787 only a political concept. There was at that time no suspicion

that democracy was later to be expanded into a philosophy of life,

applicable not only to purely governmental affairs, but to the

individual in his economic and social relations as well.

QUESTIONS ON THE TEXT

1. Distinguish between local and national spirit in the Revolutionary

period.

2. Describe the first notable attempt at union.

3. What plan of union was proposed by Benjamin Franklin in 1754?

4. Name several other early attempts at union.

5. Outline the character of the Articles of Confederation.

6. What were the chief defects of the Confederation government?

7. Describe the failure of the Confederation government.

8. Outline clearly the three important reasons for the failure of the

states to unite before 1787.

9. Explain the phrase, "Negative forces favoring union."

10. To what extent was the constitutional convention of 1787 the

result of positive forces?

11. Explain clearly the statement that in 1787 American democracy had

not yet been fully developed.

REQUIRED READINGS

1. Williamson, _Readings in American Democracy_, chapter iii.

Or all of the following:

2. Becker, _Beginnings of the American People_, chapter v.

3. Fiske, _The Critical Period of American History_, chapter iv.

4. Guitteau, _Government and Politics in the United States_, chapter

xix.

5. McLaughlin, _The Confederation and the Constitution_, chapter xiii.

QUESTIONS ON THE REQUIRED READING

1. In what sense was Benjamin Franklin the first American? (Becker,

pages 190-200.)

2. Describe the commercial warfare carried on by the several states

during the critical period. (Fiske, pages 144-147.)

3. Explain why American credit in Europe failed during the critical

period. (Fiske, pages 155-157.)

4. Describe the attempts to patch up the Confederation government.

(McLaughlin, chapter xiii.)

5. Explain the statement that "division is sometimes the prelude to

more effective union." (Becker, pages 189-191.)

6. What did the Alexandria Conference of 1785 accomplish? (Guitteau,

page 215.)

7. What was the Virginia plan? (Guitteau, page 217.)

8. What was the New Jersey plan? (Guitteau, page 217.)

9. What was the "Great Compromise"? (Guitteau, page 218.)

10. What was the Three-Fifths Compromise? (Guitteau, pages 218-219.)

11. Describe the opposition to the ratification of the Constitution

(Guitteau, pages 222-224.)

TOPICS FOR INVESTIGATION AND REPORT

I

1. Trace the beginnings of railroad transportation in your section,

and describe the effect of improved methods of transportation upon the

ability of different communities in your section to co÷perate with one

another. (Consult local histories.)

2. To what extent does the newspaper help you to understand the

character and ideals of individuals beyond your community?

3. Contrast the telephone and the postal service as influencing the

development of the co÷perative spirit in the city. In rural districts.

4. To what extent would improved methods of transportation and

communication lead to a closer co÷peration between the rural and urban

districts in your state?

5. To what extent has the economic interdependence of different

members of your community led to a better understanding? To a closer

identity of interests?

II

6. Difficulties of travel in colonial times. (Crawford, _Social Life

in Old New England_, chapter _x_.)

7. Postal facilities in the colonial period. (Bogart, _Economic

History of the United States_, pages 82-83.)

8. Diversity of economic interests among the colonies. (Bogart and

Thompson, _Readings in the Economic History of the United States_,

pages 29-42.)

9. Union under the Continental Congresses. (Beard, _American

Government and Politics_, pages 21-25.)

10. The delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1787.

(McLaughlin, _The Confederation and the Constitution_, pages 187-190.)

11. The work of the Constitutional Convention. (Beard, _American

Government and Politics_, pages 44-53. See also any other standard

text on American history or government.)

12. Madison's criticism of the Articles of Confederation. (Beard,

_Readings in American Government and Politics_, pages 38-43.)

13. Hamilton's plea for a strong national government. (Beard,

_Readings in American Government and Politics_, pages 47-49.)

14. The influence of economic interests upon the Constitution of 1787.

(Beard, _An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United

States_, pages 324-325.)

15. The outlook for American democracy in 1789. (Bryce, _Modern

Democracies_, vol. ii, chapter xxxviii.)

CHAPTER IV

ESSENTIALS OF AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT

31. THE AIM OF THIS CHAPTER.--The form of government established in

this country by the Constitution of 1787 is known as a republic. A

republic may be defined as a representative democracy, or, in the

popular sense of the term, simply as a democracy. Now, to point out

that a government is democratic does not necessarily mean that it is a

sound government. Granting that self-government is morally right, the

fate of a democracy will depend, partly upon the character of the

people, and partly upon the nature of the governmental machinery

through which that people expresses its will. The proof of democracy

is in its workings. The aim of this chapter is not to pass judgment

upon democracy, but rather to outline the essential characteristics of

American constitutional government. When this background has been

secured we shall be in a position to begin a detailed study of applied

democracy, to point out its merits, to call attention to its defects,

and to consider how and to what extent it may be improved.

32. STRENGTH.--American constitutional government is a strong

government. The weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation were

avoided in framing the Constitution of 1787. Whereas the Confederation

government was really headless, the Constitution of 1787 provided for

a strong executive. The Confederation Congress could not levy taxes,

but the Congress of the United States has adequate powers in this

regard. There can be no recurrence of one of the chief financial

troubles of the Revolutionary period, for at the present time the

several states may neither coin money nor emit bills of credit. The

Federal government has exclusive control of foreign affairs, so that

no state may individually enter into any agreement with a foreign

power. The Federal Constitution is the supreme law of the land, and no

state action may contradict it. Unity has given us strength, and great

crises, such as the Civil War and the World War, have ended by

increasing that strength.

33. THE CHECK AND BALANCE SYSTEM.--A striking characteristic feature

of American constitutional government is the check and balance system.

By this system we mean all those constitutional provisions which

divide and subdivide governmental power among various sets of public

agents. [Footnote: For a fuller discussion of the check and balance

system see Chapter XXXIX.]

This division of powers is threefold. First, there is a division of

power between the Federal government and the governments of the

several states. The states are obliged to act in concert on most

questions involving the nation as a whole, but the Federal

Constitution safeguards the rights of the states by reserving to them

all powers not specifically delegated to the Federal government.

Second, in both Federal and state governments, power is still further

distributed among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches in

such a way that each branch constitutes a check upon the other two.

Third, in both Federal and state governments there is a division of

power within each of the three branches of government. Thus both the

President of the United States and the governors of the various states

are at least partially controlled by subordinate executive officials,

while in the legislative branch of both Federal and state governments

the upper and lower houses constitute a check upon one another. In the

case of both Federal and state judicial systems there is a division of

jurisdiction.

34. THE CHECK AND BALANCE SYSTEM SECURES STABILITY.--American

government is not only strong, it is stable. This stability is due

chiefly to the admirable way in which different governmental agents

are balanced against one another. The check and balance system renders

us safe from the danger of anarchy, for though ultimate control is

vested in the people, sufficient powers are entrusted to the

governmental mechanism to protect it against popular passion. The

system likewise protects us against despotism. So long as the

Constitution endures, neither the Federal government nor the

governments of the states may destroy each other. The undue

concentration of political power is likewise rendered difficult by the

division of power between the legislative, executive, and judicial

branches of both Federal and state governments.

The significance of a properly applied check and balance system

appears clearly when we compare our government with that of various

other republics. In many of the ancient republics, for example, the

powers of government were so unequally and so indefinitely divided

that republican government degenerated either to despotism or to

anarchy. Within the last century many Latin-American republics have

modeled their governments after ours, and yet some of these republics

are constantly threatened by either revolution or despotism. The

explanation of this, according to Elihu Root, is that these republics

have adapted our check and balance system so carelessly that they find

it difficult, if not impossible, to maintain a really stable

government. [Footnote: Here we are pointing out the fundamental merits

of the check and balance system; later (Chapters XXXIV, XXXV, and

XXXVI) we shall have occasion to notice some of the disadvantages of

this system.]

35. THE RIGHTS OF THE INDIVIDUAL.--We have not purchased strength and

stability at the expense of personal freedom, for both Federal and

state constitutions specifically safeguard the rights of the

individual. The fundamental guarantees set forth in the Magna Charta,

the Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights were cherished by the

American colonists, and in 1791 they formed the basis of the first ten

Amendments to the Federal Constitution. Provisions similarly designed

to safeguard individual rights are found in the constitution of every

state in the Union. [Footnote: For an enumeration of these rights, see

the first ten Amendments to the Federal Constitution, Appendix.

Consult also the Bill of Rights in the constitution of your state.]

From the beginning of our national history a fundamental principle of

American government has been to allow the individual as much freedom

of thought and action as is compatible with the general welfare.

36. CONTROL BY THE PEOPLE.--Under American constitutional government,

sovereignty resides with the people as a whole, though the people act

through their chosen representatives. There is no power in American

government beyond that created or permitted by the people themselves.

The suffrage, so narrowly restricted in the eighteenth century, has

since widened to include the great majority of adults, both male and

female. Elections are frequent, so that ill-chosen officials may not

long abuse their position. The Initiative, the Referendum and the

Recall are methods of popular control which in many sections are

spreading. Constitutional amendment in the United States is not easy;

on the other hand, if any considerable percentage of the voters evince

a sustained desire for change, an amendment is the normal

result. [Footnote: In Part IV of the text we shall consider the

dangers of an over-extension of popular control; here it is only

necessary to point out that American government is essentially

government by the people.]

37. EFFICIENCY.--The division of functions between the Federal and

state governments on the one hand, and between state and local

governments on the other, provides a solid foundation for the

economical administration of government.

The Federal government attends to most matters which are of national

importance, and which cannot properly be looked after by the states

individually. For example, foreign relations, the postal service, and

the coinage of money, are Federal functions. The separation of Federal

and state functions is not always clear, but such matters as

contracts, property rights, crime, and education are probably best

administered by the state. There is, similarly, no sharp dividing line

between the functions of state and local governments, but at present

it appears that the local authorities are the most efficient

administrators of roads and bridges, water and paving, the elementary

schools, and similar concerns.

The essential economy of this threefold division of functions is that

each of the three sets of officials tends to concern itself with those

matters with which it is best acquainted, and which are most

advantageously administered by it.

38. UNITY.--The earlier European critics of our government declared

that the division of powers between Federal and state governments

would encourage civil strife. It is true that this division of powers

has resulted in a decentralized rather than in a centralized form of

government. It is equally true that the quarrel over states' rights

was the fundamental cause of the Civil War. But that war settled the

question of states' rights once and for all, and there has never again

been any serious question as to the proper status of states and Union.

American democracy has been found compatible with unity.

Nor has the decentralized character of American government kept us

from presenting a united front in foreign wars. The concentration of

war powers in the hands of President Lincoln during the Civil War was

matched by the temporary dictatorship wielded by President Wilson

during the World War. In both cases, the national executive became,

for the period of the emergency, as powerful and as efficient as the

executive of a highly centralized monarchy. This ability to exhibit

unity of control and singleness of purpose in war-time enables us to

claim for our form of government one of the most important assets of

the centralized monarchy.

39. THE SPIRIT OF PROGRESS.--Certainly one test of good government is

the extent to which it renders the masses of the people happy and

prosperous. American government has not yet exhausted the

possibilities of helpfulness, but one of the chief aims of our

political system is to encourage the individual in every pursuit which

is legal and honorable. Lord Bryce has called America the land of

Hope, because in spite of the defects of American government, a

feeling of buoyancy and optimism is characteristic of our political

institutions. America might also be called the land of Sane Endeavor,

for we lend force and justification to our optimism by consistently

working for the attainment of our ideals. To improve every condition

of American life, and yet to work in harmony with the principles of

constitutional government, that is our ideal. Progress must come

through authorized channels, for, as Abraham Lincoln has said, "a

majority, held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations,

and always changing with the deliberate changes of popular opinion and

sentiment, is the only true sovereign of a free people, and whoever

rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or despotism."

QUESTIONS ON THE TEXT

1. Upon what does the fate of a democracy depend?

2. Contrast the strength of our present government with the strength

of the government established by the Articles of Confederation.

3. What is the check and balance system? Explain clearly.

4. Show how the check and balance system renders American government

stable.

5. Why is stability not a feature of some of the Latin-American

republics which have adapted our check and balance system?

6. What can be said as to the rights of the individual under American

constitutional government?

7. To what extent is American government subject to popular control?

8. How does American government provide for a solid foundation for the

economical administration of government?

9. What charge did the earlier European critics bring against American

government? Has history substantiated or disproved this charge?

Explain.

10. Compare the American democracy with a monarchy with respect to

efficiency in war-time.

11. Why may America be called the land of Hope? To what extent may it

properly be called the land of Sane Endeavor?

12. What did Lincoln say as to the only true sovereign of a free

people?

REQUIRED READINGS

1. Williamson, _Readings in American Democracy_, chapter iv.

Or all of the following:

2. Beard, _American Government and Politics_, chapter viii.

3. Bryce, _The American Commonwealth_, vol. ii, chapters c and cii.

4. Cleveland and Schafer, _Democracy in Reconstruction_, pages 48-66.

5. Root, _Addresses on Government and Citizenship_, pages 98-117.

QUESTIONS ON THE REQUIRED READINGS

1. What is meant by the doctrine of limited government? (Beard, pages

145-147.)

2. What are the two classes of constitutional limitations upon the

Federal government? (Beard, pages 147-148.)

3. Describe the position of the judiciary in American government.

(Beard, pages 164-165.)

4. What was the attitude of the republics of Greece and Rome toward

the individual? (Root, page 98.)

5. Contrast this attitude with the "Anglo-Saxon idea." (Root, pages

98-99.)

6. Why is it important that a constitution be a written document?

(Cleveland and Schafer, pages 54-S5.)

7. Why is it dangerous to suspend the constitutional guarantees of

personal liberty? (Root, pages 114-115.)

8. What faults have philosophers and popular writers generally

attributed to democratic governments? (Bryce, pages 613-614.)

9. To what extent are these faults attributable to American democracy?

(Bryce, pages 614-629.)

10. Explain the capacity of our government to develop great vigor.

(Bryce, pages 650-652.)

TOPICS FOR INVESTIGATION AND REPORT

I

1. Make a study of a club or society of which you are a member, or

with which you are familiar. To what extent does its organization

illustrate the check and balance system?

2. Classify local or state officials in your commonwealth, in order to

show differences in term and differences in the method of choosing

them. To what extent do these differences constitute a check and

balance system?

3. Make a list of the guarantees of personal liberty which are

contained in the constitution of your state. Compare this list with

similar lists made from the constitutions of other states. Compare the

list with the first ten Amendments to the Federal Constitution.

4. Methods by which the constitution of your state may be amended.

5. Make a list of the chief public activities in your community or

section. Which are local, which state, and which Federal? Do you

believe that any of these functions could be more advantageously

performed by some other division of government than that which is now

performing it? Give reasons.

II

6. "Why democracy is best." (Tufts, _The Real Business of Living_,

chapter xxxvii.)

7. Philosophy of the American constitutional system. (Beard, _Readings

in American Government and Politics_, pages 49-53.)

8. The relation of Federal and state governments in the United States.

(Guitteau, _Government and Politics in the United States_, chapter

xxi.)

9. Framework of American government. (Bryce, _Modern Democracies_ vol.

ii, chapter xxxix.)

10. The check and balance system. (Bryce, _Modern Democracies_, vol.

ii, chapter lxiii. See also any standard text on American government.)

11. The theory of the separation of powers. (Beard, _Readings in

American Government and Politics_, pages 138-140.)

12. The supremacy of Federal law. (Beard, _Readings in American

Government and Politics_, pages 140-143.)

13. The meaning of liberty. (Bryce, _Modern Democracies_, vol. i,

chapter vi.)

14. The meaning of equality. (Bryce, _Modern Democracies_, vol. i,

chapter vii.)

15. A brief comparison of the American and European systems of

government. (Bryce, _The American Commonwealth_, vol i, chapter xxv.)

16. American democracy contrasted with other democratic governments.

(Bryce, _Modern Democracies, vol_. ii, pages 446-452.)

17. Democracy compared with undemocratic forms of government. (Bryce,

_Modern Democracies_, vol. ii, chapter lxxiv.)

18. Efficiency of American democracy in the World War. (West, _The War

and the New Age_, chapter x.)

CHAPTER V

THE PROBLEMS OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

40. NO GOVERNMENT IS PERFECT.--All government is a compromise, in that

it is adopted or created for the purpose of harmonizing the interests

of the individual with the interests of the group. The types of

government are numerous, varying with the character of the group, and

with the particular conditions under which it exists. But we know of

no government which is perfect: all have shortcomings, some very

serious, others less so. There is nothing to be gained, therefore, by

debating whether or not American government is imperfect. A much more

profitable question is this: What are the faults of American

democracy, and how may they be eliminated or minimized? The most

constructive work which the American citizen is called upon to do is

to grasp the character of the problems confronting his country, and

then to attempt their solution.

41. THE WIDENING CIRCLE OF PROBLEMS.--The last two centuries have

constituted an age of rapid change and development in all of the major

phases of civilization. There have been rapid shifts in population,

particularly in the younger countries of the world. Important

discoveries have greatly increased our knowledge of natural science;

epoch-making inventions have revolutionized manufacturing, commerce

and transportation. In every civilized land there have been

readjustments of political beliefs, as well as important changes in

intellectual, religious, and social standards. Such an age is

peculiarly an age of problems: it is a period of change and stress, a

time of readjustment, of adaptation to changed conditions, of growth,

and of development.

We in America are confronted by an ever widening circle of problems,

and this chiefly for two reasons. In the first place, we have felt the

impact of those forces which for the last two centuries have been

creating problems the world over. In the second place, the whole

period of our national development has fallen within this age of

change and readjustment This means that we have had to grapple with

the problems common to all modern countries during a period in which

the origin and development of American democracy have been creating

purely domestic problems. These facts at least partially explain the

growing importance of the problems of American democracy during the

past century.

42. EFFECT OF AN ENLARGED SOCIAL CONSCIENCE.--Many of the issues of

contemporary American life have come into prominence because we have

enlarged the concept of democracy within the last century. The term

democracy has come to imply, not merely a form of government, but

actually a philosophy of life stressing justice and happiness for the

individual, whether in his political, social, or economic capacity.

The more humanitarian our view, the more situations calling for remedy

fall within it. Child labor, to give a single example, was not

generally considered an evil a century ago, but to-day an enlarged

social conscience condemns it.

43. NECESSITY OF AVOIDING PATERNALISM.--The solution of many national

problems implies an extension of government control. Now, it is not

generally appreciated that while an enlarged social conscience has

increased the number of our problems, the individualistic strain in

the American nature resists that paternalism which at present appears

necessary to an effective treatment of certain problems. We are behind

Germany in legislation designed to prevent industrial accidents,

lessen the evils of unemployment, and otherwise protect the worker

against the risks of industry. But Germany has built up this system of

social insurance by restricting personal liberty, and by greatly

extending the power of government over the individual. The great task

confronting our government is to do as much for the individual as any

paternalistic government, without endangering his rights by an undue

extension of governmental control.

44. THE COMPLEXITY OF OUR PROBLEMS.--The mistake is sometimes made of

thinking that national issues can be nicely defined, and separated

from one another. The human mind has its limitations, and we are prone

to emphasize the outline and content of particular problems in order

to perceive their essential character the more clearly. But though

this is permissible for purposes of study, we must bear in mind that

the questions which we are to discuss are connected with one another

in a most baffling way. To understand the administration of charity,

for example, we ought to know the social, economic, and political

background of the community under observation. The thorough study of

this background would lead us to crime, education and other problems,

which in turn have their connections with issues still further removed

from the immediate problem of charity. The thorough understanding of a

specific question thus implies consideration of many inter-related

questions. Likewise, the solution of a particular question affects and

is affected by the whole mass of related phenomena.

45. IMPORTANCE OF THE ECONOMIC BACKGROUND.--It would be unwise,

perhaps, to claim that any definite group of problems is of greater

importance than any other group. But at least we may say that some

problems are primary in origin, while others appear to be secondary,

_i.e._ derived from those called primary. In the chapters which

follow, the attempt has been made to arrange the groups of problems

with some regard to their primary or secondary origin. Probably the

most fundamental problems which face us to-day are those of economic

organization. Properly to understand these problems the student must

first grasp the essential facts of American industry. We shall begin

our study of the problems of American democracy, therefore, with a

survey of the economic life of the nation. Only after we have mastered

the principles upon which American industry is based, shall we be in a

position to solve the problems which arise directly from the nature of

our economic organization.

46. INDUSTRIAL REFORM.--Our industrial life is so clearly based upon

certain fundamental institutions, such as private property, free

contract, and free competition, that an industrial "system" is said to

exist. Certain great evils, notably poverty, have accompanied the

development of this system. We shall discuss a number of programs

designed to eliminate these evils. The doctrine of single tax is of

interest as advocating the abolition or confiscation of land value.

The co÷perative conduct of industry is of increasing importance of

late years. We must also reckon with socialism as a movement which

seeks the redistribution of wealth. Under the general head of

socialism we shall have occasion to notice a small but active group

known as the Industrial Workers of the World, and the larger, though

related, group which recently conducted a socialist experiment in

Russia. The discussion of socialism completed, we shall sum up the

attitude of American democracy toward the whole problem of industrial

reform.

47. SOCIAL PROBLEMS.--Of the social problems which grow out of a bad

economic situation, none is more vital than the fostering of peace and

good will between labor and capital. Following the discussion of

industrial relations, we shall have occasion to notice a whole series

of social questions which have either been derived from, or

accentuated by, the rapid industrialization of our country. Grave

questions arise in connection with immigration, health, and the

cityward drift. The consideration of the problems of the city in turn

directs attention to the necessity of a normal rural life, and to the

importance of safeguarding the American home. Dependency is a familiar

problem, but one which, in the light of an awakened community spirit,

is now being studied from new and interesting angles. Last among

social problems is the fundamental matter of education. It is not too

much to claim that the ultimate fate of American democracy depends, to

a great extent, upon the vigor and intelligence with which we improve

and extend our educational system.

48. RELATION OF GOVERNMENT TO BUSINESS.--Since our material well-being

rests upon an economic basis, the public has a vital interest in

business. The rise of great corporations and the necessity of

safeguarding the public from monopolistic abuses make necessary a

careful examination into the relation of government to business. We

shall meet with this question: Shall the government regulate, or

actually own, businesses of vital importance to the public? Equally

knotty, but fully as interesting, is the tariff question. Should

Congress tax foreign goods entering this country, and, if so, upon

what principles should this tax be determined? This will bring us to

the general problem of taxation, a subject to which the American

people will probably devote an increasing amount of attention in the

next few decades. The question of conserving our natural resources

must also be discussed. Last in this group of problems may be

mentioned the question of money and banking. In discussing this

important subject we shall notice, among other things, the interesting

Federal reserve system, which, it is hoped, will protect us from

panics in the future.

49. PROBLEMS IN EFFECTIVE GOVERNMENT.--The economist has good reason

for declaring that the getting of a living is one of the most

fundamental concerns in life; on the other hand, no people can long

get a comfortable living without the aid of a helpful system of

government. Government must be made effective. This introduces us to

another series of problems. First of all, who shall share in

government? And how may we improve the methods by which we select the

agents of government? How may corruption and inefficiency be

eliminated from American government? What is the significance of the

Initiative, the Referendum, and the Recall?

These questions must prove of fascinating interest to those who think

of democracy as a living institution which is constantly growing,

developing, adapting itself to changed conditions.

50. WHAT IS THE PROMISE OF AMERICAN LIFE?--Rich in natural resources,

ample in extent, encouraging to man's helpful efforts, America

fulfills the first condition of national greatness. Intelligent and

industrious, law-abiding and, devoted to the building of homes, our

population fulfills the second condition.

Here we have all the raw materials out of which to build a great

nation. Already we have made marked contributions to civilization, and

yet it should not be forgotten that our chief claim to national

greatness rests upon the promise which we show of being able to

perfect American democracy.

To what extent will this promise actually be realized? As a nation we

are yet young, as a people we have scarcely begun the greatest

experiment in democracy which the world has ever seen. Shall we

endure, shall we attain to a half-success, shall we succeed

gloriously?

Much depends upon the extent to which each of us assumes the

responsibilities of citizenship. Those who have gone before us

conquered a wilderness, expanded and preserved the Union. But it is

not for us complacently to accept the result. Much has been done, but

much more remains to be done. Our goal is the greatest possible

perfection of our economic, social and political life. Each age may be

said to have its peculiar burdens and responsibilities: the prime task

of the colonist was to foster the tender shoot of democracy; that of

the western pioneer was to fashion homes out of a wilderness; the

burden of our generation is to grapple with the present-day problems

of American democracy. Without a high sense of personal

responsibility, coupled with an intelligent and consistent effort, we

can never reach the high goal admittedly possible.

51. THE POINT OF VIEW IN PROBLEM STUDY.--To see American democracy and

to see it as a whole should be our aim throughout the remainder of

this book. Now this is not easy. The danger is that the unwary student

will interpret the large amount of space devoted to "problems" as

meaning that American life is preeminently unsettled and defective.

This is a temptation to be guarded against. Though we shall uncover

many defects, it should be remembered that we are predominantly a

normal, healthy, prosperous people. But our virtues demand our

attention less urgently than do our defects. If we seem to be

overconcerned with the defects of American life, the student should

not conclude that American life is primarily defective. Rather, he

ought to realize that it is precisely because a situation involves a

problem that our attention is challenged.

Nor should problems be looked upon as something to be ashamed of.

Where life is dull and civilization static, there are relatively few

problems; where life is progressive and civilization steadily

advancing, problems are numerous and pressing. Problems imply

adjustment, development, the desire for improvement and advancement.

They are signs of progress, the growing pains of civilization. If we

bear this in mind, we shall be in a fair position to see American

democracy in true perspective, without undue distortion of our

viewpoint, and without prejudice to our judgment.

QUESTIONS ON THE TEXT

1. Why is there nothing to be gained by debating whether or not

American democracy is imperfect?

2. Why has the circle of our problems been steadily widening during

the last century?

3. Trace the relation between an enlarged social conscience and the

number of problems confronting us.

4. What is one danger of paternalism?

5. Give a definite example to illustrate the complexity of our modern

problems.

6. Discuss the importance of the economic background in problem study.

7. What problems may be included under the term "industrial reform"?

8. What problems arise in connection with public interest in business?

9. Name some of the problems arising in connection with the need for

effective government.

10. What is the importance of individual responsibility in studying

the problems of American democracy?

11. Outline clearly the point of view to be maintained in studying

these problems.

REQUIRED READINGS

1. Williamson, _Readings in American Democracy_, chapter v.

Or all of the following:

2. Bryce, _The American Commonwealth_, vol. ii, chapters ci, cxiv,

cxix, and cxxii.

3. Dunn, _The Community and the Citizen_, pages vii-xii.

4. McLaughlin, _Steps in the Development of American Democracy_,

chapter viii.

QUESTIONS ON THE REQUIRED READINGS

1. What, according to Lord Bryce, are the essential intellectual

traits of the masses of the American people? (Bryce, pages 825-826.)

2. Lord Bryce says that "there are elements in the life of the United

States which may well make a European of any class prefer to dwell

there rather than in the land of his birth." What are these elements?

(Bryce, pages 870-873.)

3. What comment does Lord Bryce make upon the quality of humor in the

American character? (Bryce, page 876.)

4. What three advantages does the United States have over European

countries in the matter of grappling with modern problems? (Bryce,

page 912.)

5. Explain the statement that "Democracy rests on faith." (McLaughlin,

pages 181-182.)

6. What is meant by the statement that "Democracy is fundamentally a

matter of human relationships"? (McLaughlin, pages 189-190.)

7. What, according to Lord Bryce, are the four chief defects of

American democracy? (Bryce, page 632.)

8. What are the essential qualities which civic education should aim

to cultivate? (Dunn, pages xi-xii.)

TOPICS FOR INVESTIGATION AND REPORT

I

1. Make a list of the problems which in any way affect you as a

citizen in the community. List these problems in the order in which

they occur to you, or are discovered by you. Comment upon the confused

and disorderly appearance of the problems so listed.

2. Classify the problems on your list according as they are economic,

social or political.

3. Classify the problems on your list according as they are local,

state or national.

4. Comment upon the complexity and inter-relationship of the problems

so classified.

5. What agencies, public, semi-public, or private, are studying the

problems on your list?

6. What difference of interest do the citizens of your community show

in local, state and national problems?

II

7. Defects of democratic government the world over. (Bryce, _Modern

Democracies_, vol. ii, pages 452-454.)

8. The background of the problems of American democracy. (Merriam,

_American Political Ideas_, chapter i.)

9. The hindrances to good citizenship. (Bryce, _Hindrances to Good

Citizenship_.)

10. The promise of American life. (Croly, _The Promise of American

Life,_ chapter i.)

11. Attitude of the individual in a democracy. (Hughes, _Conditions of

Progress in Democratic Government_.)

12. The power of ideals in American history. (Adams, _The Power of

Ideals in American History_.)

13. Ideals of citizenship. (Woodburn and Moran, _The Citizen and the

Republic_, chapter xx.)

14. The future of democracy. (Bryce, _Modern Democracies_, vol. ii,

chapter lxxx.)

PART II--AMERICAN ECONOMIC PROBLEMS

A. ECONOMICS OF AMERICAN INDUSTRY