EDITOR'S TABLE.

The Democrats of Massachusetts are perplexed in regard to the choice of

a candidate for gubernatorial honors. In their dilemma they seem

indisposed to heed the counsel of the venerable Dutchman who, on a

certain critical occasion, asserted that it was not wise to "swap horses

while crossing a stream."

It so happens that in this present year the Democratic party throughout

the country is crossing a stream, a deep and muddy one which divides its

former prestige from its future hopes and prospects. The wise and

foolish members of the party are at loggerheads. Both have taken into

their confidence an anomalous contingent which is neither in sympathy,

nor even in alliance with them as regards principles. The Mugwumps, so

called, whose only recommendation in politics is, that they have a

well-filled purse and know how to use it to bolster up what they are

pleased to designate as _their_ "independence," after having

bitterly opposed the Democratic party, in season and out of season, now

join hands with their deluded brethren for a grand all hands round. By

their help a President of the United States has been elected, by their

dictation his policy has been mapped out, and by their threatening

attitude the entire administration is controlled. A similar condition of

affairs was never before known in the history of American politics.

Now, the Independent Republican will always be a Republican in

principles. The same honest motives which impelled him to oppose the

chosen candidates of a majority of the Republican party, at the last

national canvass, will again and always prompt him to oppose a

Simon-pure Democrat of the Democrats. So long as he can have his own

way, he will deny an equal right to his political neighbor. One thing is

very evident, and that is, in Massachusetts the Independents are bound

to rule so long as the Democratic party will continue to let them; and

that the administration encourages this state of affairs is alike

evident to all careful observers. It would be easy to make some very

interesting disclosures on this theme, and it is not improbable that

they will be made very shortly.

But we began by asserting that the party in the old Bay State is in a

quandary. It has reached a point when one of two alternatives must be

chosen,--either to force an issue with its allies, as well as with its

Republican opponents, by nominating a downright, old-fashioned Democrat

for the governorship; or, acquiescing with the wishes of its allies, to

attempt a quasi victory over its opponents. In the former case defeat

would be honorable, though defeat is by no means a foregone conclusion;

in the latter case a victory is probable which would be worse than a

defeat for the Democrats. We may not presume to give any advice in this

matter; and yet it would seem that some well-intentioned and honest

advice is needed. If there is to-day a true-blue, a frank and out-spoken

Democratic newspaper in the city of Boston, we do not know its name. Our

esteemed contemporaries of so-called Democratic persuasion, in this

cultured city, are either bridled by the administration or are timid in

expressing their convictions. Why has it never occurred to any one of

them to urge the selection of a candidate that has _not_ allied

himself with the new gods in Israel,--a stanch, dyed-in-the-wool,

old-fashioned Jackson Democrat, such for example as the HONORABLE

CHARLES LEVI WOODBURY? He has always been an ornament to his party, wise

and prudent in his counsels, broad in his scholarship and still broader

in his views, untrammelled in his profession of honest principles, and

true to the faith. He was never known to wander after strange gods: he

has never paraded before the eyes of the public, clad in a Joseph's coat

of many colors; he has never sought the emolument or the honor of public

office, and yet, if we are not greatly mistaken, his scrupulous fidelity

to party principles, his unswerving integrity, and the confidence which

men of all parties repose in him, have merited for him as high an honor

as lies within the gift of the people. There are but few such men in

Massachusetts, and their worth is only comprehended when they are

compared with that of the aristocratic dudes whom President Cleveland

has thus far smiled upon in this state.

The Massachusetts Democrats have this year a grand opportunity to assert

their independence, and to set a wholesome example to the party in other

states. They can do no safer, wiser, or more honorable thing than to

nominate Judge Woodbury, a Democrat of Democrats, as their

standard bearer.

The Boston _Evening Record_ is a sample of daily journalism that is

getting to be rather common nowadays. Like many other of its

contemporaries, it seems to be impressed with the idea that the province

of a newspaper is to _coin_ facts rather than to chronicle them;

and that editorial ability consists in getting away from the truth as

far as possible.

In a recent issue, it comments on General Butler's article in

the _North American Review,_ and more particularly upon the reason

why the General did not desire the Republican nomination for the Vice

Presidency in 1864, expressed by him as follows:--

Being made to sit as presiding officer over the senate, to listen for

four years to debates more or less stupid, in which I can take no part

or say a word, nor even be allowed a vote upon any subject which

concerns the welfare of the country, except when my enemies might think

my vote would injure me in the estimation of the people, and therefore,

by some parliamentary trick, make a tie on such question, so I should be

compelled to vote; and then, at the end of four years (as nowadays no

Vice President is ever elected President), and because of the dignity of

the position I had held, not to be permitted to go on with my

profession, and therefore with nothing left for me to do save to

ornament my lot in the cemetery tastefully, and get into it gracefully

and respectably, as a Vice President should do.

The _Record_ asserts that, "this is about as near the truth as

Butler ever gets," and then goes on to make some additional statements

which, to say the least, are exceedingly interesting, and _proofs_

of which the Editor's Table respectfully requests.

The _Record_ says; "It is true that his (Butler's) name was

proposed for the nomination for Vice President in 1864."

Upon whose authority does this assertion rest, and _by whom_ was

General Butler's name thus proposed?

The _Record_ says:--"It is also true that he (Butler) heard of it,

and objected to the plan not for the reasons he now gives, but because

he '_didn't want to run on the ticket with Abe Lincoln.'"_

Intensely interesting this, an important fact it would seem for the

future historian. But,--will the _Record_ please quote its

authority?

The _Record_ says:--"That this was the ground for his (Butler's)

refusal to take the nomination, in case it should be offered to him, was

well known to those who were informed of the exact state of affairs at

the time."

The historian is still incredulous. All this "was well known to those

who were informed," etc.,--undoubtedly, but _who_ were these

persons? Will the _Record_ cite the name of one _living_ man

thus informed? Did General George A. Gordon know anything about it: and

if not, why not?

The _Record_ says:--"Butler, in the last days of the war, uttered

an insult to the President who was shortly to be made a martyr."

Well, this is really a serious charge, and the public certainly will be

interested in knowing what the "insult" was. Will the _Record_

kindly explain? For the present, the subject may rest here. In the name

of truth and justice, however, the Editor's Table humbly requests that

the _Evening Record_ will enlighten its contemporaries.

* * * * *

The Republican newspapers have all been pleased to remark that

President Cleveland has done a very decent thing by refusing to

appoint as post-master at Mr. Blaine's home, in Augusta, the

Democratic editor, who "was virulently active in publishing particularly

unclean falsehoods concerning the Republican candidate last fall." Mr.

Blaine had a perfect right to object, and he exercised the right, to the

appointment of Morton; and likewise, the President had a perfect right

not to heed the objection,--a right, however, which he did not exercise.

The action of the President therefore commends itself to the

right-thinking men of all parties.

So far as the Editor's Table can remember, this is the first opportunity

that the Republican newspapers have improved to say anything good of

President Cleveland, who, it is not forgotten, was a target for

as virulent and uncalled for abuse as was ever heaped upon any known

American citizen. Magnanimity is always in order even in politics.

* * * * *

Civil Service Reform seems to-day to be the mare of the Mugwumps and the

nightmare of everybody else. The eloquence or, if you please, the waste

of words which the minority employ in advocating its deceptive

principles, is only to be contrasted with the almost ludicrous

indifference with which both Republican and Democratic majorities regard

it. Thoughtful people are, at this time, more concerned with the

prospective treatment of the tariff problem.

Now, it is neither our purpose nor desire to add to the literature of

discussion, on this important theme; but one thought which occurs to us

may here be submitted in the form of a question. People who talk much on

tariff topics are supposed to be interested in the same, and to have

some reason, good, bad, or indifferent, for advancing their diverse

arguments.

To all such, the inquiry may be addressed:--Are you sure that you

believe in a "protective" tariff because you think it is a _public_

benefit, or because you think it is a private benefit?

And again:--Does "protective" tariff protect? If it does,--whom?

Last autumn, the cry arose throughout the land that free trade meant the

destruction of home labor, and the "introduction of the pauper labor of

Europe," or at least a competition at home with the pauper labor of

Europe. Well, some very dismal pictures have been drawn of the condition

of the pauper labor of Europe, and when thinking of them, it must be

confessed that one does not like to run any risks.

But suppose that we widen the thought a little. At this very moment, the

iron monopoly of this country is raising a fund to head off a tariff

revision, or to bring about an increased duty. What can be said of the

Iron Monopoly? This, as one fact; that in Pennsylvania, it employs

miners at _fourteen_ dollars a month, charges them _five_

dollars a month each for a tenement in which to live, and charges them

exorbitant prices for the food and provisions which, in spite of a law

prohibiting the system, _must_ be purchased at the Monopoly's

stores. At the end of the month, many of these miners have not only

consumed every dollar of their wages but are actually in debt. It is

stated, further, as an incontestable fact that, "a miner who objects to

the amount of work or wages given to him gets no more of either, for he

is at once dropped from the rolls, and his name is sent to the

neighboring mines as that of a man unlit for employment." These people

subsist--miraculously--on scanty and unwholesome food, and frequently

are subjected to the greatest hardships.

We assert that this is no fanciful picture. It is the absolute truth,

with the worst untold. Monopoly is fond of calling these pitiable men

"Molly Maguires,"--"a dangerous class that must be carefully watched!"

These men are _protected_, and their industry and their entire

living afford a charming picture of the results of the "protective"

system, so far as the Iron Monopoly is concerned. With such facts as

these to ponder over, and with the additional knowledge that there is

not a single person today employed in a cotton or woolen mill in the

United States who is not taxed _in the name of protection_, to

enrich the corporation for whom he labors, it seems almost inexplicable

that _honest_ men should neglect one of the greatest and, as God

knows, one of the most threatening problems of this age and country, and

waste words and precious moments over that most arrant humbug--Civil

Service Reform. The People are more important than the Government: for

to-day the Government is the politicians.

* * * * *

The Bay State Monthly, Volume 3, No. 5 · 第 29 / 34 题